Thursday, 13 August 2020




Maj. (Rtd) Steven Rwakanuuma from Isingiro in Mbarara was arrested by CMI on May 22 by over allegations of aiding illegal entry of Tanzanian citizens into Uganda and illegal possession of a firearm and 30 rounds of ammunition. Almost three months later, he has been granted a 10 million shillings cash bail by the General Court Martial. He was conditioned to deposit his passport, national ID to court and not to travel beyond Kampala and Wakiso districts without express permission from court. 

The retired Major, who claims to have started his military career with the Uganda Army during the reign of Iddi Amin, participated in Museveni's sectarian Bush War. Upon Museveni coming to power, Rwakanuuma served under the Finance Department as a Paymaster where as was the norm then, he hit a jackpot. He retired at the rank of Captain in the early 1990s and contested for the position of Constituent Assembly (CA) Delegate in 1994 but lost to Byarugaba Bakunda. Rwakanuuma soon found his way into local government where as a District Councilor, he became the Mbarara District Secretary for Defence. When Museveni rolled out his nortorious Operation Wembley (OW), Capt. Rwakanuuma jumped into the fray becoming the Regional Commander of OW. Deputized by a one Capt. Rudahigwa, they established an operational base at Kamukuzi. Hell broke loose and mayhem descended on Ankole and Kigezi sub-regions. Arbitrary arrests, torture, detention without trial, extortion, theft of private property and summary executions became the order of the day. The bodies of his victims were dumped in the ranches around Ssanga along the Mbarara - Kampala highway. 

When OW was rebranded to Rapid Response Unit (RRU), Rwakanuuma continued in the same role as its Regional Coordinator. When Isingiro was given a district status, he became its first NRM District Chairman unopposed after he violently threatened Nathan Byanyima out of the race. When Museveni rolled out his hopeless army-led Operation Wealth Creation (OWC), now Maj. Rwakanuuma was assigned to the position of OWC Coordinator for Isingiro District. Obviously, like all other retired soldiers, he had to be armed and don military fatigue. Moreover, he had been promoted to the rank of Major while in retirement. Many people in the Western region were officially issued and possess guns including those who had never been in military service. It is said that his son, Jeff Rwakanuuma who works with State House is eyeing the Isingiro Parliamentary seat for 2021. It is most likely that Maj. Rwakanuuma's woes are linked to his son's political ambitions and by the Court Martial confining him to Kampala, he won't be able to campaign for his son. 

The cadre who tortured others for alleged illegal possession of firearms, is facing incarceration over the same. That is how Museveni handsomely rewards his bootlickers.




CHANGE OF GUARDS - In almost all the major incidents of irregular and violent land evictions, the name of Moses Kirunda a.k.a Musoga, the court broker features prominently. The most recent incidents of Lusanja and now St. Peter Church land in Ndeeba, Moses Kirunda has been at hand to do the needful. Described as a no nonsense court broker, Moses Kirunda is feared by the Judicial officers, the police, security officers and local government officials. The CEO of Spear Link Court Bailiffs & Auctioneers' association with the Museveni regime dates to the time he was an informer to DMI at Basiima House in the early 1990s when he resided in Bulange village before he graduated to his current status in the regime hierarchy. He drrives his powers from high connections in State House. He was recently seen standing close to Museveni at State House (see photo) during the swearing in ceremony of the DPP. His uninterrupted physical close proximity to the Head of State says a lot because it is usually reserved for only close bodyguards. 

No wonder, in the most recent church land saga, he was aiding another highly politically connected, Dodoviko Mwanje who hit a jackpot from repairing of army vehicles in the 1990s. 



