Friday, 26 December 2014


It is 1986 and Museveni has just captured power after duping the Okello Junta into the Nairobi peace talks while he worked on breaking up the DP/military junta alliance. He makes a moving 'fundamental change' swearing in ceremony speech that very few Ugandans correctly interpreted at the time. At Makerere University, Sabiiti Mutengesa - a young 1985 Bachelor of Veterinary Medicine graduate who had been retained by the faculty as a Teaching Assistant, makes up his mind to join the NRA. He is recruited and taken to Kabamba military camp in Mubende for basic military training.

Before completing his basic military training course, Muengesa was selected to attend an officer Cadet training at Sundhurst in the UK. He successfully completed the course in 1988 after setting a performance record that remained unbroken for over a decade. Upon return to Uganda, Mutengesa was not commissioned for six months. When he was eventually commissioned to 2lt, he stayed on the same rank for three years. He was then promoted to full Lt and remained so for another seven years. In all the above, it was grossly against army terms and conditions of service. On the contrary, Museveni's son Muhoozi who attended the same academy as a militia (LDU) and finished his course in July 2000 was already a Captain by end of 2001.

Mutengesa was to serve as Aide de camp (ADC) to two Chiefs of Staff i.e Sam Nanyumba and Fredrick Okecho before he was appointed as Commandant School of Political Education (indoctrination). Later he was deployed to the office of the army Chief Political Commissar (CPC) as the Administrative Officer (Admin) which is more of being an aide to the CPC. In 1994 he attended an Adjutant General Officer basic course at the US army soldier support institute at Fort Benjamin Harrison in Indiana where he graduated as the best performer winning a diplomatic medal. In 1996 he attended the adjutant general officer advanced course at Fort Jackson, South Karolina. Upon return he was deployed as a staff officer in the office of the Chief of Personnel and Administration - another way of rendering a more qualified officer redundant. Later on, he was made a Career Planning Officer under the Chief of Career Planning then Brig. Henry Tumukunde. In 1997 he attended the Infantry Company Commander's course at Monduli in Tanzania where he emerged with a distinction 'A'.

 Major Sabiiti Mutengesa became the NRA Director of Records at a time when Museveni had duped Ugandans during the 1996 elections that he was seeking another presidential term so as to proffessionalise the army. The unsuspecting Major Mutengesa took up the army records docket with a lot of zeal and commitment. At the time Museveni's army was involved in the DRC and the primitive accumulation of wealth by privileged army officers was the order of the day. Some Commanders especially in the insurgency areas of northern Uganda benefited by creating non existent (ghost) soldiers among other vices. Years back when Mugisha Muntu attempted to streamline the army strength through verification of actual army strength and taking legal action against beneficiary commanders, Museveni had halted such action by arguing that it is the same commanders who were fighting the insurgency. Museveni's protectionism had helped to create conducive breeding conditions for the vice. At the time the army had not computerised its records management system but Maj Mutengesa committed his personal computers and embarked on streamlining the army personnel records aimed at coming up with actual strength.

The first casualty of Major Mutengesa's operation was the norther Uganda based army 4th Division where Kaziini was the Div. Commander. Since then bad blood developed between the powerful Kaziini and self confident Maj (Dr) Mutengesa. Shortly after, Museveni appointed Kaziini as the Chief of Staff thus providing the later with an opportunity to met revenge on Maj Mutengesa. At the time, Kaziini doubled as the Chief of Staff and overall commander of Operation Safe Heaven (the Congo military adventure). Though the Army Commander at the time was Gen JJ Odong, because of Mseveni's sectarian backing of Kaziini overshadowed the role of JJ Odong whom the army spokesman at the time (Phenecas Katirima) accused of leaking secrets!!! Gen Kaziini tested Maj Mutengesa's resolute by ordering that all the soldiers who either died, deserted or went missing while on mission in the Congo should not be struck off strength. Kaziini argued that if such information went public it would cause political problems. As a professional commander, Maj Mutengesa outrightly rejected this order by mobilising the top army leadership i.e Army Commander (JJ Odong), D/Army Comdr (Joram Mugume), Chief of Personnel and Admin (Steven Kashaka) and Chief of Finance (Joseph Musanyufu) whom he gave professional advice.

Gen Kaziini retaliated by accusing Maj Mutengesa of creating ghost soldiers under General Headquarters. He went a head to suspend Maj Mutengesa, place him under arrest and instituted a probe team headed by his own Aide the Camp Okori. At the time Mutengesa was scheduled to undertake a Masters degree in Defence and Security Analysis. The figure head Army Commander ordered the release of Maj Mutengesa but Kaziini refused to honor the directive. The team got divided on the findings with the Kaziini sycophants finding Maj Mutengesa culpable while minority members from CMI found Maj Mutengesa innocent. After some months Major Mutengesa was released from detention but could not resume his office and only remained undeployed. Kaziini became the army commander replacing JJ Odong. Mutengesa fled to exile in the UK where he has kept a very low profile. Years later Museveni in order to impress donors and dupe Ugandans instituted a probe team into the creation of ghost soldiers headed by Tinyefuza. Gen Tinyefuza at the time disclosed that the probe committee had requested the UK government to provide personal security to Maj Mutengesa to come and testify before the committee!!!!Some Officers were suspended but no one was prosecuted instead many have been promoted and reassigned.

Uganda had once again lost a son whose services and contribution. Mutengesa is from the little known Kyaaka/Kyegegwa as no reknown historical NRA/Museveni supporter hails from the same area. He had no God fathers in the army or government. His commitment and professional conduct could not suit into Museveni's designs of personalising the army under the command of his son for life presidency. Its Museveni who harassed Maj Mutengesa into exile and Kaziini was just an agent. There are many of such victims whose plight has passed unnoticed.

Being a Mutooro, Maj Mutengesa did not need God fathers in the army or government to plead for him before Museveni. Most Batooro are like that by nature; the look simple and receptive which some people have misinterpreted as being easy going. A Mutooro will either accept and serve you wholeheartedly or reject you once and for all. Their faithfulness and loyalty is traced from the time of colonialism when they dominated the domestic workers industry in the British homesteads. British families would proceed on holidays for months leaving a Mutooro house keeper in charge of the entire homestead but would come back and find the homestead intact. The trend has continued with Batooro dominating the domestic workers industry and carrying of luggage for passengers in Kampala because of their trustworthiness and loyalty to the boss. Museveni had a number of them in the bush both in the NRA and NRC i.e Dr. Kamanyire, Katenta Apuuli, Tom Butime etc. When the going got tough in Luwero, his NRA sought refuge in Tooro from where they were wholeheartedly received and the elders negotiated surrender for the first of the UNLA without a fight. From Tooro the NRA took over government six months later. Unfortunately Museveni takes the Batooro for granted but at the same time knows their potential. Its the reason these days hardly months pass without him visiting Tooro. Its only Batooro like Col Tom Butime and Edward Rugumayo (Minister for Karamoja and Ambassador to Europe respectively) who rejected Museveni's demeaning appointments and instead opted to retire into private life. It is only late Brig Clovice Kalyebara who is on record of ever having stood his ground to oppose on principle Museveni's vague views in the army council sitting. Museveni ordered for his being matched out but the Brig.told him straight that "am a senior officer who can match myself out" before Museveni allowed him to resume the sitting. For the same reasons, Museveni has relied on a big number of  them have been manning his secret services.

However, there are few cases of some Batooro like Andrew Mwenda, Maj. Okwir Rabwoni, Noble Mayombo etc who have been a disgrace to the entire community. Therefore, Museveni knows that Maj Sabiiti Mutengesa can not be easily lured into betraying his conscience by promises of material, monetary or power gain. Maj Mutengesa was persecuted into exile because his professional conduct at the time threatened the Muhoozi club that was in an incubator at the time. If he is to be lured into returning to Uganda under Museveni's reign, it will not be an easy task though its possible especially if he is 'let down by Ugandans.'


Monday, 22 December 2014


Uganda's Gen Yoweri Museveni has proven to be a master of deceit by all standards. In order to gain power and retain it for the last 28 years, he has had to lie, deceive, manipulate, blackmail, hoodwink, dupe etc. The list of his victims is vast as it comprises of friends, relatives, peasants, elite, intellectuals, academicians, diplomats, religious leaders, cultural leaders, and heads of state.

In 1970 he duped the first UPC government that he was a loyal party cadre so as to be recruited into its intelligence services from where he embarked on the long journey to pursue his childhood dream of becoming President of Uganda. In 1972 he deceived the government of Tanzania into supporting an aborted invasion through Mutukula after he convinced them that he had established a formidable internal resistance network within the Iddi Amin government such that in case of an external invasion, the government would simply crumble.

