Tuesday, 29 October 2013


The answer lies in what Museveni's brother, Gen. Saleh stated sometime back. In a media interview, the General warned that it would be dangerous for Museveni to leave power insisting that "two years from now Uganda will be faced with a geopolitical dilema - where is Uganda, who surrounds it and what is its problem?". As usual, Ugandans did not accord that statetement the scrutiny it deserved and it just passed unnoticed.

Shortly after, the M23 emerged and Museveni was behind it despite the repeated denials. Currently, Museveni is manipulating Uhuru Kenyata, Silva Kiir and Paul Kagame into the fast tracking of the East African political federation so that he becomes its first president.

The curving out of another state out of Eastern DRC that would be part of East African Community seems to be delaying. Tanzania under the AU Brigade is delaying this plan by defeating the M23. As has always been the case, a new version of M23 will soon emerge and restart the distablisation process. But for now the M23 will establish bases in the Virunga Mountains from where they will adopt guerilla tactics with direct support from both Kagame and Museveni.

In the long run, Kagame and Museveni will interfere into Tanzania's internal affairs by sowing seeds of discontent and secessionist sentiments among the communities of North-western Tanzania. This is what Kagame alluded to sometime back in reference to the standoff with Tanzania when he stated that "I wait and hit you at the right time".

Both Museveni and Kagame know that their dounfall will come from accross the border with DRC. Incidentally, the same eastern DRC is supposed to be their safe heavens in case they are militarily pushed out of power. Eastern DRC will only stablise when the two leaders are no longer in power.

Are we witnessing a geopolitical dilema that Gen. Saleh predicted?


Thursday, 24 October 2013


The Buganda Kingdom was reinstated by the army council sitting in Gulu under the Chairmanship of Museveni. All along, Prince Mutebi was provided security by the NRA. Among his security detail was one Cpl. Sabuni from Ibanda. Cpl. Sabuni was from DMI under Counter Intelligence department who had been trained in intelligence by the North Koreans at Kireka. Cpl. Sabuni had the task of reporting on Prince Mutebi's movements and associates.

Later, as cracks between Buganda and Museveni came to the surface, intelligence services infiltrated the Lukiko. A member of the Lukiko, Salongo Ssenkayi was recruited as a mole in the Lukiko. With Ssenkayi, security services were kept updated on developments in Mengo. However, as time went by, the Buganda establishment discovered that Ssenkayi was a mole. To enhance his personal security, Ssenkayi was issued with a pistol. Since he did not know how to operate it he was taken through a short orientation course by Pte Fred Aheirwe, the in-charge of arms at DMI. For perfection, Ssenkayi did his practicals by firing of rounds into the pit latrine at Basiima house.

Later, when Aronda was the Deputy Director of Military Intelligence he used a one Ssalongo Lulika (Son of Mzei Katende of Makulubita and a Lukiko member) to spy on suspected Mengo's dealings with Gen. Tinyefuza.

That was in the early and mid 90s and given the souring relationship since then, guess how many moles Museveni runs within the Mengo establishment! No doubt, in every security agency there is a Buganda Desk responsible for monitoring every move by the Mengo establishment.


Tuesday, 22 October 2013


Around 1987/88, South African freedom fighters relocated to Uganda from Tanzania. The group of about 100 comprised of both ANC and PAC holders of the Refugee Convention travel documents.

In Uganda, they were innitially handled by the External Security Organisation (ESO) who to them to Kabamba military training school in Mubende district. At Kabamba the South Africans commoly refered to as 'Comrades', were enrolled for basic infantry training together with the Ugandan recruits.

Towards late 1990, as more ANC freedom fighters came to Uganda, a separate camp exclusively for them was set up at Kaweweta in Luwero district. The management of the trainees shifted to DMI. Officers like Capt. Byaruhanga as the C.O, Lt. Muwonge Kagwa as the Admin Officer, Lt. Joseph Balikudembe as the Quartermaster were put in charge of the camp.