"......... However, if U was Rwanda I would support anyone who wants to cause change in Uganda.........I will work with anyone who is interested in change. What I want to stress is that Presidents can be removed and we have living examples all over."
Gen. Henry Tumukunde - March 2020

Muhoozi Project is a term that was coined by Ugandans to refer to Museveni's scheme of having his son, Gen. Muhoozi inherit the Presidency of Uganda. The trend of political developments suggest that the scheme is unstoppable. Internally, the political opposition to Museveni seems to be losing the battle to unseat Museveni through both the constitutional and unconstitutional means. Museveni has developed the capacity to turn the outcome at the polls into his favour at all costs. The opposition lacks the means to challenge his election rigging. The idea of an opposition coalition can't work because the Museveni dictatorship is so deeply entrenched. The option of an armed rebellion is not sustainable without external support thus why Museveni is very eager about the East African Community (EAC) intergeration. Some opposition entities are advocating for an Arab Spring kind of mass uprising but Ugandans lack the courage and bravery to storm the streets. 

In view of the above situation, Museveni is comfortably preparing the ascendancy of his son to the Presidency. However, the only visible threat to his scheme is the ongoing escalating diplomatic fall out with neighbouring Rwanda. Accusations and counter accusations of efforts to cause regime change have become the order of the day between Kigali and Kampala. Kigali accused Kampala of supporting its dissident armed groups while Kampala accuses Kigali of infiltrating its security apparatus for purposes of espionage. Around June 2018, Museveni purged a number of his top security actors mainly in the police on accusations of links with Rwanda. In May 2019, reports of the arrest of his Director of Intelligence, Col. Muwonge accused of spying for Rwanda, went public. In July 2019, his security machinery rounded up about 40 Rwandan nationals accused of using their Pentecostal ADEPR Church for purposes espionage of espionage. Hundreds of other Rwandan nationals have been detained without trial in Kampala on the same charges. 

The latest catch is of May 2020 when five army officers and two police officers were arrested on charges of spying for Rwanda. Most shocking, some of the said officers were serving under his regime's strategic defence and security units. Lt. Philip Ankunda is an army Pilot under the elite SFC. Lt. Alex Kasanula is from the Military Police. ASP Benon Akandwanaho is a Community Liaison Officer for Kiira Division. Frank Sabiiti is from the Counter-Terrorism Unit attached to Mutukula border. Pte. Nathan Ndwaine, Moses Asiimwe and Godfrey Mugabi are all students of Engineering and Aircraft Maintenance at the Nakasongola Air Defence Wing. They have been charged before the General Court Martial of disclosing confidential security information to an enemy, Rwanda. 

Through his Minister for the Presidency, Museveni recently warned against Ugandans travelling to Rwanda. The August 4 circular to all RDCs read in part;
"A directive to you all RDCs especially those in the districts bordering Rwanda to inform Ugandans of the criminal Rwandan government policy of shooting smugglers that are not armed, although what they are doing is illegal. Ugandans should stop going into Rwanda or those who go should do so at own risk. As for the Rwandan soldiers infiltrating into Uganda to kidnap people, the concerned agencies are already briefed as to how to deal with the provocation."
This development sounds like a declaration of war and it is not yet clear as to how Kigali is reacting. 

What is clear is that it is only the threat from Rwanda that can reverse Museveni's Muhoozi Project. Museveni is very mindful of this threat and must obviously be working around the clock to 'nub it in the bud' thus the escalation of the conflict. As to whether Gen. Tumukunde was right in calling on Rwanda to support Ugandans seeking to change the Museveni regime, time will tell.


Tuesday, 11 August 2020



Museveni has always harboured a grudge against individuals and institutions that own land due to their closeness with the former colonial administration; territorial kingdoms, selected aristocrats, religious institutions and influential individuals received large tracts of land during the colonial era.  Since his ascent to power 35 years ago, Museveni has constantly used the phrase "historical injustices" in his speeches. At one point, he focused on the historical Buganda kingdom.  To him, the big landowners in these regions were 'collaborators' of the colonialists, deserving of punishment for their role. 

