Wednesday, 18 September 2019

Museveni's Gen. Kalekyezi has never been indicted by Uganda government


MUSEVENI'S GEN. KALEKYEZI HAS NEVER BEEN INDICTED BY THE GOVERNMENT UGANDA

CHANGE OF GUARDS - Last week the U.S State Department sanctioned Museveni's former police chief, Gen. Kalekyezi over alleged gross abuse of human rights, corruption and smuggling of wildlife and illicit dealing in drugs. Whatever the implication of the sanctions, the majority of oppressed Ugandans have received the development with a sigh of relief.  They derive their satisfaction from the fact that a brutal man who was above the law has finally been shaken by the government of the USA.  Within the Museveni regime circles, the cohorts are divided -  one group is facing the reality of the implication and is in panic while another groups is as usual scapegoating.

Some regime hypocrites are arguing that the sanctioning by the U.S State Department was uncalled for since the government of Uganda had already commenced criminal proceedings against Gen. Kalekyezi.  The truth is that when Museveni dropped Gen. Kalekyezi as IGP,  restricted his movements and pretended to charge him before the military court with unclear frivolous charges, his sole intention was to insulate himself while at the same time shielding Gen. Kalekyezi.  Museveni was, as usual, buying time for the world to fall asleep and forget Gen. Kalekyezi's sham indictment before the military court.  The USA State Department has refused to be hoodwinked thus the recent sanctioning.

Gen. Kalekyezi's closeness to Museveni can be traced to his Rwandan ancestry - being a son of the post independence Rwandan communist fanatic, John Kalekyezi who was expelled from Uganda for stealing guns from Kisubi with intention of harming the visiting British monarchy.  John Kale's ambitions of becoming the first leader of independent Uganda were shattered.   His son, Gen. Kalekyezi who joined Museveni's sectarian Bush War at its inception rose through the ranks to become Museveni's topmost close confidant.  Like many other high profile personalities in the Museveni regime, Gen. Kalekyezi cleverly demonstrated that he had nothing to do with his Rwandan ancestry.

By appointing him as Police chief in 2015, Museveni wanted to militarize  and privatize the police.  Museveni wanted the creation of a partisan police force that would act as the coercive arm of the regime.  With a huge budgetary boost from Sh.53b at the time Kayihura took office to Sh.540b (not to mention the classified expenditure) at the time he left office, Gen. Kalekyezi was able to build a strong coercive capability in terms of human and logistical resources.  The regular police force rose from 14,000 to a 44,000 strong partisan force by the time he left office.  He created various auxiliary forces like the notorious 11m so called Crime Preventers.  He did not only use the police to suppress political dissent but also to deliver victory for the Museveni regime at the polls.  He ably shielded and insured his officers against any accusations of excesses.  For Museveni, Gen. Kalekyezi was the custodian of Museveni's hold on power.

Around August 2016, Gen. Kalekyezi sent his militias under the command of his police goons to attack the court and Lawyers in a matter he was being privately prosecuted for gross abuse of human rights.  Museveni directed the DPP to block the private prosecution before the trial Magistrate died shortly after and that was the end of the story.  In his unfeathered powers, Gen. Kalekyezi invoked the adage that "blood is thicker than water" by sanctioning the forceful return of Rwandan refugees back to Rwanda.  Museveni was very much aware of these forced return of Rwandan refugees but did not take any action.

It was not until years later when the internal power struggles between the Hima and Banyarwanda in his regime came to the surface that he pretended to take action.  The Hima group led by Gen. Henry  Tumukunde that supported the Rwandese dissidents saw Gen. Kalekyezi as a stumbling block.  Coupled by Museveni's appetite for the donors refugee aid and the fear that Gen. Kalekyezi could be propelled by Rwanda to dislodge him from power, Museveni moved very fast to trim Gen. Kalekyezi's power and influence.  He arrested and court martialed the powerful patron of the Boda Boda 2010 group, Abdalah Kitata.

Museveni arrested Gen. Kalekyezi's top lieutenants in Police.  He removed Gen. Kalekyezi from the position of police chief before restricting his movements at the self contained residential self contained house in Makindye Barracks.  When Rwandese dissidents petitioned the ICC over Gen. Kalekyezi's alleged war crimes, Museveni moved very fast to shield him by directing the court martial to charge Gen. Kalekyezi with trivial offences related to failure to protect war materials.  Two weeks later he set him free before sponsoring his medical trip to Germany in the company of his wife and a senior army medical Doctor.  Since then, Gen. Kalekyezi has been given two brand new Toyota Land Cruisers and is a free man.  Most of the senior police officers who had been charged with forced return of Rwandan refugees have been let off the hook and the matter is as good as closed.