By 1990, the three had been recalled back to DMI headquarter over gross theft of cash and supplies meant for the ANC trainees. As usual, no disciplinary action was taken against them except they were allowed to enjoy their loot. Capt Byaruhanga retired but was killed in Kisangani during clashes with RDF where he was on a smuggling mission. Capt Kagwa Muwonge rose to become a Capt and a lead spy on Baganda Nkoba Zambogo group at Makere university before he passed away. Lt. Joseph Balikudembe from Bunyaruguru in Bushenyi district has risen to the rank of Colonel and one of the top NRA commanders in CAR, Somalia and the Northern and eastern Uganda. Col. Joseph Balikudembe todate continues the theft that started from the ANC camp in Luwero.


Thursday, 17 October 2013


A good number of NRA officers who have been involved in thieving and outright robberies have been rewarded by Museveni with promotions and reappointments to positions of greater responsibility. This has been possible only to those whose personal loyalty to Museveni is not in doubt aka political clarity in NRM circles.

The few examples are as follows: -

1. Gen Saleh who confessed to taking bribes from the purchase of junk helicopters is a senior Presidential Advisor and Museveni's closest confidant.

2. Gen. John Mugyenyi started by supplying air to the NRA in the late 80s when he was the Director of Administration. He went on to aid drug trafficking when stationed at Entebbe airport as anti terrorism officer under CMI. He is one of the wealthiest officers. Was recently elevated to the rank of General.

3. Maj. Otema Awany was the Director of Transport who stole a lot. He is now a Brigadier, Division Commander and Museveni's confidant in Acholiland.

4. Lt Mawa Dula was the O.C of the Military Police Detach based at Karuma when he robbed from Arua destined goods truck. He was charged in the Court martial but jumped. He sought Kaziini's protection who in turn appointed him commander of the Alpine Brigade in Congo. While in Beni he stole a land cruiser which he airlifted to Uganda. He is now a Colonel and a top NRM leader in Kasese.

5. Capt. Patrick Kiyingi robbed from a truck load of merchandise destined for Arua. He was court martialled and sentenced to 2 years’ imprisonment which automatically meant dismissal from service. Instead, he was reinstated, deployed in Congo and promoted to the rank of Lt. Colonel.

6. The 28 senior officers were suspended for swindling of billions through the creation of ghost soldiers. The move was meant to hoodwink the public and no one was conclusively tried. Save for Brig. Tumukunde whose political clarity was questionable; all the rest were promoted and redeployed.

7. Capt. Kayanja Muhanga was the head of JATT when he extorted from victims. He was simply replaced and is now a Colonel and Commanding office of Military Police.

8. Lt Segamwenge and Lt Memory Bariyo robbed Congolese coffee transiting through Uganda. They were simply arrested, released, promoted to Lt. Col and Major respectively and redeployed.

9. Maj Bright Rwamirama the former Chief Controller of Finance swindled billions. He was suspended and the case amazingly taken to the civilian Court where it was dismissed. Rwamirama was instead appointed a cabinet Minister.

10. A number of Junior soldiers stole a lot of money but were instead promoted and many now hold positions of responsibility under what is termed as the 'new blood'.

The list is endless. It is very common to find the city of Kampala divided into zones i.e. those working in the NRA Finance department owning estates in Busega, those from Supplies department owning estates in Kyebando, those in Medical owning estates in Bweyogerere etc.
To Museveni, these are the kind of officers he hopes will defend him to retain power because they have property to protect. He believes that the past armies would simply withdraw from Kampala because they had nothing to lose since they owned no property but stayed in government houses.
Therefore, Museveni favours thieving by NRA officers.


Wednesday, 16 October 2013


Museveni not shocked by his private army thieving in Somalia.

He can’t be shocked because it is an established institutionalised practice in his private army. Museveni may have no time to know that there is no medicine in the government hospital but would not go to bed before he gets a situation report from even the smallest section of the army. All along he knew about the thieving in Somalia and at home but to him its a means of ensuring personal loyalty.