After a decade and a half of unsuccessfully courting Buganda for political support, the time was ripe to crack the whip.  First, he introduced the new land tenure system dubbed Bona-fide Occupants of Land purposely to cater for immigrants who had settled on privately-owned land during the Bush War era.  He went ahead to enact land laws and policy that put landowners at a disadvantage.  His scheme   to impoverish some target communities through economic and political disempowerment has given rise to massive land grabbing.   The Coffee Bill is another example of economic disempowerment. Another example of political disempowerment is seen through his rejection of a federal form of government.  

The mysterious fire outbreaks in public markets, schools and cultural heritage sites like the Kasubi Tombs, unresolved land wrangles, the demolition of Nabagereka and Shimon Demonstration Schools, illegal violent land evictions are all examples of a well orchestrated scheme of land alienation.  To contain public outcry, he commissioned the Land Inquiry Board in 2016, a powerless entity under his full control as land grabbing continues unabetted.   The December 2016 desecration of Nakasero Mosque, April 2018 desecration of USAFI Mosque where two people were shot dead inside the mosque and the most recent July 2020 desecration of William Street Mosque did not attract a significant public condemnation because it was allegedly linked to terrorism.  In similar circumstances, the Muslim Community under UMSC has lost 21 square miles of it's 25 square miles of land to the regime.  

When a land wrangle involving St. Peters Anglican Church in Ndeeba Kampala came to light in February this year, the regime deployed its security goons on the disputed property.  They violently evicted the residing Reverend and lay leaders from their place of residence, which became their barracks. The evicted Archbishop of the Anglican Church testified to the presence of ladies’ underwear and used condoms in the church.  The Minister of Lands expressed her outrage on security goons using the Reverend's residence as a brothel.  Last night the 49 years old church was razed to the ground as armed security operatives kept the area clear of irate residents. This church is a stone throw away from the Ndeeba Police Post.  Museveni is now pretending to condemn the incident, yet the decision was sanctioned at the top level.  His crocodile tears are just meant to quell the rising public outrage and once it's contained, business as usual.  How different are these crocodile tears from the Lusanja incident?    Next on the macabre list could be the Bulange-Mengo Building -the parliament of the Buganda Kingdom and no one will lift a finger.  


Sunday, 9 August 2020




"..........Kindly, leave our armed forces out of the nonsense of tribal debates. They have serious work to do and they have done it well. Leave them out of your confusion."
Museveni's latest missive - August 6, 2020.

Museveni's army a.k.a NRA/UPDF traces its origin from his sectarian Bush War (1981 - 86) that aimed at dislodging from power the so-called 'Northerners.' It was predominantly southern Bantu and its top command positions were and have continued to be dominated by his ethnic group. He developed the idea of forming his private ethnic army as far back as the mid 1970s while in exile in Tanzania. The Government of Tanzania had offered to help the Ugandan exiles under the then deposed President Obote to fight the Iddi Amin regime. Under Obote, were the majority former Uganda Army (UA) soldiers like Tito Okello, Oyite Ojok, Bazilio Olara Okello, William Omaria and others who had also fled into exile. Almost 98% of these former soldiers and civilians in exile were from the northern region. This is because the Iddi Amin regime targeted the Acholi and Langi. 

In Tanzania, Museveni moved to form a parallel armed group comprised of the Bantu and Westerners in particular. That is how he founded his briefcase organisation, FRONASA. He recruited the likes of Saleh, Rwigyema, Koreta, Chefe Ali, Sam Magala, Fred Rubereza and a few others. When Bugisu's Maumbe Mukwana took to Tanzania a big number of Bagisu young boys from Nairobi, Museveni discredited them as Bayaye (Lumpens) before disbanding them. By the time the Tazanian army decided to cross the Uganda border, the Ugandan contingent of exiled fighters, KIKOSI MALUUM under the command of Oyite Ojok and Tito Okello was 99% dominated by northerners. Museveni's FRONASA was just on paper. Once the South Western region was liberated, Museveni embarked on boosting his briefcase FRONASA by recruiting from the Banyarwanda refugee camps and from his Banyankole tribe. He led a smear campaign to discredit Obote and Kikosi Maluum that they were not popular in the Southern Bantu region of Uganda. 