The recent action by the USA against Gen. Kalekyezi has taken the entire regime by surprise.  In its estimates, the Museveni regime knew that by posturing to have charged Gen. Kalekyezi and some of his top police lieutenants, it had successfully hoodwinked the world and it was a matter of time that the matter was, as usual,  about to be forgotten.  That is why the regime has called to order the Rwandan dissidents who had initially expressed appreciation for Gen. Kalekyezi's sanctioning and they have since gone silent on social media.  The regime suspects that the international community could widen the net and that Gen. Kalekyezi is just a bite. Gen. Kalekyezi's panicky swift response was precipitated by the fear that the ICC could swing into action.

In October 2015, while at a public function in Ntungamo, the former  Gen. Kalekyezi plainly enumerated Museveni's role in the actions of his security agencies.
".........“For us we are small people; agents. I work on order; the commander-in-chief’s order. When you are going to war, the commander-in-chief (President) gives you instruments of war. He gave me an order.... Do I have a choice? If I don’t do this, he dismisses me, and, of course, I like my job.”

As for the other charges to do with drugs and wildlife trafficking, Ugandans ought to take note that during Gen. Kalekyezi's reign as police chief, Entebbe Airport became a major regional conduit for illicit drugs and wildlife products.  In some instances, confiscated drugs were replaced by wheat flour while billions worth of ivory from government stores just disappeared without a trace.  No single person has been made to account for disappearance of these contraband drugs and wildlife products.

Therefore, from the a foregoing, it can be authoritatively argued that by the time the USA issued out the sanctions, Gen. Kalekyezi was not a subject of any meaningful internal judicial mechanism.

INFORMATION IS POWER AND THE PROBLEM OF UGANDA IS MUSEVENISM



Tuesday, 17 September 2019

AFRICA: Is Rwanda winning battle without firing single bullet?


IS RWANDA WINNING THE BATTLE WITHOUT FIRING A SINGLE BULLET

CHANGE OF GUARDS - The topmost contentious issue in the ongoing Rwanda - Uganda diplomatic fallout has been the fate of Rwandans allegedly held and tortured by Museveni's security agencies in torture dungeons dubbed Safe Houses.  The Museveni regime has always vehemently denied the existence of Rwandans in its Safe Houses.  At one time, Rwanda took the trouble to provide the list if its citizens allegedly held in Safe Houses.

Following the MOU signed between Museveni and Kagame in the Angolan capital of Luanda last month, Rwanda went ahead to insist that Kampala must release its people first before actual followup engagements could be set in motion.  Rwanda’s State Minister in charge of East African Affairs, Olivier Nduhungirehe, told government-owned newspaper, The New Times on Thursday that, “The travel advisory notice will be removed as soon as all Rwandan citizens illegally detained in Uganda are released.”
Kampala reacted by downplaying the demand with the usual rhetorics.  In a turn of events, after many months of denials, the Museveni regime is releasing and dumping dozens of Rwandan citizens at the border with Rwanda.  As clearly put by the renown military strategist, Sun Tzu,
   "The best military strategist is he who wins the war without having to fight."

On its part, Rwanda is making public the horrific ordeals and vital intelligence that it is extracting from these victims.  The Rwanda government owned The New Times has been serialising these revelations.  One such victim is Silas Hategekimana (RIP) who is said to have moved with his family and settled in Uganda before he was years later arrested by Museveni's security goons around May 2009.  After one month of torture by CMI, he was released and dumped at the Rwanda border around late June 2019.  However, two months later he reportedly died due to the fatal injuries as a result of torture while in detention.  According to the widow, Nyirahabimana's narrative to The New Times;
       "The family first arrived in Uganda in 2009, from Rubavu in Rwanda. They first stayed in Masaka region for about two years before moving to Kampala.  For eight years, they lived in the Ugandan capital without anyone harassing them and even got citizenship."

How did Hategekimana and his family easily get Ugandan citizenship???  How many Rwandans have acquired Ugandan citizenship in the same way???

Another such victim is a one Jean Paul Harerimana, a Rwandan who claims to have visited Uganda in March 2019 to visit his relatives who are settled in Mubende.  This is when a neighbour he only refers to as Bosco and is “a Rwandan from Gitarama” who lives in Mubende hooked him up with another Rwandan there who could get him a job in DR Congo.
“Bosco was a regular visitor at the home of my relatives in Mubende and one day he told me that he knew someone who needs workers at a gold mine in Congo. I told him that it is okay and if they need more workers I too can go.”