He pretends to take action when its the wrong person involved, he wants to make a replacement or he wants to hoodwink donors and Ugandans. He conspired to persecute Maj. Sabiiti Mutengesa who attempted to unearth the ghost soldiers scam. What of Cpl Paddy Gita who was court martialled for making revelations about financial scandals. Lt. Kachope maliciously dismissed from the army for reporting about 3inancial impropriety in NEC-LIME and the beneficiaries Capt. Ssekidde and company now own a chain of business empires.

Rampant creation of ghost soldiers, supply of air, inflated procurement of logistics (helicopters and undersize uniforms), theft of money meant for widows, pension and gratuity of former soldiers and retired ISO and ESO staff, are some of the few examples he is very much aware of. More so, no conviction in 27 yrs.

Initially, in order to hoodwink the public, the NRM/NRA portrayed itself as an incorruptible organisation. However, in recent years, corruption, abuse of office and misuse of public resources by the Museveni regime has come to the limelight. By the time he took over power, his NRM/NRA was composed of the men in army uniform who had fought the government to bring him to power. After capturing power many civilians were brought in to man different structures of the government.

Because there was a lot of mass indoctrination (politicisation) by NRM cadres, those civilians were fearful of getting involved in theft of public resources. The few who did were either historically associated with the bush war or had to hide behind the men in uniform. That is why those cabinet ministers and District Commissioners who served under the regime during 1986 - 1990 did not enrich themselves.

Within the men in uniform (NRA), politicisation condemned theft and misuse of public resources. It was the responsibility of Political Commissars (PCs) and Military Intelligence Officers (I. Os) at different levels of the army structures to check the vice. Military Intelligence and Political Commissariat Departments were highly respected within the army. However, some very powerful senior army officers who knew Museveni's secret agenda did not waste time for they immediately embarked on enriching themselves through shoddy deals and outright diversion of resources meant for their troops.

Some commanders looted personal and public property from the northern and eastern region. Matayo Kyaligonza ferried truck loads of cattle from Teso to his home in Hoima. Jim Muhweezi and his Lieutenants swept ISO clean. Those in the Finance, Supplies, Barracks and stores stole what ever they could land their hands on. Those who decided to remain clean or tried to rise these issues would be branded subversives seeking cheep popularity.

PCs and I. Os who risked to investigate and forward reports to higher echelons were disappointed and frustrated for lack of action. Many joined the looting spree while some simply quit. The once powerful and respected Political Commissariat department in the army faded out. Military Intelligence became preoccupied with the lead task of ensure that Museveni remains in power.

By mid 90s, it had become an official policy of the privileged NRA personnel to grab anything that could give them personal wealth. Both senior and junior officers accumulated immense wealth. The scramble for quick wealth bread intrigue and the ordinary soldier suffered.  Strict disciplinarians like Mugisha Muntu were frustrated by Museveni's reluctance to fight the vice.  As Army Commander, he had taken steps by suspending some senior officers but Museveni could not sanction prosecution and recovery but instead introduced the system of indefinite suspension (Katebe).  This bred hatred, contempt and ridicule against Muntu and Museveni could not come to his rescue.

The frustrated Muntu opted to retire. He refused a Minister of Defence portfolio and as a send off Museveni offered him fifty million cash send off to inject into his stone stone quarry project.  Museveni knew that Muntu almost owned nothing completely while many senior and junior officers held immense wealth. This accumulation of wealth has been used to attract new entrants into the NRA.  Learning from the examples set by the 'vanguards of the revolution (NRA)', the civilian NRMs picked the courage and also went on a looting spree.

Museveni by separately meeting ordinary soldiers and pretending to be shocked by their revelations is trying to play cheap popularity. The move will cover the entire army just to win back lost confidence at a time when the force's cohesion is shaky.


Sunday, 6 October 2013


"....for three months we have been waiting for him. ......he knows my address." This was Museveni's reaction to the press regarding Gen. Tinyefuza's threats of using force against him. The tone used by Museveni depicts an underlying anger and panic.