As the then Minister of Defence, he used his position to pursue his scheme of raising a Bantu army to counter his perceived northerners dominance of political power. During the process of forming the new post Iddi Amin national army, it was very clear that the UNLF was split between the pro-Museveni FRONASA and the pro-Obote Kikosi Maluum dominated by westerners and northerners respectively. His scheme suffered a setback when his Banyarwanda were rejected from the new national army on account of their refugee status. He retained them as his personal army and was to use them in his sectarian Bush War a few months later. His 1981 - 86 sectarian Bush War was evidently sectarian by all standards. The government forces were referred to as Anyanya, Acholi etc. Within the NRA, the non Bahima and Banyarwanda were discriminated. It took the intervention of the then Prince Mutebi of Buganda Kingdom to resolve the claim by Baganda fighters that they were being made to do the donkey work for the predominantly Banyankole top commanders. 

Upon coming to power in 1986, he immediately enacted the Anti-Sectarian law purposely to gag whoever would dare to talk about his sectarian model of governance. Since then, the said law has been used more to scare those who dare point out sectarian tendencies than those who practice the same. Thirty five years down the road, the NRA/UPDF top leadership has remained Bantu dominated and in particular a preserve of Kiruhura district. Strategic command positions of the regular army and the 10,000+ strong SFC is a preserve of Kiruhura and some Banyampi from the western region. This is the case with the police and other security agencies. Currently, he has registered the dominance of the so-called northerners as foot soldiers while westerners continue to dominate strategic command Positions. 

Therefore, for Museveni to dissuade the public from discussing the sectarianism in his NRA, he fears that the above facts will be brought to the surface. 


Saturday, 8 August 2020



CHANGE OF GUARDS - On January 2 2018, the Case Clinic Accountant, Francis Ekalungar (49) went missing when he left his office and was going to the bank. A few days later, his body burnt beyond recognition was found in the city suburb of Kajansi but his car could not be traced. On January 19, Military Intelligence (CMI) launched a hunt for members of the regime's powerful agency of brutality, the Bodaboda 2010. During the raid, about 30 suspects were arrested, mostly members of the Bodaboda 2910 and 3 Congolese nationals. The same raid recovered the slain Accountant's car from a house that was housing the three Congolese.  The raid on Bodaboda 2010 offices recovered arms, army uniforms, used motor vehicle number plates and machetes. The powerful patron of the Bodaboda 2010, Abudalah Kitata and his brother Hazairu Kiwalabye were among those arrested. The army issued a statement to the effect that the raid and arrests were in connection to the murder of the said Case Clinic Accountant. The victim's family called for a speedy trial and death sentence for the arrested suspects.

In what the army described as a screening exercise, out of the 30 arrested suspects, 15 were released.  Around early February 2018, Abudalah Kitata and 11 others appeared before the General Court Martial for plea taking on charges related to illegal possession of military head gears and uniforms.  Among the 11 accused, Ngobi Sewali (Kitata's police bodyguard) and a one Ssekajja also faced a separate charge of illegal possession of fire arms together with Kitata. Around May 2018, the Magistrate's Court at Kajansi committed four people, including Hazairu Kiwalabye (Kitata's brother) to the High Court for trial over the murder of the said Case Clinic Accountant. Procedurely,  committal to High Court implies that investigations are complete and the case is ready for hearing/trial but since then the case has never taken off.   

During the trial of Kitata and 11 others before the Court Martial, Prosecution Witness No. 1, CMI's Richard Kasaija told court that the killers of the Case Clinic Accountant were in constant telephone communication with Abudalah Kitata and that it's the tracking of the same that led to his arrest.  Another CMI officer who was Prosecution Witness No. 3, Maj. David Agaba told court that he had interrogated the accused upon arrest who confessed to have been instructed by Abudalah Kitata to kill the said Case Clinic Accountant.  Despite these testimonies, for obvious reasons Abudalah Kitata was not charged with Murder. In May 2019, Abudalah Kitata and his police bodyguard, Sowali Ngobi were convicted of illegal possession of firearms and sentenced to 8 years imprisonment. He, together, with the rest of his co-accused were acquitted of the other charge of illegal possession of military uniforms.  