Rwanda's The New Times further discloses that Bosco ended up in the rebel FDRL camps in eastern DRC where he underwent military training. Bosco is reported to have escaped from the rebel camp but only to land into the hands of Museveni's CMI that subjected him to immense physical torture.
Did Bosco's relatives who are residing in Mubende also acquire Ugandan citizenship the same way other Rwandans are easily attaining it?

From the a foregoing, it can be argued that as much as Rwanda is winning the battle without shooting a single bullet, the war still rages on as long as the issue of Ugandan citizenship for Banyarwanda is not sorted out.

INFORMATION IS POWER AND THE PROBLEM OF UGANDA IS MUSEVENISM

Sunday, 15 September 2019

UGANDA: Why it is only Museveni who can authorise command raid on court


WHY ITS ONLY MUSEVENI WHO CAN AUTHORIZE A COMMANDO RAID ON COURT

CHANGE OF GUARDS - Museveni's reign of terror has not spared the Judicial and legislative arms of government.  There have been repeated raids on both courts of law and Parliament.  The Justices, Judges, Magistrates and officers of court in general have been subjected to immense ridicule and humiliation by the Museveni regime.  Parliament has severally been raided and some opposition Members of Parliament beaten up, arrested and detained.  Ordinary Ugandans have suffered the brunt but to some extent they have sometimes sought refuge in courts and Parliament.  That is why Museveni's current offensive is concentrated on total destruction of these two institutions.

In all the atrocities that have been going on for the last 33 years, Museveni's blessing is paramount.  However, being the master of deceit, Museveni has attempted to exonerate himself from the state inspired atrocities.  In public, he attempts to disprove the highhandedness of his security goons but in private he encourages them to double the brutality.  That is why no single security personnel has ever been successfully punished for torture and other human rights violations.  In instances where the public pressure is high, the regime has pretended to reprimand its officers but only for the matter to be swept under the carpet.

Following the gruesome torture of the Mayor of Kamwenge by his security goons in May 2017,  Museveni wrote to all security chiefs over the use of torture in criminal investigations.  In the letter, he said;
    "The use of torture is unnecessary and wrong and must not be used again if it was being used as I see some groups claiming in the media."

No one was punished for that particular gruesome torture but instead his security goons doubled their efforts in subjecting Ugandans to a reign of terror.  In August 2018, his security goons pounced on a photo journalist, James Akena and battered him in full view of the cameras.  Museveni responded by arguing that he had been briefed by his security agencies that;

      ".....the Journalist was mistaken to be a petty thief and rioter trying to steal a Journalist's camera."

The regime claimed that the implicated security goons would be reprimanded but instead the matter was as usual swept under the carpet.

The following month, in October 2018, an opposition activist, Yasin Kawooya was brutally kidnapped in fully view of the cameras by gun wielding security goons in civilian clothes.  The army came out to apologize and pretend to reprimand the culprits.  However, Museveni came to their defence during his regime caucus at State House.  He said that the said security goons had been acting in self defence.

    ".......when I inquired, the concerned people told me that the suspect had bitten him (security goon).  That is very serious because some of the criminals have got infectious diseases.  Our officers can be infected in that way and that should be an extra charge put on him."

His above statement marked the end of the so-called reprimand process and the matter was simply swept under the carpet.

However, in his usual deceitful modus operandi (MO), he went ahead to write to the heads of his security agencies posturing to issue guidelines on arrests.  Among the guidelines, No. (f) hypothetically stated that:

   "The arresting officers should always identify themselves so that the public knows that they are legal operators.  Therefore, the security personnel should be patient, restrained, but also firm.  If the criminal resists arrest, wrestle him down and handcuff him."

Obviously, in private he must have as usual told them to double their efforts in promoting the vice.  Since then, unabated daylight kidnaps by his security goons is the order of the day.  Just last week, on September 11, Museveni used his social media account to issue a stern warning to the judiciary.

     "........we need to make this clear to courts.  It must be an eye for an eye.  Nothing less will be acceptable.  We need to work on the courts."

The following day, on September 11, his heavily armed security goons in civilian clothes raided the High Court and violently kidnapped four accused Muslims together with their Lawyer.  The four had just been granted bail  by the High Court.  Both the army and the Minister of Security vehemently defended the kidnap and made it clear that "government has no apologies."

The judiciary and other stakeholders have issued the usual empty statements and as the norm the matter is closed.  Moreover, this is not the first time security goons are raiding courts of law to reverse its decisions.