In exile, he would deceive the mainly UPC dissidents that he was part of their joint efforts yet he was undermining them for his selfish interests. He duped the government of Tanzania into supporting his parallel organisation (FRONASA) yet there was a formidable organisation under the deposed former president Milton Obote. In Tanzania, he orchestrated the abandonment of the majority FRONASA recruits just because they were from the eastern region. His hit squads inside Uganda committed heinous crimes that were attributed to the Iddi Amin regime. In 1978 he deceived the Tanzanian government into allowing him to recruit from western Uganda only to end up swelling his FRONASA with ethnic westerners and Rwandese refugees. In 1979, he manipulated the Moshi conference into assigning him the Defence portfolio - a position he used to divide the new post Iddi Amin army (UNLA) while he promoted his own FRONASA faction.

He manipulated the UNLF government AND the NCC into overthrowing the post Amin governments of Prof. Yusuf Lule and Godfrey Binaisa respectively. That way he was made the Vice Chairman of the ruling Military Commission hence became the 2nd most powerful man in the land. He duped the military leadership at the time when he retained a personal army composed of the Rwandese refugee soldiers who had been genuinely eliminated from the new post Amin army on grounds of non-citizenship. It is this group that he had to use a few months later to launch his guerrilla war.

In 1980 he deceived veteran politicians to unsuspectingly elect him as the UPM party presidential candidate yet he only wanted to use the new and inconsequential party just as a launch pad for his bush war. That is why UPM was unceremoniously disbanded. In 1981 he manipulated soldiers, peasants, and some intellectuals into joining his bush war by exploiting the situation of insecurity that he had created and would continue to create. During the same year, he moved very fast to neutralise the Prof. Lule group (UFF) by duping them into merging with his PRA to form NRM/A. To further dupe the group and win the total support of the Baganda, he made Prof. Lule the Chairman of the NRM while he chaired the strategic NRA high command.

He duped the Gen Moses Ali group into signing an alliance so as to win Libya's support for his group. He moved to destroy the UFM group of Andrew Kayira by spying on their operations and indirectly leaking it to government. The final blow came when he deceived the UFM that he would show up for a joint attack on the government forces in Lubiri, Kampala but did not show up at the eleventh hour only for his NRA to ambush the retreating UFMs and take all the arms that the UFM had acquired from the daring attack.

His urban terrorist squad (Black Bomber) under Matayo Kyaligonza orchestrated insecurity in Kampala and parts of the central region that was blamed on government so as to manipulate the population into supporting his bush war. The young post Amin government army was too weak to deal with the insurgents since he had undermined it during the time he was Minister of Defence and Vice Chairman of the military Commission. During the recruitment race (Museveni Vs Obote, Bantu Vs Nilotics, South Vs North etc.) UNLF officers had enlisted half baked, rogue and vagabond young men into the national army in order to swell their numbers and outsmart Museveni's FRONASA faction. He fought the bush war along the sectarian doctrine of dislodging the northern region's dominance of government and security services.

His ten-point program was a mere propaganda paper for he had his tightly kept secret agenda of life presidency. Through deception, he enlisted the support of some few peasants, intellectuals and even lumpen and criminals. In 1985 he replaced Prof Lule with then Prince Mutebi in order to neutralise the support of the DP in Buganda. The DP had been behind the Okello coup and junta. He deceived the Okello military junta into the Nairobi peace talks by accepting a ceasefire as he strengthened his position. By the time, he captured power, he had about 20,000 fighters mostly mobilised during the Nairobi peace talk that he treacherously used to kick them out of power.

Upon taking over power in 1986, he deceived Ugandans into cheering that he was ushering in a fundamental change yet he meant that he was to rule for life thus No Change of guards. He deceived Ugandans that he was forming a four-year interim broad-based government in order to entrap the DP and use it to isolate and destroy the UPC. He had fought the bush war on claims that the elections had been rigged against the DP. The DP had aligned with the UFM fighting group which he had undermined. At the end of the interim period, he dropped the broad-based idea and extended his reign for another five years by deceiving Ugandans that the five years were for a new constitution making process. Instead he was buying time for his life presidency project.

Around the late 80s, he opportunistically abandoned Marxist ideals for IMF/WB SAPs prompting the west to describe him as a beacon of hope. He kind of abandoned his Marxist allies in North Korea, Russia, Cuba etc. Since then he has duped the West into supporting him but currently he is back in bed with the communist/socialist block seeking alliances for his life presidency scheme. He abandoned the broad-based government after using the DP to consolidate his power. To further consolidate Buganda's support, he introduced cultural institutions with cosmetic powers though he hates them and has always been undermining their cohesion. To be able to ride on Buganda's back, he fueled hatred for former President Milton Obote whom he threatened with sending six feet deep if he dared return to Uganda but when Obote died he was the chief mourner while flags were flown at half mask.

In 1988, he deceived the UPDA rebel group into signing the peace deal at Pecce stadium but soon after one of the former UPDA officers Major Kilama was killed in cold blood at Jinja port giving rise to a surge in the northern region insurgency. As a way of containing the northern insurgency, he pressurised the SPLA into rushing for independence before resolving their internal contradictions hence giving rise to the current embarrassing security situation in Southern Sudan. In the same regard, SPLM leader John Garang had to die in a suspicious Uganda plane crash.

In 1988 he duped the Rwandese President Habyarimana to attend the army commissioning ceremony in Kampala where he had to decorate a Rwandese refugee Fred Rwigyema to the rank of Maj Gen. Shortly after in 1990 the same Rwigyema led an invasion against Rwanda. Museveni deceived the world when he stated that he was not aware of the invasion. The consequences were dire during the 1994 genocide. In 1998 he deceived Ugandans that he was sending his troops to DRC to fight the Uganda rebels in eastern DRC but his forces ended up penetrating over 6000 km into DRC and subsequently into CAR.  His troops were involved in plunder of resources, creation of warlords, rising and arming of militia groups. His self created warlords have been indicted by the ICC but he went scot free. In 2005 he managed to dupe the ICC into indicting top commanders of the LRA but currently he is mobilising African states to withdraw from ICC.

When he took over power, he banned political party activities on the grounds that they were divisive whereas the truth is that he feared their strong influence against his weak NRM. During the constituent assembly elections and the 1996 elections, he advocated for individual merit yet some individuals more aligned to his NRM were receiving state funding to facilitate their election. In 2000 he organised a sham referendum over return to multiparty democracy to extend his one-party rule but a few years later he organised another sham referendum because he wanted to turn his one party NRM into NRMO. Since then the "O" has been removed and the party reverted to NRM. He had influenced the Constituent Assembly into renaming his personal army NRA as UPDF but in actual fact it remains NRA and a branch of his NRM. In 2005 he bribed parliament to amend the constitution by removing the presidential term limits thus allowing him to contest in sham elections since then.

In 2006 he sought reelection on pretext that he wanted to proffessionalise the army but instead he was buying time to personalise the army under the command of his son for his life presidency project. He had earlier deceived Ugandans by informing them that his son was not a member of the army but a member of the militia Local Defence Unit. He rigged the 2006 elections through intimidation and ballot stuffing by members of security forces. In 2007 he blackmailed the West into silence by initiating deployment of his army to Somalia and has been bent on prolonging the peace mission as long as he rules. In 2011 he sought re-election on pretext that he wanted another term to fight corruption yet the vice is a tool of winning loyalty from his party cadres.

The list of Museveni’s deceit and trickery is endless. He has almost duped each and every Ugandan such that even the current top brass of opposition is composed of individuals who have at one time been his victims. However, among the few individual Ugandans that have not fallen prey to Museveni's deceit is LRA's JOSEPH KONY. Though he had led over two decades of a brutal campaign of armed rebellion against the Museveni government, he has persistently evaded all the treachery by Museveni. His brutality against civilians is condemned but as an individual Joseph Kony is applauded for not falling prey to Museveni's treachery.


Thursday, 18 December 2014


Mbabazi conference dubbed NRM delegates conference
The recently concluded NRM conference was nothing but a public show of the power of cash and the gun at Museveni's disposal that he can apply with impunity in his life presidency project. It was an occasion set to show the mighty and resolve of Museveni in crushing whoever dares to challenge his hold on the power.