Now the Court Martial Court of Appeal has set free Abudalah Kitata and his bodyguard, Somali Ngobi.  The appellate court argued that "........there was no evidence that the guns they possessed endangered the lives of people."

Who killed the Case Clinic Accountant?????

Why has the murder trial never taken off????

What happened to the three Congolese nationals who were found in possession of the slain Accountant's car???

Why was Kitata not charged with Murder???

Why did the assailants have to burn the victim's body???

The answers to the above questions is the reason Kitata is now a free person.  


Friday, 7 August 2020


 CHANGE OF GUARDS - There is no doubt all is set for Museveni to once again rig the forthcoming 2021 general elections. With the creation of 50 new constituencies in his regime party strongholds, he is assured of having the usual majority in the next parliament. Also at hand, is the printing of ballot papers and transmission of poll results by his handpicked company. His scientific elections decree where campaigns are to be done only on radio and television will minimise his usual tactic of intimidation of voters and violence against the opposition. However, an immediate post election violence is expected that will greatly affect the central region and the greater Kampala in particular. 

In 2016, he promised that the country would have no opposition by 2021 but instead there has been some level of growth in opposition. His major preoccupation now is to ensure that he secures a moderate face of opposition for his next term of office. The FDC and Dr. Besigye have been accused of extremist radicalism and being hardliners. Equally, the regime views the People Power platform of Bowi Wine as being as radical as the FDC. Therefore the regime must be investing a lot of time and resources in having both the FDC and People Power weakened so that a 'moderate' third force could become the face of the opposition. As for the Identity of the said Third Force, your guess is as good as mine. However, what magic will the regime use to propel that Third Force to the required status. 


Thursday, 6 August 2020


CHANGE OF GUARDS - Museveni's regime National Resistance Movement (NRM) traces its history to his sectarian Bush War (1981 - 1986) where it was the political wing of his army, the National Resistance Army (NRA). Therefore, every member of the NRA automatically belonged to the NRM. It is against this background that his army's service numbers continue to be branded as either Resistance Officer (RO/.....) for the commissioned officers and Resistance Army (RA/.....) for the non-commissioned officers. Gen. Yoweri Museveni is RO/001, Honorary Brig. Eriya Kategaya is RO/002 and others follow in that sequence. 

Amidst strong protests by Museveni, the 1995 constitution changed the name of the NRA to UPDF in the hope of giving the former a national outlook. When the country switched to a multiparty dispensation in 2006, Museveni maintained the NRM as his political party.  Now 35 years down the road, the army is not only increasingly being personalised by Museveni but has visibly remained the armed wing of his NRM. Every soldier is presumed to belong and subscribe to the NRM. It is in this  same regard that he moved to bring the Police and other state armed entities  aboard his personalization scheme. Though the law bars serving soldiers from engaging in partisan politics, it is only highly treasonous for any such soldier to demonstrate inclination to political opposition. Promotion of the NRM by security personnel through suppression of political dissent and opposition is highly rewarded with promotion and appointment to strategic command and administrative positions.

Until recently, the majority of the retiring security personnel would automatically join the opposition in advocating for change. This development prompted Museveni to make it hard for retirement from the military and security services. He went ahead to enact a law that binds retired soldiers to the automatic transfer to the non existent Reserve Force. That way he is able to subject them to military law and Court Martial in the event they express divergent views. Currently, the lucky few who manage to break the chains and get retired are conditioned to rigorous intimidation and brainwashing dubbed pre-retirement seminar. The gist of such seminars is to sweet talk, manipulate, brainwash and blackmail the retirees into remaining loyal to the NRM. 