From the a foregoing, it can be authoritatively argued that there is no single security agency that can carry out a daylight raid on courts of law to kidnap citizens without the approval of Museveni.  The same applies to establishment of torture chambers dubbed Safe Houses, the blocking of M.Ps from carrying out their oversight functions, the raid on Parliament, the proliferation of security agencies and defying of court orders.

In October 2015, while at a public function in Nrungamo, the former Police Chief, Gen. Kalekyezi plainly enumerated Museveni's role in the actions of his security agencies.

      ".........“For us we are small people; agents. I work on order; the commander-in-chief’s order.  When you are going to war, the commander-in-chief (President) gives you instruments of war. He gave me an order.... Do I have a choice? If I don’t do this, he dismisses me, and, of course, I like my job.”

If there is anyone in doubt, I challenge you to commence criminal proceedings (whether private or public) and you see how far you can go.

The brutal show of force was as usual meant to further instil fear in both the judiciary and the general public.

INFORMATION IS POWER AND THE PROBLEM OF UGANDA IS MUSEVENISM





WHY THE RAID ON COURT WAS  SANCTIONED BY MUSEVENI

CHANGE OF GUARDS - Museveni's reign of terror has not spared the Judicial and legislative arms of government.  There have been repeated raids on both courts of law and Parliament.  The Justices, Judges, Magistrates and officers of court in general have been subjected to immense ridicule and humiliation by the Museveni regime.  Parliament has severally been raided and some opposition Members of Parliament beaten up, arrested and detained.  Ordinary Ugandans have suffered the brunt but to some extent they have sometimes sought refuge in courts and Parliament.  That is why Museveni's current offensive is concentrated on total destruction of these two institutions.

In all the atrocities that have been going on for the last 33 years, Museveni's blessing is paramount.  However, being the master of deceit, Museveni has attempted to exonerate himself from the state inspired atrocities.  In public, he attempts to disprove the highhandedness of his security goons but in private he encourages them to double the brutality.  That is why no single security personnel has ever been successfully punished for torture and other human rights violations.  In instances where the public pressure is high, the regime has pretended to reprimand its officers but only for the matter to be swept under the carpet.

Following the gruesome torture of the Mayor of Kamwenge by his security goons in May 2017,  Museveni wrote to all security chiefs over the use of torture in criminal investigations.  In the letter, he said;
    "The use of torture is unnecessary and wrong and must not be used again if it was being used as I see some groups claiming in the media."

No one was punished for that particular gruesome torture but instead his security goons doubled their efforts in subjecting Ugandans to a reign of terror.  In August 2018, his security goons pounced on a photo journalist, James Akena and battered him in full view of the cameras.  Museveni responded by arguing that he had been briefed by his security agencies that;

      ".....the Journalist was mistaken to be a petty thief and rioter trying to steal a Journalist's camera."

The regime claimed that the implicated security goons would be reprimanded but instead the matter was as usual swept under the carpet.

The following month, in October 2018, an opposition activist, Yasin Kawooya was brutally kidnapped in fully view of the cameras by gun wielding security goons in civilian clothes.  The army came out to apologize and pretend to reprimand the culprits.  However, Museveni came to their defence during his regime caucus at State House.  He said that the said security goons had been acting in self defence.

    ".......when I inquired, the concerned people told me that the suspect had bitten him (security goon).  That is very serious because some of the criminals have got infectious diseases.  Our officers can be infected in that way and that should be an extra charge put on him."

His above statement marked the end of the so-called reprimand process and the matter was simply swept under the carpet.

However, in his usual deceitful modus operandi (MO), he went ahead to write to the heads of his security agencies posturing to issue guidelines on arrests.  Among the guidelines, No. (f) hypothetically stated that:

   "The arresting officers should always identify themselves so that the public knows that they are legal operators.  Therefore, the security personnel should be patient, restrained, but also firm.  If the criminal resists arrest, wrestle him down and handcuff him."

Obviously, in private he must have as usual told them to double their efforts in promoting the vice.  Since then, unabated daylight kidnaps by his security goons is the order of the day.  Just last week, on September 11, Museveni used his social media account to issue a stern warning to the judiciary.

     "........we need to make this clear to courts.  It must be an eye for an eye.  Nothing less will be acceptable.  We need to work on the courts."

The following day, on September 11, his heavily armed security goons in civilian clothes raided the High Court and violently kidnapped four accused Muslims together with their Lawyer.  The four had just been granted bail  by the High Court.  Both the army and the Minister of Security vehemently defended the kidnap and made it clear that "government has no apologies."

The judiciary and other stakeholders have issued the usual empty statements and as the norm the matter is closed.  Moreover, this is not the first time security goons are raiding courts of law to reverse its decisions.