For the last three months they have not only been waiting for him but have also been preparing for his coming. Here below are some of the contigency plans:

1. Moblising NRA Veterans from the western, central and eastern regions against being lured into rebellion.

2. Establishing a Tinyefuza task force headed by Aronda with a tast of providing perodical assessment of the threat level and the operational effectiveness of all security agencies.

3. Intelligence agencies using both human and techinical means to intensify surveillance on Senior goverment officials, security officers, and Buganda Kingdom officials.

4. Finalising the process of declaring him an army deserter. Presurising Parliament into declaring vacant the General's seat in parliament.

5. Charging the General with desertion and treason in absentia.

6. Arresting and interrogating Dr. Besigye over the meeting he had with Tinyefuza in London with view of bringing up charges of either treason or misprison of treason. This will discourage others from meeting him in future thus issolating the exiled General.

7. Observing and scrutinising all trips to London made by prominient Ugandans. Bear in that other insignificant Ugandas may be used as couriers.

8. Sending more spies to USA, South Africa, Canada, UK and the Scandinavia disguised as asylum seekers so as to reinforce the monitoring of the activities of Ugandans in the diaspora.

9. Identifying and assigning capable cadres to counter negative propaganda on social networks and private radio stations while emphasising the Tinyefuza's misconducts during the insurgency in northern Uganda.

10. Echoeing the historical Acholi/Langi differences so as to detatching Col. Ogole from the Acholis.

11. State house intelligence spearheading the hit squad coordinated by the London embassy of a friendly country.
12. Linking the activities of protests and strikes in the country with the General's threats of war.

13. Issuing of terror alerts to disuade mass gatherings. In case of a terror attack, the nation will be diverted and united in grief while the international community will express solidarity and renewed support.

14. Monitoring of the storage, utilisation and movement of war materials to counter internal sabotage.

15. Streamling of counter intelligence operations in order to detect and deter enemy infiltration.

16. Ensuring that all Chiefs, Directors, Division C.Os, Brigade C.Os, Battalion C.Os, and Heads of Independent Units at all times to account for the whereabouts of the officers and men under their command.

The above measures are subject to review depending on the situation.


That is the writing on the poster hanged on the wall of one of the torture chambers in Museveni's safe house at Kololo.

The safe house located in the posh suburb of Kololo is the headquarters of the anti-terrorim outfit, JATT. The storyed house overlooking Bukoto and Naguru hills accross a valley is adjacent to the Danish Ambasador's residence. It is a rented house owned by an Engineer from Ibanda working with the Ministry of Works. He is short, light skinned, bearded man in his late 50s or early 60s. He knows that his house is is used as a detention facility by his tennant. The landlord makes regular weekend inspections to his house.

Stairs lead from what was meant to be a sitting room on the ground floor through a tiny corridor to the top floor. The diffent rooms on both the ground and top floor are used for detention. On the top floor there are also offices and an exit door. Opposite this exit door at about 10 metres there is a servants quarters and a garrage that is also used as a detention room.

The boys quarters house the interrogation room. Adjacent to it is the communications centre on the right. On the left facing into the Ambassadors bed room, are the showers and toilet. Its from here that at one time a victim jumped over the fence into the Ambasador's residence before he was recaptured by CMI operatives. In the torture chamber located at the servants quarter all sorts of torture gadgets are strategically mounted. One of the gadgets is that poster about war that sends any victims mind into deep thoughts. The captors start by informing you that they are neither politicians nor Generals but men who are fighting a war that was started by politicians and planned by Generals for them to execute. The go further to inform you that their masters (politicians and Generals) have tasked them to extract information from you. Thereafter, the hell breaks out. To neutralise the sound of yellings, they switch on the heavy Generator and play loud music.

Museveni is a politician, a General and a foot soldier. As he stated last week "let him come. He knows my address. For three months we have been waiting for him". Is Tinyefuza a politician, a General and a foot soldier too?