Life presidency project
In an effort to contain the growing influence of Amama Mbabazi - Secretary General and Prime Minister , Museveni stage managed the so called Kyankwanzi retreat where his sole candidature resolution was initiated. Following that resolution, he sacked Amama Mbabazi from the Premiership. He dispatched his party cadres to the countryside to undermine Mbabazi's influence. In the meantime, Museveni convened his National Executive Committee (NEC) to force Mbabazi from the position of Secretary General. This week he dealt a final blow on Mbabazi by amending the party constitution to provide for powers for him to appoint the party Secretary General. He now feels abit relieved and he will make sure that his next choice will be a symbolic Secretary General who will act merely as his political assistant and not the independent minded historical like Kahinda Otafiire as some sections are speculating. Otherwise, Museveni has assumed the role of party Secretary General. Even Milton Obote could not dare assume the powers of appointing a party Secretary General.

The power of the gun
Mueveni's power base is the security forces. He has tamed that sector to the extent that it is no longer in dispute that the armed forces have been incorporated into his party structures. Since Mr. Mbabazi was accused of eyeing the presidency, security forces have been harassing and intimidating both Mbabazi and his sympathisers. Top army, Police, intelligence and government officials suspected to be sympathetic to Mbabazi have been placed under close watch.

During preparations for the recently concluded Mbabazi conference, security forces played the role of intimidating and sidelining suspected Mbabazi sympathisers so as to keep them away. There is no doubt; because of the illegality and ill motivation of the conference, the Museveni cohorts had highly anticipated serious protests by the Mbabazi sympathisers that would have sparked off massive protests.

For fear of serious security breaches, the organisers focused so much on the security aspect. Gen Jim Muhweezi was put in charge of security and accreditation. The so called accreditation process stretched to the lowest level of the party structures and involved Resident District Commissioners (RDCs), Internal Security Organiation (ISO), Police and local army commanders since Museveni's party is fused with the state. This was meant to ensure that those suspected to be sympathetic to Mbabazi are left out. On the contrary, if the party constitution stipulated the composition of membership of the delegates conference, why would the organisers bother with vetting, screening and accreditation!!!! It is this security and accreditation committee that undertook the task of vetting and approving the service providers like transport, hotels, decoration, printing, catering etc.

The army, Special Forces under the command of Museveni's son, Police and the intelligence services were heavily deployed in Kampala to secure the conference as in the countryside all security forces were placed on high alert. Battle gear patrols and armoured cars were on high alert in the city and around the venue. Some hospitals had been made to make reservations in the event of massive medical emergencies. The Police Chief who is a top party cadre had warned over plans of armed attack and poisoning of delegates. Either by design or by coincidence, as the conference was proceeding the security forces shot dead two suspected robbers in the city. The alleged bank robbers were in possession of a machete, axe, bow and arrows. For the first time bank robbers armed with an axe and bow intended to rob a bank in broad daylight moreover at a time when security had been hightened in all corners of the city!!!! Whatever it was, the inident sent a clear message to residents of Kampala that security forces were on the ground.

At the hotels, accreditation centre and conference venue,  SFG, police, intelligence commandos and crime preventers were infiltrated into the delegations to spy and ready to pounce on anyone who would express dissent. At the hotels, they had the task of ensuring that the Mbabazi camp does not make a last minute mobilisation of the delegates. The ratio of commandos to delegates was 2:5 and partly accounts for the surge of the earlier expected delegates. The media block out would ensure that in case of any nasty incident, it would not go public.

The power of cash
Museveni's other strong weapon of winning and retaining power is the use of of money. In the current fight against Mbabazi, cash is playing a major role. Right from the time of the Kyankwanzi sole candidature resolution to the Mbabazi conference, billions of tax payer's money has been spent by Museveni in trying to dissuade sympathy from Mbabazi. NRM cadres were given billions of shillings for countrywide popularisation of Museveni's sole candidature. Youth groups have been targeted by Museveni's cohorts with lots of cash. Museveni has personally been making countrywide tours where he makes donations in billions of shillings of tax payer's money.

Hiring of transport from upcountry to Kampala for the delegates, accomodation, means, 0.5m financial  facilitation for each of the 17000 delegates, printing of posters and T-shirts, airtime on mass media, etc cost billions of tax payer's money. Generally it was an opportunity to make quick cash by some of the privileged organisers as had been the case during the CHOGM. It is obvious that the head of the security committee Gen Muhweezi took a lion's share through the usual classified security expenditures. He must have quenched his thursty for he had spend long without accessing public finances. It is a fact that as usual the number of participants were inflated and in some instances the dead were replaced by way of official impersonation.

An attempt to swindle 0.2m shillings from each of the 17000 delegates was thwarted by Museveni's last minute intervention. Still this did not help as some delegates yelled to Museveni about their money as he took to the podium during the conference. During his speach he warned delegates against monetising politics.  Cadre Tadwong who is Museveni's newly-found top mobiliser gave some lame excuse of the number of 10,000 planned for delegates had surged to 17,000!!!! True, the surge was brought about by the official incorporation of members of the security services and crime preventers who mingled with the delegates at the hotels, accreditation center and the conference venue.
In all, the delegates did not debate the party constitutional amendments but the occasion was simply used to launch another Museveni dictatorial land mark. The successful exhibition of cash and the power of the gun will psychologically reinforce Museveni's future moves to strengthen his dictatorial political machinations. For Gen Jim Muhweezi, since he has successfully coordinated security for the Mbabazi conference, he will continue to act as the defacto coordinator of sole candidature Intelligence services. However, Museveni's team is still troubled by Mbabazi's aloofness over his next move. So as not to take chances, Museveni may be organising criminal charges against Amama Mbabazi.


Wednesday, 17 December 2014


There should be no doubt on the circumstances under which former exiled Gen Ssejusa returned to Uganda. Given the reasons for his overstay in the UK, the anti Museveni activities that he was involved in, his being a serving very senior army officer who had been declared a deserter and subversive, coupled by the VIP reception that he received upon return, its clear that the decision to return was his own decision subject to approval by only Museveni. Had Museveni not approved by threatening to arrest him, the Gen would either have not returned or would have returned but arrested immediately upon landing.

Negotiated return of exiles has always been ongoing though the one of Gen Ssejusa seems to be the biggest catch so far and that is why it has generated a lot of anxiety. All those soldiers from West Nile who served under Iddi Amin were allowed back through negotiated returns. The former DC of Luwero during UPC II Nathan Kalema negotiated for his return from London and lives quietly in Mbarara. Before Col. Muzoora met his mysterious death, government had initiated negotiations for his return from South Africa. What about Maj Okwir Rabwoni! Then Lt Bakarweha a lawyer who had been exiled with the Col Mande and Kyakabale in Sweden came back through a negotiated return and is now a serving senior army officer. Negotiations with LRA's Vincent Otti went sour resulting in his death. Even those who cross from opposition parties to Museveni's ruling clique undergo negotiations. Maj Rubaramira Ruranga is the classic example. Some other targets are simply compromised in return for being inactive and in extreme cases spying. The same applies to detainees or convicts like Tumukunde and Rwakasisi.

Such negotiations are usually mediated by family members, friends, elders etc and involves Chiefs of intelligence agencies. That is why Gen Ssejusa is not sincere when he says that there was no deal reached between him and the government. ISO Chief Brig Ronnie Balya was at the airport to meet him and there must have been other commanders with soldiers around ready to pounce on him in case he tried to breach the terms of the deal. The presence of his purported Lawyer, the landing late in the night and driving straight to his country home without causing commotion in Kampala was part of the deal. The lawyer was contacted by the Gen's family members at the last hour prior to his landing and got approval of the the ISO chief. Otherwise without clearance, the lawyer could not proceed to Entebbe to receive the renegade Gen.

Such negotiated returns usually involve a resettlement package in monetary terms and in some cases a job depending on the profile of the target. The financial cost of Ssejusa's air ticket, the fuel to his home, security guards, entertainment allowance etc were and continue to be met by the government. The security operatives around Gen Ssejusa may not be visible to every Tom and Dick but they are there for purposes of both his personal security and to spy on him. In the past we have seen situations where guards are withdrawn and government absconding to pay hotel bills for some returnees once government has lost interest in the target. Not all those who are targeted for luring into returning from exile do succumb; while others either out rightly refuse or simply go into hiding after eating the huge bait cash.

For Gen Ssejusa, the initiative to return must have been his own after realising that by continuing to stay in exile, he risked becoming irrelevant. As to why he did not come back on his own terms like was the case with Col. Besigye, the simple answer is that Besigye is more resolute than Ssejusa but more so they differ ideologically. While Besigye was persecuted into exile, Gen. Ssejusa was not persecuted into exile but while he was on a tour in the UK, government threatened to arrest him if he returned. Once again; "opposition to Museveni is in two categories i.e those who want to free Uganda from Museveni's bondage and those seeking to get into power." Given the situation, both categories are needed though the later category is prone to compromise.