From the a foregoing, it can be authoritatively argued that there is no single security agency that can carry out a daylight raid on courts of law to kidnap citizens without the approval of Museveni.  The same applies to establishment of torture chambers dubbed Safe Houses, the blocking of M.Ps from carrying out their oversight functions, the raid on Parliament, the proliferation of security agencies and defying of court orders.

In October 2015, while at a public function in Nrungamo, the former Police Chief, Gen. Kalekyezi plainly enumerated Museveni's role in the actions of his security agencies.

      ".........“For us we are small people; agents. I work on order; the commander-in-chief’s order.  When you are going to war, the commander-in-chief (President) gives you instruments of war. He gave me an order.... Do I have a choice? If I don’t do this, he dismisses me, and, of course, I like my job.”

If there is anyone in doubt, I challenge you to commence criminal proceedings (whether private or public) and you see how far you can go.

INFORMATION IS POWER AND THE PROBLEM OF UGANDA IS MUSEVENISM

UGANDA: How many MPs, IGPs, Army Chiefs, DPPs, DPCs, Sheikhs are killed in USA & RSA?








HOW MANY MPs, IGPs, ARMY CHIEFS, DPPs, DPCs AND SHEIKHS ARE KILLED IN THE USA AND RSA?

CHANGE OF GUARDS - With mysterious killings of both prominent personalities and ordinary citizens, Uganda is at a crossroad.  The Museveni military dictatorial regime has not only failed to solve the mystery surrounding the killings but has failed to tell citizens the motive behind the vice.  According to Museveni, the killings is the work of pigs.  His Minster of Internal affairs has said it is the work of 'Iluminati' while his security chiefs have repeatedly pointed a finger at neighboring Rwanda.

The regime has consistently told citizens that the situation is under control and that those killings are just isolated incidents.  Top regime cohorts have repeatedly justified this line of argument by citing the statistics of killings in the USA and South Africa.  However, what they hypocritically evade to bring out is the fact that while in both USA and South Africa it is ordinary citizens who are killed, in Uganda it is the high profile personalities that are targeted.  Members of Parliament (Hon. Abiriga), Army Chiefs (Gen. Kazini), Inspector General of Police (Felix Kaweesi), Director of Public Prosecution (Joan Kagezi), District Police Commander (Mohammad Kirumira) and Muslim Clerics (several Sheikhs) have fallen victim.

While in both the USA and South Africa such incidents are thoroughly investigated, actual suspects apprehended, and  culprits brought to book, in Uganda such incidents provide an opportunity for Museveni's security goons to go on rampage with random arrests, kidnaps, torture, arbitrary killings and detention without trial.  While in both the USA and South Africa investigations establish motive that helps design preventive measures, in Uganda the motive remains a mystery as the regime uses the opportunity not only to swell their huge security budgets but to also pass draconian laws designed to suffocate dissent and other freedoms.

Unlike in Uganda, the killings in the USA and South Africa have not systematically targeted the vulnerable like women and children.  It is only hypocrites who can bring up and the gullible who can take in such a comparison.

INFORMATION IS POWER AND THE PROBLEM OF UGANDA IS MUSEVENISM


Friday, 13 September 2019

UGANDA: Why Gen. Tumwine lectured Chief Justice on criminal procedure, evidence, human rights



WHY GEN. TUMWINE LECTURED THE CHIEF JUSTICE ON CRIMINAL PROCEDURE, EVIDENCE AND HUMAN RIGHTS

CHANGE OF GUARDS - Gen. Elly Tumwine studied Fine Art at University.  By the time he joined the army in 1979, he was teaching Fine Art in a Secondary School.  He deserted the army in 1981 to join Museveni's sectarian Bush War.  For the last 33 years, he has been a permanent Member of Parliament.  As the Minister of Security, he has of recent distinguished himself as the parliamentary Chief Political Commissar besides the role of a scarecrow to parliamentarians.

Around early 2000, Museveni assigned him the Chairman of a parallel General Court Martial that was set up to specifically persecute real and perceived political opponents.  He presided over cases that carried a maximum death sentence thus giving him a false impression that he was a Chief Justice.  During the Iddi Amin regime, Col. Ozoo presided over the military court that sentenced civilians to death by firing squad. The only role of Gen. Tumwine's Court Martial was to provide a false legal backing to the illegal detentions in ungazetted places, detention without trial and prolonged incarceration of victims of torture.