Witchcraft is when one doubts Museveni's former Police Chief, Gen. Kalekyezi being a top NRM executive or why Gen. Preocovia Nalweyiso attends the NRM Central Executive Committee (CEC) meetings!!!! Col. Shaban Bwntariza is seeking to unseat Gen. Matayo Kyaligonza for the position of NRM Vice Chairman for Western Region. Since he retired from the army just recently, how old is Bantariza in the NRM? You now know when the said retired army officers joined or left Museveni's NRM. 


Tuesday, 4 August 2020


CHANGE OF GUARDS - Owing to economic mismanagement, many youth in Uganda have resorted to operating commercial motorcycle transport dubbed Bodaboda. Though it was initially dominated by the 'un educated', it was eventually embraced by even university graduates owing to lack of employment. Because of their ease of maneuver through the urban heavy traffic jam and the poor roads in the country side, they have become a darling to all categories of people. Those with criminal intentions have also used them to easily access and exit scenes of crime. 

Politicians have also used them more especially during election campaigns and street protests to swell and add colour to their processions. However, what is clear is that the majority of people in the Bodaboda industry are opposition leaning. In the capital, Kampala, Museveni has always been desperately struggling to coercively win them over to his side. The Bodaboda 2010 scheme of Muhammad Kitata failed miserably. Attempts to harrass them out of business by way of misusing the traffic law by the Police has also failed. When the COVID-19 pandemic came, Museveni saw an opportunity to decisively deal a blow on the Bodaboda industry. The industry was among the earliest services that he suspended and his plan was for them never to return to Kampala city. 

However, owing to the agitation and threats of protests by the Bodaboda operators amidst the election campaign period, he lifted the ban but with very stringent conditions. Among other conditions, they are required to keep a register of the particulars of all the passengers that they carry including their telephone numbers and national ID details. Though the regime does not explicitly disclose where the said register will be submitted, it is very clear that it will end up in the regime security apparatus' hands.  The excuse of keeping such records for COVID-19 monitoring does not hold water because it's not the case with Public Service Vehicles. As a recruitment incentive, he immediately abandoned the ban on Bodaboda operations in Kampala's central business district dubbed Bodaboda Free Zone. 

Obviously, these so-called SOPs for Bodaboda operations were formulated by his security apparatus hiding behind the public health and transport sectors. Gradually, the Bodaboda industry is being incorporated into his communist security surveillance network model. 


Monday, 3 August 2020


CHANGE OF GUARDS - Museveni has sacked his army Spokesman, Brig. Richard Karemire in the latest reshuffle that saw other senior army officers affected. Karemire has been posted to the East African Community Secretariat in Arusha Tanzania as the Defence Liaison Officer ((DLO). Brig. Karemire who hails from Sheema is a son of a Munyarwanda Tutsi mother and a Munyankole Mwiru father. He joined the NRA immediately after it had captured power in 1986. A graduate of Makerere University, Karemire started his military career with DMI (now renamed CMI) headquarters then housed at Basiima House. He served under the Registry Department with the likes of Rwanda's now Gen. James Kabarebe and Gen. Dan Munyuuza (Rwanda's Inspector General of Police). At the time, the now top Banyarwanda Generals like Paul Kagame, Jack Nziza, Ceaser Kayizari, Patrick Karegeya, Gumisiriza and others occupied key positions under DMI. 

When then Lt. Kabarebe and Pte. Dan Munyuuza left for Rwanda in 1990, the then Sgt. Richard Karemire took charge of the Registry Department. He was promoted to the rank of Lieutenant around early 1990s under the scheme of automatic commissioning of university graduates. When the RPF took over power in Rwanda, then Lt. Richard Karemire was another of the few people who were rewarded with a salon car. Since Rwanda had not socially stabilised, Kagame's children continued attending school in Uganda and Richard Karemire was in charge of their schooling. 

Following the military clashes between the armies of Uganda and Rwanda in Kisangani, relations affected cohesion within Museveni's army. The reign of Gen. Tumukunde at CMI saw the purge of personnel who were perceived to have links with Rwanda and Richard Karemire fell victim. After a long spell at the army headquarters, he made a come back a decade later and rose to become a Deputy CMI before he was appointed the Army Spokesperson in January 2017. 