Friday, 4 October 2013


With the security forces involvement in election rigging, bribing of impoverished voters, cadre Judges in Courts of law, and NRM cadres in all structures of central and local government, there is no doubt Museveni cannot be dislodged from power through constitutional means. He is so much power hungry that he can not even relinquish it to his son. He is simply grooming his son to take command of a special force that will protect his grip on power. However, should he succeed in gaining the Presidency of the East African Community (EAC), he will hand over to a figurehead president as he retains the Presidency behind the scenes.
Institutionalised abuse of office, corruption, gross violation of human rights, nepotism and theft of public resources have made Ugandans of all shades to bury their artificial differences and are united as one oppressed community. Museveni's old tactics of fomenting ethnic and regionalism is no longer tenable. The masses have lost faith in the electoral process. Its only Muntu and Mao who are focusing on the 2016 elections.
The opposition has done enough in rallying the masses to demand for their rights. A mass uprising in form of protests will be brutally crushed by Museveni's private security apparatus. Some Ugandans who sensed the danger of Museveni's governance resorted to unconstitutional means to dislodge him from power. However, Museveni managed to suffocate the groups by playing the sectarian card. UNRF 1 and 2, HSM, LRA, UPA were branded Anyanyas. ADF branded Islamic fundamentalists. Itongwa's NDA linked with Buganda's demand for Federalism. Its only the PRA that was nationalistic in character. Had it not been let down by the LRA, Congolese and Rwanda's sudden change of foreign policy, the PRA was to set to evolve into a national armed liberation movement.

Its now a decade since the conditions that gave rise to PRA came to the surface and the situation has now grown from worse to worst. But had the Rwanda backed PRA succeeded, would it not have become a situation similar to what happened with Rwanda backed Kabila (Sr)!
Owing to the fact that the masses are more than ready for any means that can dislodge Museveni there is no need of a protracted war. Since the Andrew Kayiira coup attempt of 1986 and the NRA Artillery based Capt. Mugarra foiled coup attempt of 1988, Museveni has not faced any real coup threat. However, he has kept a close eye on General Tinyefuza as a potential coup plotter. His being sidelined from the mainstream military service alludes to that fear. The situation was worsened by the General's failed attempt to retire from the army. Since then the General has been a subject of intelligence surveillance. When he seemed to reconcile with Museveni, he was simply trying to entice Museveni to get him closer to security circles. No way, Museveni who is a master of deceit instead assigned him as Coordinator of Intelligence Services. Tinyefuza did not coordinate any intelligence but was instead a subject of 24 hours intelligence surveillance.
During his tenure, the General is reported to have actively offered technical advice to Museveni's efforts to suppress dissenters. The General thought that he would win the confidence of Museveni who would return him to the mainstream military in the hope that he would use it to kick out his Commander in Chief. When the General lost all hope, he went wild with controversial public statements. Though these outbursts amounted to using a 'wrong forum', Museveni opted to ignore him. However, Tinyefuza is either not sincere or ignorant when he put himself in the same group with Aronda when he stated that they were targets of assassinations for opposing the Muhoozi project. Aronda will never part ways with Museveni. Museveni must have known that the General intended to flee but looked the other side in the hope that it is easy to manage him in exile than when he is close to his army.

In exile, the General has declared intentions of overthrowing Museveni. He is mobilising Ugandans for that purpose. There is no doubt Tinyefuza's declarations are a big threat to Museveni. Therefore, Museveni's main preoccupation now is how to 'deal with' Tinyefuza in the same way the Rwanda government tried to deal with its own renegade General Kayumba in South Africa.

It is only a timely and well planned decisive military strike that will seen Museveni's NRA defect en masse leaving Muhoozi's SFG to battle it alone. Rwanda if not occupied with its own strike will send its infantry to Museveni's aid. Kenya will send its air force. Southern Sudan's intervention will depend on the nature and composition of the strike. Tanzania will not intervene. On the contrary, a botched-up plan will spell doom for Ugandans. Most disappointed will be members of the security services who since the days of PRA have been on standby for that opportunity. It’s worthy noting that Museveni can’t easily flee unless he has caused untold damage on the country.