On the other hand, the Deputy Chief Justice of Uganda, Justice Owing Dollo is a Lawyer by profession.  He is an Advocate of the High Court of Uganda.  As part of legal training, he studied criminal procedure, evidence and human rights.  By virtue of both private practice and judicial service, Justice Owing Dollo has obviously generated immense experience in the legal profession and needs no lectures in law and moreover from a graduate of fine art.

As a redundant Minister of Security, Gen. Tumwine is struggling to remain relevant by engaging in law enforcement.  In this regard he has repeatedly bulldozed and humiliated the institution of Parliament in its oversight role over gross human rights violations by the executive.  On September 12, 2019, Museveni's security goons carried out another round of commando raid on the High Four.  The heavily armed and unidentifiable goons violently kidnapped four citizens who had just been granted freedom by court.  Their Lawyer was subjected to the same violent kidnap before being driven away to an unknown destination.

The Judiciary protested the incident in a statement issued by the Chief Justice, Owiny Dollo.  He described the incident as highhanded before calling on the executive to exercise restraint in the unnecessary use of excessive force.  In response, the Minister of Security, Gen. Tumwine vehemently defended the kidnap in an interview with NBS Television.  He went ahead to give his version of the law pertaining to arrests and detention.  He commended the security goons for a job well done before warning the Deputy Chief Justice to "mind his own business."

The incident is not the first and won't be the last.  Security forces have in the past made commando raids on courts of law to reverse court decisions.  The legal fraternity and the Judiciary in particular has simply stopped at issuing toothless statements.  Museveni's security apparatus has severally defied court orders and the above mentioned stakeholders have acted passively.  Museveni's security forces have not only brutalized individual Members of Parliament but have repeatedly raided the floor of Parliament, beaten up, arrested and detained M.Ps.  The same security goons have repeatedly blocked M.Ps from accessing certain premises in the course of executing their oversight mandate.

The citizens are curiously watching as both the judicial and legislative arms of government are made to bend to the whims of the coercive agencies of the dictatorial executive branch.  With both the Judiciary and the legislature at the verge of being totally subdued, the country is slowly but surely creeping to the communist military dictatorship that had been halted by the Iddi Amin coup d'etat of 1971.

Unless the citizens and friends of Uganda say enough is enough, the country is headed for doom.

INFORMATION IS POWER AND THE PROBLEM OF UGANDA IS MUSEVENISM



Thursday, 12 September 2019

UGANDA: Museveni has never been a good security manager


MUSEVENI HAS NEVER BEEN A GOOD SECURITY MANAGER

CHANGE OF GUARDS - Driven by childhood presidential ambitions, the young Museveni associated with Marxist ideology of what he terms as Revolutionary Violence. As a university student, he led a student delegation for a tour of the guerrilla FRELIMO's Liberated Zone in northern Mozambique. His thesis was influenced by Franz Fanon's theory on violence. Upon graduation, he enlisted with the notorious communist oriented intelligence agency under the Obote I government in the late 1960s. However, the Iddi Amin coup d'etat of 1971 brought the communism scheme to a halt.  Just one day after the Iddi Amn takeover, Museveni opportunistically followed the deposed President Obote to exile in Tanzania.

From his self imposed exile in Tanzania, Museveni was the chief architect of violence inside Uganda.   From his bases just across the Mutukula border in Tanzania's Banyarwanda dominated North Western Kagera region, he masterminded and orchestrated heinous violent crime designed to undermine the credibility of the Iddi Amin regime. The abductions, forced disappearances, arbitrary killings and economic sabotage were some of the weapons he used to 'fight' Iddi Amin. Driven by power greed, he broke ranks with the main exile group under deposed President Obote by forming his own briefcase organization, FRONASA.

However, he maintained his spying feelers in the Obote led group for purposes of undermining its progress. They often suspected that he was spying for Iddi Amin - a factor that made the Tanzanian authorities to place him under arrest a number of times. It's President Nyerere who would intervene to have him released. As the ouster of the Iddi Amin regime got closer, Museveni opportunistically secured for himself the role of the overall Political Commissar. He used this position to not only boost his briefcase FRONASA with Rwandese refugees and Banyankole, but a misinformation campaign against the Baganda and Muslims. It is this opportunistic misinformation that accounts for the violent destruction of property in some parts of Buganda and the infamous gruesome killing of Muslims in Ankole.

As Minister of Defense in the first Post Iddi Amin government, UNLF, Museveni set in motion a race for dominance of the post Iddi Amin security forces between the southerners (Bantu) and northerners (Nilotes). In order to undermine the northern Uganda dominated main liberation faction, Kikosi Malum, a campaign of mysterious killings targeting prominent personalities rocked the country. As Minister of Defence and Vice Chairman of the most powerful Military Commission, Museveni helped the overthrow and the violent crashing of the pro-Prof. Yusuf Lule demonstrations. Hardly a month after he miserably and fairly lost the December 10, 1980 general elections, he launched his sectarian Bush War on February 6, 1981.