Therefore, Gen Ssejusa's return was a deal that was painfully approved by Museveni. "...he knows my address; we have been waiting for him for some months....". Unfortunately the deal may soon be breached by both parties but with dire consequences for Gen Ssejusa because Museveni is does not honour agreements. Gen Ssejusa wants power from Museveni which power has just landed Amama Mbabazi three feet deep. He has a political organisation that he founded but as a serving army officer, the law does not allow him unless Museveni gives him an exception.



Tuesday, 16 December 2014


Defeated M23 - a Museveni's reserve force
At the height of the M23 rebellion in eastern DRC the UN alleged that the Uganda government was rendering support to the militants. Uganda government reacted by rubbishing off the UN report before threatening to pull out its troops from Somalia. When the UN Brigade defeated the M23 in eastern DRC, Uganda offered sanctuary to the defeated rebels including their top military and political leaders. The government claimed that it had disarmed the defeated militants before harbouring them at Bihanga military barracks under the guard/protection of the NRA.

 M23 defeat splits EAC
The defeat of M23 by the UN Brigade that was comprised among two others ofTanzania troops did not go well for both Kigali and Kampala.It resulted in the isolation of Tanzania from the East African Community (EAC) through the creation of the Museveni engineered Coalition of the Willing comprising of Kenya, Uganda and Rwanda.

Nairobi declaration
Early in 2014, the government of DRC and the former M23 movement signed a Declaration of Surrender in Nairobi in which among other issues, the government of DRC was to grant amnesty to these militants. The DRC government also committed itself to the process of expediting the return of Congolese refugees to their country from neighboring countries. Around May 2014 some of these former M23 militants signed amnesty forms at Bihanga Barracks in Bihanga. The UN once again issued another report that linked the M23 militants to the fighting in South Sudan alongside the NRA. The Museveni government as usual vehemently rejected the report describing it as rubbish.

Efforts to return Sam Mugumya
There has been some improvement in relationship between Uganda and DRC following the successful attacks against the ADF by the DRC army in its eastern region. However, the presence of two Ugandan dissident politicians (Kipoi and Sam Mugumya) in Kinshansha is softening Uganda's stand on M23. Since the two countries have no extradition treaties, DRC has been reluctant to hand back the two to Uganda. There has been behind the scenes negotiations between the two governments. Museveni desperately needs the return of Mugumya and group so as to use them to corner Dr Besigye by fabricating treasonous allegations. 

Forceful return to DRC
As part of the deal, a high powered delegation from the DRC government has been in Uganda since last week over the return to DRC of the former M23 militants. Last week, the M23 political leader Bisiimwa protested over what he termed as forced repatriation of the former militants by writing to the UN Human rights office. The said protest did not deter the arrangement; today Uganda government was set to dispatch the first consignment of 120 of these militants back to the DRC.

Brig. Makenga escapes
About 800 (a battalion) of the former M23 militants led by Brig. Sultan Makenga are reported to have escaped fro the Bihanga military barracks to Rwamwanja Refugee Camp and reported to the UNHCR. How can 800 former militants manage to escape from a military camp in Ibanda and report to an equally guarded refugee camp in Rwamwanja in Kyenjojo district. The distance in between is over 60 kms and with natural obstacles in between like the River Katonga and Katonga wildlife reserve. This is a Museveni ploy to dupe the DRC government.

Legal status
Initially it was wrong for Museeni to harbour these former militias in a Military barracks unless they were part of his army or he intended to rearm them for re-invading the DRC. After being disarmed, they should have been handed over to the ICRC for further management and if there were those who wished to seek asylum in Uganda, the law is very clear. It would have been the government of Uganda to invite the UNHCR to offer humanitarian assistance to those who would have opted to seek asylum. After spending one year in a military camp under the host government, these militants do not qualify  for refugee status consideration under the UNHCR statute unless they proved that they had been detained in the military camp. Since they have never renounced rebellion, they face exclusion under the UN refugee status determination procedures because they are still regarded as militants who have not renounced rebellion.

DRC duped
As to whether the government of DRC will succumb to this Museveni hypocrisy, we are yet to see. Remember when Rwandese soldiers the NRA left to attack Rwanda in 1990, Museveni claimed that they had escaped.

Oh Uganda!!!!!


Monday, 15 December 2014


Gen. Ssejusa's return to Uganda from exile in the UK is generating alot of debate as to whether he had been on a mission to spy on Ugandans in the diaspora. While Museveni's 28 years hold on power faces both armed and democratic opposition, much of such opposition is based more in the region than in the diaspora. The two remaining armed groups i.e ADF and LRA are based in the DRC and CAR respectively. During the late 80s and 90s the LRA enjoyed tremendous support from Ugandans in the diaspora but it has since then faded. The ADF is reported to draw its external support from support based in the region and in particular the Horn of Africa though its leader Jamil Mukulu is said to be a regular visitor to London.

Most of the Ugandans in exile left in the mid 80s following the overthrow of the UPC government and the Military junta. More exiles followed during the northern region insurgency. Some other Ugandans who are the majority have also settled in the diaspora for various reasons including the search for better economic prospects. It is this later group that Museveni commends and supports for their contribution to Uganda's economic development. Some other Ugandans left following the disputed elections since 2001, the Reform Agenda/shadowy PRA rebel activities. This last group is mainly based in the Scandinavia and South Africa. There are some Ugandans in the diaspora who are committed to the change of regime in Uganda and they found an asset in the Gen. Ssejusa exile and they now feel let down by his return to Uganda. Prior to Gen Ssejusa's exile, there was nothing so serious that was being organised by these Ugandans in the diaspora such that it required Museveni to dispatch a whole Gen and Intelligence coordinator to infiltrate and spy on their activities. However, among Ugandans in the diaspora there has always been and continues to be Museveni;s spies. Gen Ssejusa too must have become their key target hence why he had to be put on UK special protection.

Its a fact that while in exile Gen. Ssejusa mobilised some of these Ugandans and if there are any treasonous plans that were laid down i.e rebel activities or procurement of arms, we shall see these rebels being captured and arms being intercepted. In such a scenario, Gen. Ssejusa would only be accused as a co-conspirator since he cant be a witness. For those who may have had intimate discussions with the Gen. while he was in exile, it would be prudent to keep to yourself whatever transpired unless he (Gen) is the first one to do so and then you will have a right of reply in rebuttal. Therefore, it was too early for Mr. Olara Amii to disclose the attempted link with the LRA as quoted by The Monitor newspaper. 

Let us give the former exiled Gen the benefit of doubt. His subsequent conduct in Uganda and the actions or inaction by the Museveni regime against who are now in fear of having been spied on, will determine if he had been in exile for purposes of spying or not. This spy speculation has the effect of benefiting Museveni as oppressed Ugandans fear to trust each other. Moreover, there are counter-checks in confirming whether some one is a spy or not. For example, the 'spy' Gen would have moved alot in different countries to meet different Ugandans, he would have been easily accessible by individuals and organisations who wished to contact him, or he would have pretended to be seeking the help of his victims to lure young men into rebellion and the procurement of and smuggling of weapons into Uganda. Am not exonerating Gen Ssejusa but am trying to highlight the fact that there is no credible intelligence from among the diaspora Ugandans worthy gathering for one year and a half by a Gen.May be Gen Ssejusa has been contracted by Museveni to return to Uganda and infiltrate the opposition on the ground. Some prudent journalist should get a comment from the UK home office since the Gen. was an asylum seeker there. Gen. Ssejusa also needs to allay the worries and speculations surrounding his return; that is if his public statements are not curtailed.
Much as I would have wished to expound further over the issue, am constrained by the fact that my correct analysis might cause more damage than good.