Tuesday, 1 October 2013


The 1995 Uganda Constitution Schedule 20 lists Banyarwanda as one of the tribes in Uganda. The events of 1959 in Rwanda led many Tutsis to flee to mainly Burundi, Tanzania, Congo and Uganda. In Uganda they were granted refugee status in compliance with the 1951 Geneva Convention for which Uganda is a signatory. In 1982, even when Rwakasisi attempted to move parliament to revoke the refugee status held by these refugees, the UPC government stood its ground and continued to accord them international protection. Upto 1990, allmost all these refugees still enjoyed international protection. All those people like the Rwigyemas, Kagame etc have never denied that they were refugees in Uganda. Infact to enhance their physical security, Museveni had allowed them to hold firearms by enilisting them in his private security company - NRA.

When these refugees felt it safe to return home, and since they knew the route they simply drove towards the Uganda/Rwanda border and returned to Rwanda. It took four years to complete the voluntary repatriation process. In the process they founded the Rwandese Patriotic Front (RPF). The RPF took over government in Rwanda and together with its armed wing the RDF as a strong, motivated and proffessional army, the former Refugees find no shame in identifying themselves as Rwandese of Rwanda.

However, according to Museveni the Banyarwanda who were in the NRA escaped and invaded Rwanda.




Right from the days of post Iddi Amin UNLF government, Museveni knowingly swelled the ranks of his personal army with a number of Rwandese refugees. When they were eliminated from the new national army because of their refugee status, as Minister of Defence he retained them as hir private army.

When he launched the bush war, these Rwandese refugees were the most loyal and trusted among the fighters. When he took over goverment, the Rwandese because of their sound education background and undisputed loyality dominated vital command positions and key departments like Intelligence, Supplies, Finance and Presidential Protection/VIP protection etc. Fred Rwigyema who had been a Duputy Army Commander and Deputy Minister of Defence was Museveni's most trusted top army officer more than even his own brother Gen. Saleh.

Museveni still wanted these Rwandese in the NRA to gurrantee his security. Museveni also feared that Fred Rwigyema would also attract alot of non Rwandese NRAs into the war in Rwanda. However, there was growing feeling of animosity towards Museveni's overreliance on Rwandese. A number of Senior NRA officers were disgusted with their presence. For the same reasons, the current plans by Gen. Tinyefuza must equally be bad news in Kigali. Museveni got reports that the Rwandese were planning to go to Rwanda by force. Museveni tasked then Sgt Rwakitarate of DMI to investgate the preparations that were going on at Bihanga training school under the supervision of Capt Musitwa. Museveni rendered Rwigyema redundant and Paul Kagame was humilliated with a demotion in terms of responsibility before sending him on a course overseas. Museveni also feared that the RPF invasion and taking over of power in Rwanda would lead to an exodus of Rwandese from Uganda to Rwanda. In this way it would harm those other Rwandese in Uganda who for some reasons do not want to identify with Rwanda.

The Rwandese in NRA realised that Museveni was bent on triming their influence to the minimum while continuing to use them to gurantee his security. They decided to make a hasty invassion. Given their secretive nature, it is most likely that Fred Rwigyema did not tell his close friend Saleh.

When the invasion suffered a setback, Museveni very much aware that the retreating RPF nolong had space in the NRA, decided to militarily support them. If he did not it would have become a situation similar to how Rwanda is now stuck with the M23 fighters.

Even when they took over power, Museveni did not want Kagame to take over as President. He prefered a Pasteur Bizimungu type of leader who would regard Museveni as a godfather as opposed to Kagame who had to defiantly humilliate him in battle before he came to accept Rwanda's independence.
Therefore, Museveni opposed the invasion but supported the war. As he had an agreement with the Baganda, could he have had an agreement with the Rwandese but was reluctant to honour it and the RPF defiantly moved to enforce it!