His so-called Bush War was a sectarian campaign of terror targeting what he perceived the UPC and its northern Uganda dominated security forces. His Bush War deceptively targeted civilian targets aimed at discrediting the UPC government. Even when an amicable settlement was sought through the Nairobi Peace Talks, Museveni treacherously used the occasion to violently take over power. His ascendancy to power silenced the violence in the western and central regions but shifted the same violence to the northern and eastern regions. This is what most gullible Ugandans term as the "peace brought by Museveni". His reprisal campaign of terror in the northern and eastern regions Gave rise to the two decades of the insurgency in the same regions. His counter insurgency operations recorded the worst form of violence and gross abuse of human rights ever witnessed in Uganda.

Just for political expediency, he has in recent times hoodwinked the people of those regions that he would punish the key players who were involved in the atrocities. Instead a new campaign of terror has downed on those areas and in particular Buganda, that had kept a blind eye when the northern and eastern regions were at the verge of inhalation. His 33 years hold on power has not spared the neighboring countries. Kenya furiously repulsed his military aggression in the late 1980s but Rwanda did not survive. Congo, Sudan, CAR and to some extent Burundi have not survived. In return he is heavily reaping from the donor dollars in form of aid meant for over a million refugees that have been and continue to be generated by his military aggression.

To reverse the cycle of military takeovers in the post independence Uganda, Museveni adopted a scheme of privatising the security services. For the last 33 years his micromanagement of the security forces has been based on patronage, sectarianism and nepotism. He has build a most partisan and corrupt institution of the armed forces. His security officers must subscribe to his regime party (NRM) in return for access to primitive accumulation of wealth. The human rights record of his security forces is steadily in excess of what was allegedly committed by the past regimes. They are arbitrarily killing, kidnapping, torturing, detaining in ungazzetted detention facilities dubbed Safe Houses, raiding courts of law to reverse decisions, raiding Parliament to beat up M.Ps opposed to Museveni's hold on power.

From the outside, his security forces paint a picture of a cohesive and professional armed force that has excelled in keeping peace in Somalia. However, from the inside, his security forces are a private security enterprise with the sole mandate of keeping him in power.

Several underprivileged and disillusioned members of his security forces are time and again attempting military takeovers that go unnoticed but only unquestionably reported in the press. Museveni has destroyed any iota of professionalism in the security forces to such an extent that in the event of Museveni's unceremonious demise, the security forces will disintegrate into warlords worse than the Somalia situation.

Museveni came to power, he came up with a scheme of uncoordinated issuing out of arms to individual civilians dubbed demystifying the gun. A lot of unrecorded guns are in private hands more especially in the western region. For the last 33 years, he has formed, armed and disbanded dozens of his so-called auxiliary forces. From Mchakamchaka, Cadres, Political Moblisers, Local Defence Forces (LDF), Special Police Constables (SPCs), Amuka, Rhino, Informers, 11 million Crime Preventers, etc, uncoordinated issuing out of guns was involved. This explains why almost 99% of the violent crime involves use of guns that are exclusively linked to the security forces.

Museveni has always used the consistent lion's share of the national budget to the defence and security sector as a conduit for diverting and putting resources to personal use. The selfish proliferation of security squads within the main security agencies has negatively affected the command and control. Nepotism and sectarianism is adversely affecting professionalism. It is against this background that the general population has lost confidence in the security forces. Consequently, the surge in violent crime cannot be tamed because in the face of the regime, the general population is treated as the enemy number one.

The repeated uncoordinated statements by Museveni with regard to the surge in crime depicts lack of professionalism. The issuing of decrees banning hooded jackets, L.C elections, registration of firearms, reintroduction of "guerrilla tactics", registration of SIM cards, issuing of national IDs, installation of CCTV cameras, directives of arbitrary " sorting out" of motorcycle riders, etc is nothing but a gamble with the lives and property of citizens. As long as he has built a sectarian 10,000+ strong Special Forces Group (SFG) under the command of his son, Museveni feels his hold on power is secure.

Therefore, since peace is the opposite of violence, Museveni who gained and has kept power through violence and prefers to reign over a fear stricken nation, has never been and cannot be a good security manager.