Sunday, 14 December 2014


Had he been persecuted?
Before going to London in mid 2013, Gen Ssejusa had been the Coordinator of Intelligence Services. He realised that he had been rendered redundant by being assigned to such a cosmetic position. His long anticipated rise in the military as a tool for his political ambitions were thwarted by the growing rise of the club of Museveni's son. The growing opposition to Museveni from within his own NRM by Mbabazis and Kadaga coupled by the growth in strength of opposition parties further threatened to his political prospects. In order to remain relevant, the General initiated a series of stinging attacks against the system over its highhandedness. In an unusual trend of events, this time Museveni opted to ignore him and that is when the Gen authored a report to the DG/ISO over an assassination plan that was allegedly targeting him, Gen Aronda, Amama Mbabazi and Brig Mugira. On this one, once again I state that the Gen. was not being sincere because Gen Aronda and  Brig Mugira can not and will never oppose Museveni. This report leaked to the press when the Gen had gone to the UK. The government raided and closed down media houses that ran the assassination story. When the Gen was scheduled to return from the UK, the government heavily deployed security forces to arrest him. The Gen opted to remain in the UK where he sought protection from the British government. His office was ransacked and closed down while his close aides were arrested and charged with treason. Therefore, the Gen was not under threat of persecution before he had left for the UK though the subsequent actions by the government pointed to a high possibility of potential persecution.

Successes and failures in exile
In exile, Gen Ssejusa allied with other Ugandan political groups notably Col Ogole (RIP) and Otunu to form a political organisation. Col. Mande who is in exile in Sweden utrightly rejected any association with the Gen and repeatedly decampaigned him. Col. Kiiza Besigye met the Gen in London and possibly many other Ugandans who are opposed to Museveni. The Gen made clear his political plans to dislodge Museveni from power more especially using 'other means' as opposed to focusing on elections. This bold stand on the possibility of using armed option drew a lot of excitement from desperate Ugandans. Museveni moved very fast to reshuffle the army and the intelligence services in order to counter the real threat that was caused by the Gen's fall out. Gen Ssejusa's alliance with the diaspora exiles soon suffered a set-back when a split was registered and Gen. Ssejusa opted to go his own way.

Lured by political developments back home
The sacking of Mbabazi as Prime Minister and Secretary General has sky rocketed his  (Mbabazi) political rating to the same footing as Dr Besigye. The recently concluded national conference on electoral reforms that successfully articulated plans to rally Ugandans against Museveni's continued hold on power, further dealt a blow on Ssejusa's continuing to operate from exile. Once the the electoral reforms compact is operationalised, it would leave the exiled Gen Ssejusa as a non player in the impending stormy political arena. His attempt to dissuade the participants of that conference were contained in his brief about the alleged plan by government to fail it.

Bad news for Museveni!
Initially Museveni had threatened to arrest Gen Ssejusa upon return so as to scare him from returning. Museveni was more comfortable with Gen Ssejusa remaining in exile than getting closer to his (Museveni) power base - the military. This had been the case with Dr. Besigye when he opted to return from exile and his subsequent arrest and prosecution that made him more of a Hero. As to whether Gen Ssejusa will be court martialled will depend on the uncertain general political situation as it unfolds. Museveni would prefer not to court martial him as doing so will rise his (Gen Ssejusa) profile. Will the court martial discontinue the treason trial against Gen. Ssejusa's aides?

Was Gen Ssejusa on a spy mission?
Gen Ssejusa genuinely fell out with Museveni not in 2013 but decades ago. Even now the fall out still stands and the Gen will seek to retire from the army so that he hits the ground with his opposition against Museveni. He will not disclose to Museveni any covert dealings with individuals, organisations or foreign governments that he may have dealt with while in exile. Gen Ssejusa is not the Kasirye Gwanga type of Generals! To suffocate his political plans, Museveni will delay his retirement from the army. That is where the trouble will arise from.

Who is fooling who?
Negotiations for return to Uganda of exiles is not something new. It has always been going on and spearheaded by the heads of intelligence agencies through direct contact or with the use of mediators. In some rare cases involving high profile personalities like Gen Ssejusa, some international organisations and foreign donor governments are involved as guarantors. It normally involves a lot of negotiations over conditionalities among which is to keep out of criticising the system. Museveni finds alot of pride in luring exiles back home as it improves on the image of his government. In the instant case, both parties (Museveni and Gen Ssejusa) feel that they have outsmarted each other. As to who is smarter, lets watch the events as they unfold. Otherwise, the political arena is headed for more dramatic scenes in the few months to come.

Whatever, political plans that Gen Ssejusa has, they risked fading off if he remained in exile.He must have felt left out by the fast developing political developments in Uganda. If his being in exile was for mobilisation of external support, then the one year and a half is enough. His decision to return home is very positive except that the burden is on him to prove that he has either come home to continue the struggle against Musevenism or to support his continued oppression of Ugandans. Opposition to Museveni is in two categories i.e those seeking to get into power and those seeking to save the country from Museveni's dictatorship. Its time for the Gen to prove his worth.


Thursday, 11 December 2014


The recent surge in terrorist attacks on targets in Kenya coincided with the withdraw by the ICC Prosecutor of charges of crimes against humanity against President Uhuru Kenyatta. The 2007/08 general elections culminated into ethnic kllings that gave rise to the ICC indictment of Uhuru Kenyatta and his co-accused. Usually, withdraw of criminal charges is for different reasons among which is lack of sufficient evidence to support the prosecution of the accused. Prudent prosecuting authorities aim at prosecuting and not persecuting thus are driven by the desire to secure a conviction. To avoid loosing the case, embarrassment and the possibility of civil action if the accused is acquitted, prosecuting authorities decide to discontinue criminal proceedings by withdrawing charges (Nole-prosequ). It implies that in future if sufficient evidence is secured, the prosecuting authorities can bring back the charges thus reinstatement. On the contrary if prosecution opts to proceed on a weak case whereby the accused is put on his defence and court subsequently finds him not guilty, then he is acquitted of the charges. With an acquittal, such charges will never be brought against the accused. Therefore Uhuru Kenyatta is not yet off the hook because he was not acquitted and it is surprising to see him state that; "I feed excited and relieved that the case is over." While withdraw of charges is done by the prosecuting authorities, acquitting the accused is done by court.

Kenya troops joined the Somali war theatre  in 2011 following the kidnap of two Spanish ladies who were working with Medicins San Frontierer (MSF) in Dadab refugee camp. The initial operation was codenamed Linda Inchi amid protests by the Somali TFG and AMISOM. It was not until June 2012 that Kenya troops in Somalia were incorporated under AMISOM. The USA, UK and Israel threw their weight by providing financial, logistical and training to Kenya's anti-terror efforts. Since then Kenya has faced a number of terror attacks. Amidst the breakdown in security were the ICC cases against both the President and his Vice President. Uhuru Kenyatta scored when he ignored advice by Museveni not to go to the ICC but instead he fully complied with the court and he is now reaping.

Uhuru Kenyatta used the growing terror attacks amidst the ICC indictment to rally support from the international community. At one time Uhuru Kenyatta argued that Kenya faces security challenges that need full attention of the President. Later he was to repeatedly make passionate appeals thus "terrorism is a global challenge that needs global partnership." He went further to lament over isolation of Kenya through travel advisories by some countries asking their citizens to avoid Kenya owing to increased terror threats. Amidst this isolation he sought close cooperation with China. The final blow came late last month when he handed over the Presidency in order to attend the ICC session as an ordinary citizen. This was followed by the latest attacks in northern Kenya by Al-shabaab in which over 60 people were killed. As commander in Chief, Kenyatta grabbed the opportunity to declare that "Kenya is at war." He went ahead to clean his house by making sweeping changes in his top security machinery. During the same time, the ICC gave the Prosecutor one week within which to decide either to pursue the case against Kenyatta or withdraw the charges. The following week the Prosecutor withdrew the charges against Uhuru Kenyatta.

With the withdraw of charges, Uhuru Kenyatta can now concentrate on tackling the threat of terrorism that is engulfing his country. Already, there are reports of extra judicial killings of suspected Muslim radicals. The alleged assassination program is said to be carried out by special units of the Police and National Intelligence services. The fight against terrorism is providing the cover for heinous state inspired crimes against internal dissent. It worked and continues to work for Museveni's political machinations in Uganda. Anti-terrorism efforts are used to silence dissent, isolate political opponents, suppress freedom, and hold the west at ransom. Some of Museveni's officers of the anti-terror organisation (JATT) have been attached to Kenya's anti-terror squads even before Uganda ratifies the Mutual Peace and Security Pact! These officers have a trail of blood in Uganda's notorious safe houses. Already Kenya's parliament is working on an Anti-terror law that if not well drafted will impact negatively on the social and political life of Kenyans. Kenya's security machinery is reputed for an entrenched culture of impunity.


Wednesday, 10 December 2014


For the first time last week Museveni's own NRM caucus (defacto parliament) questioned the intention of a new Mutual Peace and Security Pact that does not include the Tanzania and Burundi; other two East African Community members.  Shortly after the Minister of Defence presented it to the floor of parliament for ratification whereupon the Speaker referred it to the Defence and Internal Affairs committee for scrutiny. The unusual behavior of the rubber stamp caucus was prompted by the current split in political support for Museveni.