To be able to effectively speak for any organisation, one ought to have a full understanding of the same. During his tenure, Brig Karemire invoked his 31 years of experience in the NRA to be able to articulately speak for it. World over, the press is a strategic partner of the intelligence community and he used his vast experience in spy-craft in dealing with it. As a long serving military intelligence officer at a strategic level, he had the advantage of having been able to master the NRA security infrastructure inside out. That is why his tenure has not witnessed contradictions in statements issued by the army leadership. However, he has not been aggressive enough towards Rwanda in the ongoing diplomatic squabbles. A close counter intelligence watch on him must have failed to directly link him with Rwanda thus his soft exit and banishment to Tanzania. 

His replacement, Brig. Flavia Byekwaso having joined the NRA in 2000 is a 'stranger' in the NRA. Unfortunately, she has never had any exposure to the NRA's security and ideological related issues. Worse still, she may not know that there is nothing like the UPDF but the NRA. Out of excitement as the first female Army Spokesperson, she may end up messing up things just within a few days of her tour of duty. The good news is that she will just be a 'loudspeaker' via Bluetooth for someone behind the curtains. Much as the appointment of Brig. Byekwaso is meant to dupe Baganda, the Muhoozi project can't be ruled out. 

Elsewhere, the reshuffle of other officers was generally aimed at not only clearing the way for the Muhoozi Project but mitigation of the ongoing public debate on nepotism in the security infrastructure. In particular, the Baganda officers have featured prominently but in less significant positions. 
1. Maj. Gen. Sam Kiwanuka posted as Chief of Production and Welfare yet the army no longer has farms and other other economic projects. The remaining few are managed under the NEC and Luwero Industries which is headed by the home boys, Gen. James Mugira and Brig. Butuuro. 

2. Maj. Gen. Ddibba Ssentongo who is one of the few remaining Baganda University graduate NRA war veterans and had been deputising Mugira in NEC is now sent to take care of the neglected destitute war causalities at the so-called Rehabilitation Centre in Mubende. By the way, most of those war causalities without limbs and arms at the facility in Mubende are Baganda. 

3. Maj. Gen. Hudson Mukasa has never recovered from what befell him in 1996 when his 7th Battalion then based at Mbuya Barracks was suspected of supporting then Presidential candidate Paul Ssemogerere. Since then, Mukasa has always been dumped abroad as a Military Attache - Burundi, Kenya and now he is back as Chief of Staff of the non-existent Reserve Force. 

4. Brig. Chris Bbossa dispersed to China

5. Brig. Jeff Mukasa who has been appointed Director Counter Terrorism is not a Muganda but a Munyankole from Mbarara. He is like Col. Edith Nakalema who hails from Rutooma in Bwizibeeera. Even so, real Counter terrorism operations have been placed under Brig. C. K. Asiimwe who is the Commander of the National Counter Terrorism Centre. 

6. Brig. Joseph Balikudembe who has been confirmed as Division Commander 3rd Division is not a Muganda but a Munyankole from the same village with the former Chief Justice, Bart Katurebe in Bunyaruguru.

7. Gen. Katumba Wamala deployed to destroy the Baganda dominated public transport sector (taxis and Bodabodas) in the city. 

Away from the Baana Ba Kintu, the gist of the recent reshuffle lies in the following home boys who took up strategic positions:

1. Maj. Gen. Don Nabaasa who took command of the strategic AMISOM. 

2. Brig. Mathew Gureme who took charge of the strategic Recruitment and Training.

3. Brig. William Beinomugisha who took command of the 2nd Division that takes care of the vital Rwanda and Congo borderline. He replaced the disgruntled Brig. Fred Karara who was one of the few remaining NRA Bush war Hima in active command and a veteran military intelligence officer now dumped in Khartoum. 

4. Col. Keith Katungyi who takes command of the strategic Military Police.