INFORMATION IS POWER AND THE PROBLEM OF UGANDA IS MUSEVENISM





Tuesday, 10 September 2019

UGANDA: Why Museveni purports to "withdraw charges" from Hon. Nantaba





WHY MUSEVENI PURPORTS TO 'WITHDRAW CHARGES' FROM HON. NANTABA

CHANGE OF GUARDS - On March 24, 2019 Museveni's blue eyed cabinet Minister, Hon. Aida Nantaba ordered her army bodyguard to shoot a one Ssebulime who was riding a motorcycle behind her car.  Her bodyguard refused but instead Hon. Nantaba informed the Police about an alleged assassin who was trailing her.  The Police immediately swung into action pursued, intercepted, arrested, handcuffed and bundled Ssebulime on its pickup truck.  A few minutes later, the same police pulled Ssebulime off the truck and shot him dead at close range.

The Police made the usual attempt to cover-up the coldblooded murder by alleging that Ssebulime had been a wrong doer in the company of another armed suspect who had managed to flee.  As it turned out shortly after, Ssebulime had been an innocent young man who at the time was rushing to visit his children at a nearby boarding school.  The police arrested its officers who had murdered Ssebulime but only one, Cpl. Ssali.

However, Hon. Nantaba maintained that the late Ssebulime was a potential assassin who had been hired by her enemies in government.  She supplemented her assertion with an argument that the police had arbitrarily killed Ssebulime on 'orders from above' so as to destroy evidence.  Police investigation summoned Hon. Nantaba for an interview but she refused.  She claimed that Museveni had ordered her to keep away from the public domain. She wrote back to police:

         "Note however that i am unable to report in person having been directed by His Excellency the President to confine within my premises until he himself instructs otherwise.  In such circumstances, I am constrained to travel to Kibuli CID Headquarters as you requested. But you may in the meantime consider visiting my premises to record the required statement."

On the advice of the Director of Public Prosecution (DPP), the Police did not only back off the pursuance of Hon. Nantaba, but  dropped the other three police officers who had been in the company of the one who pulled the trigger, Cpl. Ssali who was charged with Murder and remanded.

Around late June 2019, the family of the late Ssebulime filed for private prosecutions against Hon. Aidah Nantaba and the four police officers.  The move was based on the state prosecutorial and law enforcement agencies deliberately undermining the search for justice.

The complainants through their Lawyer informed court that Hon. Nantaba was making preparations to flee the country.  Court issued Criminal Summons for Hon. Nantaba and the other three police officers to appear on July 15, 2019.   Neither the Hon. Minister, nor the three police officers responded to the court's Criminal Summons.  Later on, the accused Cpl. Ssali recorded an extra judicial statement admitting the murder but interestingly he has never been sentenced. 

Since late March 24, 2019, Hon. Nantaba has neither attended Parliament nor been seen in public. Around late July 2019, Parliament raised concerns as to whether Hon. Aida Nantaba was under house arrest.  The Prime Minister informed Parliament that Hon. Nantaba was a free person.  Around the same time, Hon. Nantaba gave an interview to the local Luganda Newspaper, Bukedde in which she re-asserted that a group of Mafias in government comprised of three army generals and one top politician were behind the plot to kill her over her anti-land grabbing stance.

Around Mid last month, Parliament again wanted to know if it was true that Hon.  Nantaba had fled the country to Canada where she was allegedly seeking asylum.  The Prime Minister refuted the claims thus:

     "Hon. Nantaba is out of the country officially on duty and I dismiss the information that the whistleblower has intimated. I authorized Nantaba on her request to attend to official duties."

Interestingly, today the DPP wrote to the Magistrate withdrawing the charges against Hon. Nantaba and the three Police Officers that had been instituted in a private prosecution.  Since Hon. Nantaba and the three police officers had never been formally charged with murder before any court (taking plea),  there is no way the DPP could purport to withdraw charges.  What the DPP did was to block the private prosecution of Hon. Nantaba and the three police officers.  Obviously it must have been Museveni who ordered the DPP to block the private prosecution.

Most intriguing is that the  development comes at a time when the regime has not come clear over Hon. Nantaba's alleged seeking of asylum in Canada.  Could it be that by blocking the private prosecution, Museveni is trying t make it easy for Hon. Nantaba to rescind her decision?  A few years ago, another cabinet Minister, Hon. Bakoko Bakoru fled to USA claiming death threats over her stance on corruption.  Just last month, another cabinet Minister, Hon. Anite alleged that powerful mafias in the Museveni regime were plotting to kill her over her stance on corruption.

RIP, Ssebulime.

INFORMATION IS POWER AND THE PROBLEM OF UGANDA IS MUSEVENISM