The Mutual Peace and Security Pact is a product of a Memorandum of Understanding between Kenya, Uganda and Rwanda on "collective measures taken by the partner states to ensure peace and security including combating cross border crime, counter terrorism, transnational crimes, and management of disaster among states."

Museveni has been at the forefront of fast tracking of the East African Community (EAC) political integration in the hope that he becomes the first President of the federation but moreso to secure a regional military alliance that will gurantee his life presidency scheme. Initially one of the core provisions of the earlier much craved for EAC Defence Pact had been "An attack on a member state shall be an attack on all member states. An attack on a party state shall be considered a threat on regional security. Such an attack shall be met with immediate collective action by all state parties." Tanzania opposed this provision and it negatively impacted on Museveni's schemes. The situation was worsened by Tanzania deploying its troops into eastern DRC to flush out the Rwand and Uganda backed M23 rebellion. Tanzania went ahead and signed the EAC Defence Pact that did not have that ambiguous provision. This Defence pact has since been rendered redundant since it does not serve Museveni's personal interest.  Read more on; military alliance - Museveni's major stake).

Instead, Museveni went ahead to scheme for the Coalition of the Willing (COW) to include Kenya, Uganda and Rwanda and excluded Tanzania and Burundi. A Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) was signed for fast tracking the political intergration in Kigali in October 2013. COW went ahead to roll out major infrastructure projects like the Mombasa - Kampala - Kigali railway line, South Sudan - Kampala - Kenya oil pipeline, oil refinery in Uganda etc. Under COW, the three partners states have gone ahead to put in place a single tourist visa, custom authority, use of national IDs to replace travel documents within the three partner states. Under the same arrangement Museveni came up with the idea of a Mutual Peace and Security Pact to cover the three countries excluding Tanzania and Burundi.

COW affairs are handled by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs unlike the EAC affairs which are handled by the EAC secretariat. Therefore, the current COW's Mutual Peace and Security Pact is a Museveni desperate ploy whose ratification he is trying to rush in order to be able to confront the impending tough times ahead. The pact will allow Rwanda's and Kenya"s security forces to intervene in Uganda's internal affairs within a few minutes of notification. Likewise, Uganda's security forces will do the same in Kenya and Rwanda. The The intoxicated Mutual Peace and Security Pact under COW is different from the sober Defence Pact under the EAC.  The Uganda parliament should as much as possible reject the ratification of this pact since it does not serve the citizens of the three countries but is meant to guarantee the leader's life Presidency schemes.


Saturday, 6 December 2014


Nelson Madiba Mandela (RIP) was released from 27 years mprisonment to become the first black President of South Africa. This followed Nelson Mandela's championing the struggle of black Africans against the white minority rule that culminated into the re-known policy of racial segregation. The black Africans were justified in fighting against the system including the methods that were adopted at the time by Nelson Mandela though he was placed on the list of international terrorists.

During the time Nelson Mandela was in prison, the black African liberation movement thrived with the backing of some independent African leaders while the minority government in South Africa economically developed the the country. When Nelson Mandela was released from Prison after 27 years though he had been spiritually weakened,  still he could  have opted to resume the violent struggle against the white minority rule. He took a trip to some of the independent and 'free' African countries and it is most probable that what he saw there compared to the situation in South Africa then under the minority rule, must have influenced his decision to pursue the path of reconciliation. He contested for President in an election that was organised by the white minority rule but on the foundation of sound democratic principles that continue to thrive to date.

The minority rule in South Africa built a robust economy that put the country on the world map. Our young men who are escaping economic and political repression are craving to reach South Africa as a safe heaven. The independent African leaders whose countries were 'free from oppressive  minority rule' decades earlier are rushing to South Africa to hide their ill gotten wealth and to seek better medical facilities. Does minority rule only mean where whites are dominating in governance on an African country or it is shear racism? What about current African leaders who promote family rule and dominance of governance by friends, cronies and their tribe-mates?

Following the departure of their colonial masters, these independent and 'free' countries had embarked on suppressing their own people. Many promising upcoming leaders were harassed into exile, imprisoned, banished and killed by their fellow post independence African leaders. Economic mismanagement was and continues to be the order of the day. Had Nelson Mandela gained the Presidency in the 1960s, would South Africa have escaped what befell other African countries? Assuming Mandela had been imprisoned by black African leaders in South Africa at the time (his imprisonment no doubt helped to fuel the struggle), would he have remained alive in prison and even be released to become President?


Thursday, 4 December 2014


Uganda like any other state has its national heroes and heroines. These national heroes are both indigenous Ugandans and those who came from outside. The traditional rulers, christian missionaries who brought formal education and medical services, Arab traders who spread trade and Islam, colonial administrators, Indian migrants, World War Veterans, veterans of the struggle for independence, sportsmen and women, outstanding Ugandans who have excelled in different arenas, past Presidents, past Prime Ministers etc.  It is important to recognise the role played by such individuals in shaping the nation. Historically, both Ugandans and foreigners have been recognised for their outstanding contribution. Such recognition took the form of naming some places, roads and streets after their names. Interestingly, because of the post independence divisive politics that have characterised Uganda such recognition has been dominated by former Colonial masters and missionaries. This is not to downplay the role they played in bringing about civilisation.

However, when Museveni took over power 28 years ago, he embarked on the treacherous journey of rewriting Uganda's history so as to make it look as if Uganda started with his coming to power. He has been making efforts to erase the role played by other Ugandans before he took over power. In 1986 immediately after he took over power, he decreed that a Veterans Association be formed for those who has participated in his five years (1981- 1986) bush war. He further decreed that 9th June be the Heroes day - a date that coincides with the date in 1981 when he narrowly escaped capture by government troops from the compound of Adinan Mubiru Luttamaguzi in Luwero. Since then 9th June is commemorated each year as Heroes Day. In 2001 he moved parliament to enact a National Honours and Awards Act that stipulates 9th June as Heroes Day and defines an Awards Nomination Committee.

The Awards Nomination Committee is under the Chairmanship of Prof Mondo Kagonyera, Gen. Elly Tumwiine, and External Security operative Businge Amooti among others. With his party leaning committee membership, Museveni has been recognising and awarding them awards to those he feels recognising. Museveni has also awarded himself the Independence Medal  though he was still in primary school at the time of independence in 1962. He is now planning to be designated as the Father of the Nation. The awarding of medals for national heroism has been dominated by the soldiers he fought with in the bush war and the civilians that supported his bush war. He has deliberately not recognised those who have disagreed with him like Dr. Besigye and group. He also uses the award of medals to gratify his party cadres, lure fence sitters and blackmail families of some past national leaders.

No doubt giving dedicated service to one's country is the clearest form of patriotism that deserve recognition. It has a role to play in preserving national unity and preserving its genuine history. For the sake of history, such recognition should not be confined to those who did good things (heroes and heroines) but should be extended to even those who made mistakes so that history is not lost. Such double edged recognition and history has the potential of improving on tourist attraction. That way, national reconciliation and healing will be guaranteed. Such recognitions can take two levels i.e National and regional where the state can recognise national heroes and different regions can also recognise their respective heroes. Unfortunately, this is not possible under Museveni's regime where he portrays Uganda as having been bort 28 years ago and refers to past leaders as swines.

An example of recognition of past leaders as national heroes would take the form of:-

1. Entebbe Airport                                                      Sir Edward Muteesa International Airport
2. State House                                                             Dr. Milton Obote House
3. International Conference Center                                Iddi Amin International Conference Centre
4. Mulago National Refferal Hospital                             Dr. Milton Obote National Hospital
5. Army General Headquarters                                      Gen Shaban Opolot General Headquarters
6. Parliament  Building                                                    Dr. Paul Ssemogerere National Assembly
7. City/freedom Square                                                   Dr. Kiiza Besigye Freedom Square
8. Luzira Prison                                                               Museveni Maximum Prison
9. Army School of Infantry                                             Gen. Owite Ojok School of Infantry
10. Ministry of Agric & Animal Husbandry                      John Babiiha Complex
11. Ministry of Education headquarters                             Brig. Barnabas Kili Towers
12. Murchison Falls National Park                                   Kabalega National Park
13. Ministry of Justice Headquarters                                Ben Kiwanuka Justice Chambers
14. Jinja Bridge                                                              Shaban Nkutu Bridge
15. Karuma Bridge                                                         Gen Tito Okello
16. MUK Fuculty of Law                                                Godfrey Binaisa Law School
17. Police Headquarters                                                   Erinayo Oryema Police Headquarters
18. Katonga Bridge                                                          Gen Saleh Bridge
19. Tororo Army Barracks                                               Rait Omongin Barracks
20. Speaker's Chambers                                                  Cuthbert Obwangor Chambers
21. Farmers House                                                          Paulo Mwanga Cooperatives House
22. Masaka Barracks                                                      Julius Oketta Barracks
23. A monument at Lukaya                                              Col Gordon Sule
24. Soroti Flying School                                                   Col William Omaria

Just to mention but a few. Different Ugandans have contributed in different ways towards the shaping and preservation of Uganda. With good intentions, a genuinely composed commission can unearth balanced roles played by distinguished men and women.

At both national and regional level, heroes and heroines can be recognised for their different contributions in different fields i.e sports, health, education, religion, trade, entertainment, security, leadership etc. Even non governmental sectors should be encouraged to put in place a mechanism of recognising the contributions of different past players. Otherwise, leaving the fate of our history to be determined by Museveni and company had the danger of destroying it while promoting divisionism.


Sunday, 30 November 2014


A video went viral where a maid in Uganda is physically battering a toddler has caused outrage globally. The act was inhuman and deserves strong condemnation. Criminal investigators should endeavor to establish the motive  if society is to be freed from a repeat of similar incidents. They should look at how her employers were treating her more especially the mother of the toddler. In most African societies ,such mistreatment of children is carried out by co-wives and step mothers out of jealousy. It is also common for mistresses to feel insecure with maids who have good physical looks hence they tend to intimidate, degrade, demonise, etc as a preemptive  measure to avert a potential crisis in case the lusty husband strays to the house maid. Historically some attractive house maids and slaves have turned out to be mistresses and second ladies. Therefore, there is need for the suspect maid to be accorded justice by listening to her side of the story for any mitigating factors before we condemn her.  For example was she not battered by her masters and how far did the police go with that case she had opened at the police station?

The government swiftly moved in to steal the show. The DPP yielded to pressure and ammended the charge sheet to attempted murder. The Inspector General of Police and Director of Criminal Investigations ordered for the toddler to be accorded a special medical examination by a team of specialists. Their action is not out of love for human life but intended to crudely find a life threatening medical condition that would justify the charge of attempted murder. To sustain a charge of murder such a finding would constitute a vital ingredient.
earlier the parents of the toddler has repeatedly stated that that they had satisfactorily taken the toddler for medical examination and was found to be fine. Given the fact that the parents are well to do Ugandans, they had availed their baby the best medical examination. The Police is now trying to opportunistically pretend to love and care for the toddler more than the biological parents. Why didnt they use the Police surgeon as is usually the case with other victims. Therefore the insistence by the Police to have the baby reexamined may produce concocted results that would lead to miscarriage of justice. Moreover, the guy who posted the clips online is Desh Kananura who is facing charges of torturing his poor worker to death and the case is dragging because of his strong connections.

Torture in Uganda is the order of the day. The maid was born and has grown up to the age of 24 years when Museveni was and remains President for the last 28 years. The maid must have been watching on TV where the police is manhandling political opponents in front of the cameras. Such repeated nasty scenes are negatively impacting on society especially children and the youth. As the the world focused its attention on the maid video, the police officer who brutally tortured Dr. Besigye was let off the hook. In 2011 police officer Arinaitwe Bwana son of NRA's Major Victor Bwana (RIP) was caught on camera smashing the windscreen of Dr. Besigye's car using a pistol butt before spraying a canister of tear gas directly into his eyes. Thereafter Dr. Besigye is seen being carried and stuffed under the metallic mounted seats of the police pick up truck. Dr. Besigye went blind for some time until he had to be flown out of the country for specialised treatment before regaining his sight. To hoodwink Ugandans as usual the Police pretended to prefer charges of assault on Arinaitwe Bwana but no trial ever took off and now four years later, the DPP has withdrawn the charges declaring Arinaitwe having done nothing bad. Now the other police officers will have to act without fear of repercussions hence the public should expect the worst. What about the toddler in Masaka who was shot dead by anti-riot police?

The Museveni regime initiated a practice of kidnapping, detaining and torturing its perceived opponents in secret ungazzeted torture chambers commonly referred to as 'safe houses'. In the safe houses, victims undergo gruesome physical and psychological torture by security operatives. Thousands have fallen victims with many killed while some are permanently maimed including loosing their manhood. Imagine what takes place in different safe houses in Kampala and in the torture chambers at VCCU headquarters in Kireka, CMI, Makindyebarracks go-downs etc. Imagine what Manenero had to go through at the CMI headquarters before being killed by now Col Herbert Makanga.

Therefore, the action of the maid is a reflection of an institutionalized practice by the regime that is now taking its psychological toll. For all those who are stunned by maid's action and branding her  lion-hearted, hold back your tears because you will need them when the video footages from torture in the safe houses go viral.



Uganda's Yoweri Museveni came to power 28 years ago following a guerrilla war against the UPC government that had won the first Post Iddi Amin national elections. He launched the guerrilla war on grounds that the elections had been rigged. Upon coming to power, he promised to run a four year interim period before the country could return to democratic dispensation. At the end of the four years, he extended his reign for another five years under the pretence of putting in place a new constitution. Indeed the constitution was made and it came into effect in 1995. Among the major highlights of the new constitution was the provision for a two five year term for the President. During all this period, multiparty political activities had been banned and every citizen was by law compelled to belong to his movement system (NRM). He introduced the army became a major political player in the management of society. In 1996 he contested in the multiparty elections under the new constitution and won though the ground was not levelled. Again in 2001 he contested amidst tight competition from his former bush war comrade Dr. Besigye and the role of the military in keeping him in power came to light. In 2005 he amended the constitution to remove term limits in order to contest in 2006 claiming that he wanted to be given another chance so that as to professionalise the army before he retires. Unknown to majority Ugandans, Museveni was simply buying time to personalise the army so that he rules for life. In 2011 he used very sophisticated rigging methods of intimidation and bribery to regain the presidency. All indications are that he is to run for another term come 2016 as he prepares his son to succeed him thereafter. During the last one and a half decades, his regime has demonstrated ruthless intolerance, intimidation, detention, torture, killing etc of real or perceived political opponents. The human rights record is very alarming as he completes the total privatisation of the armed forces. The rampant institutionalised corruption, nepotisim, secterianism, patronage and outright theft of public resources is the identity of the regime. With his personal total control of all institutions of governance i.e parliament, judiciary, armed forces, electoral body, traditional cultural institutions while allying more with repressive regimes in the former eastern block, there is no doubt he is running a military dictatorship.

It is against the above background that this week desperate Ugandans convened to discuss the destiny of their motherland. About 3000 political and religious leaders, elders, civil society, and opinions leaders drawn from all corners of Uganda convened for three days. Museveni and his ruling NRM boycotted the assembly. The assembly came up with one voice as contained in a compact of electoral reforms that they feel if implemented will save the country from sliding into chaos and stir it forward to stability. However, such proposals no matter how good they may be, to Museveni they amount to treason simply because they threaten his power base thus personal control of the institutions listed above but moreso they have been proposed by what he terms as reactionaries, counter-revolutionaries, enemies/terrorists, and agents of western imperialism.
Below, i take insight into some of the no-go areas:

1. Electoral Commission
    - to be subjected to open application, selected by Judicial Service Commission, vetted by parliament and
      appointed by the President for a one year term. Staff of the commission, returning officers, presiding
      officers, polling assistants to be subjected to open selection through advertising.

Museveni will not accept this proposal because his exclusive authority to appoint the Chairman and commissioners has been a big back up to his rigging machinery. Its the Chairman and commissioners whom he uses to suppress opposition election contenders. The rest of the secretariat staff down to the polling station are either cadres of his political organisation or members of his secret police (ISO) whom he uses to stuff ballot boxes and alter the election results. It is such people he has used in the past to break into the commission's offices and hack into its computers.

     - Military to have no involvement whatsoever in the electoral process, ensuring law and order during
       during elections be left to the regular police under the control of and direction of the electoral
       commission, police to be impartial and to ensure public order, army and police personnel to vote from
       regular polling stations, movement and deployment of army should be restricted and monitored in
       period before, during and after elections under arrangement agreed upon at the national
       consultation, formation and deployment  of militias is absolutely illegal, CDF to take charge of all men
       and women in service, president to relinguish tactical command and control of armed forces to the
       joint chiefs of and must not serve as chairman of the UPDF high command, membership of the UPDF
       high command should not be personal to holder, independent security service commission to determine
       discipline, promotion, commission as well as handle complaints and other matters relating to the army,
       police, and other security agencies.

During the past elections, Museveni had not completed the militarisation of the Police. Now that police is fully militarised, he will keep the army out of elections. Since the police and his special army (SFG) under the command of his son are now fused in terms of role, it will be difficult for the so called regular police to play a neutral role. In order to intimidate his opponents and monitor the voting perterns police and army personnel he will accept their voting from public polling stations. He will use the cover of security breach since during elections, the army and police are placed under high security alert. The creation of illegal militias is already ongoing in form of crime preventers who are the newly recruited youthful party cadres. He wont relinguish the chairmanship of the army high command because his army is his private company where he has 100% shareholding and is the CEO. He wont allow an independent security service commission since he uses his personal control of the security forces to ensure personal loyalty. 

    - Separate selection, approval and appointment process for independent commissions, agencies,
       regulatory bodies, and independent bodies to ensure security of tenure that fully guard against
       capricious actions by appointing authorities. Powers of the President should be restricted to issuing the
       instruments of appointment for persons who have gone through the appointment process by an
       independent body.

Museveni wont accept this proposal because his exclusive personal control of these bodies because they are a source of his much needed public resources that are stolen left and right. He uses appointments and secondment to such bodies to award his family members, cohorts and cronies. He uses such powers to lure fence sitters while punishing those whose personal loyalty to him is in doubt. NSSF, BOU, UWA, NEMA, URA, UCC, KCCA, NFA, UNRA, etc

     - Presidential donations above 500 currency units shall require the prior approval of of a relevant
       parliamentary committee. Annual budget for presidential donations shall not exceed 0.5% of the current
       budget for state house.

Museveni will not accept this proposal because he has been using presidential donations as a weapon of patronage. They are also used to punish individuals and certain geographical entities that dont vote for him. These donations provide a cover for stealing public resources through state house taking a lion's share of the national budget. He is fond of carrying and issuing out of loads of money in envolopes and sacks during public functions. Moreover, much of the pledges are not fulfilled but used to hold the intended benefactors in waiting as they vote him.

     -  Abolition of the patriotism secretariate under the president's office, Resident District Commissioners to
        be abolished or transferred to the public service commission, National Institute for Political Education
        (NRM political school) at Kyankwanzi should be abolished.

This is totally unacceptable by Museveni because he is in advanced stages of re-writing the history of Uganda to start from the time he came to power. He is following the North Korean model by targeting the unsuspecting youths in schools through the compulsory patriotism clubs. In the near future, all appointments and secondment to public offices, access to institutions of higher learning and eligibility to any elective office will require a qualification of either having belonged to the patriotism club or having attended the political school at Kyankwanzi. He has been using appointment of RDCs woo fence sitters so that they switch sides and awarding his choice of electoral contenders who are sometimes rejected by the electorate. Above all, an RDC as the chairman of the district security committee is charged with harassing and neutralising dissenters in their respective areas. The RDC is the representative of the President in a particular district and as the topmost party cadre he is charged with implementing the party manifesto. In the near future we are to see the creation of regions and the appointment of regional commissioners. We are also to about to see an increase of soldiers manning these positions.

    -  the public order management act (POMA) to be repealed, Police Amendment Act (2006) to be
        amended in line with the bill of rights under the constitution, national consultation to institute an
        independent commission that will monitor the police in the electoral process, formulation of
        transparent police operating procedures for public order in the context of campaigns and and through
        out electoral process, equal media access and fair coverage, selection of presiding officers and
        polling assistants should be with approval of all political parties, formers members of any secret service
        organisations or militia not to be appointed to any supervisory role in the electoral process, all election
        results to be declared at constituency level, a credible and independent judiciary to adjucate electoral
        disputes, electoral commission to monitor internal democracy of all political parties, expelled party
        members should not loose their parliamentary seats, army representation in parliament should be
        removed, restoration of two five year term limits of the president.

Denial and suppression of freedom to organise and assemble has been and continues to be a major weapon used by Museveni since time in memorial. In the late 80s, the traditional parties (DP and UPC) had their activities curtailed for almost a decade. Because Museveni fears being challenged over his lies and manipulations, he uses all means to suppress dissent by branding them terrorists or anti-development. The draconian POMA was introduced to reinforce that design and will therefore have to remain in place at all cost. The now militarised police will be required in its present form to ensure Museveni's victory. There cant be equal access to media because Museveni monopolises the government media houses and uses the UCC to intimidate private media houses. He has already positioned cadre judges and justices in strategic positions of the judiciary while at the samwe time he has tamed to Directorate of Public Prosecutions (DPP) to serve his interests. Former members of the secret police will not leave the electoral offices because they are Museveni's agents of rigging and intimidation. Declaring of results at constituency level will not be accepted by Museveni because it would undermine his sinister design to use cadre chairman and commissioners to act in favor of the regime. All the other electoral reforms will not be implemented because Museveni's party has majority members in parliament.
     -  undertaking actions to guarantee the implementation of the proposals like petitioning parliament for the
        MPs to enact the laws, a citizens task force to present the petition to the speaker, a coordinating team
        to coordinate the implementation, popularising the compact by leaders, leaders to mobilise support for
        the compact, translation of compact into major Ugandan languages and dissemination, lobbying and
        mobilising citizens to demand for full implementation of this compact.

Petitioning parliament where Museveni has always used his majority members to push through his wishes is just a formality. However, using a team of eminent national leaders to hand over the petition to the speaker would be a big score. Reconvening to lay strategies for the implementation of the compact will be declared an illegal assembly under the POMA. Mobilising citizens across the country to to support the implementation of the pact will be branded incitement for an uprising will be suppressed  under the POMA. The translation and dissemination of the compact document will be stopped and such copies of a 'subversive document' 
confiscated before it reaches the grassroot. 

The assembling of over 3000 national leaders from all corners of the Ugandan society is a reflection of a national voice. It is a good step in the right direction at the right time. This is what the Museveni regime fears most thus the reason they had to boycott the conference.
Therefore, Museveni will ensure that the move is nabbed in the bud before it takes root. Civil society organisations, church leaders and opinion leaders will be threatened to back off using POMA and bribery while some NGOs will be threatened with canceling their licenses.  Its a time for Ugandans to realise why Museveni appointed General Aronda to the Internal Affairs Ministry.
Otherwise, the move if successful will be an attempt provide the missing link. Its an attempt to question and shake Museveni's grip on security forces as his power base hence 'TREASONOUS'.

Ugandans should treat the move as a first shot to liberate the country.Congratulations to the initiators, organizers and participants.



Wednesday, 26 November 2014


Museveni's 28 years grip on power has thrived on lies and manipulations. On 18th September The Daily Monitor ran a interview with one of Uganda's distinguished politician and former leader of the DP Paul Kawange Ssemogerere. In the interview Paul Ssemogerere explained among other issues, the independence struggle during the 1950s when Museveni had not come on the political scene.  Responding to that interview Museveni wrote; "Why did Ugandan elites chose to start another political party in 1954 - 56 DP when other Ugandans had already started another political party ....the demand for Uganda's  independence.? In the elites were genuinely interested in independence, was it not easier to work together? or could could it be that these Ugandans dis not care about independence ? What was it that was not in DP that was not in UNC?"

It is a fact that the two traditional political parties in Uganda; DP and UPC were founded on religious foundation i.e catholic and protestant respectively. The two religions were introduced into Uganda by both catholic and protestant missionaries representing France and England respectively. The English took the day by colonising Uganda and Protestantism had the privilege of being associated with the colonial power. Therefore the UNC later UPC had protestant foundation and the catholic countered it by forming the DP for obvious reasons.  Museveni knows this history very well and the early days when he needed Buganda and DP support he acknowledge that the catholic were at one time persecuted and oppressed. On 18th December 1991 while closing a seminar for District Administrators (DAs) at Kyankwanzi, Museveni stated that "Before the NRM came to power in 1986 the history of Uganda was characterised by one group persecuting and dominating another group of Ugandans. During colonialism the catholic were the persecuted by the protestants because the three major religions had their origins from Turkey (Islam), Catholics (France) and Protestants (England). Even the Buganda agreement of 1900 was heavily loaded inform of Protestants. The Position of Prime Minister was reserved for a Protestant and could not be a catholic. UPC was a protestant faction. Even during the first elections, the Protestants in Buganda allied with the Protestants outside Buganda to form the UPC/KY alliance in order to deny the DP/catholic power. When the UPC was ousted and Amin came with Islam the catholic celebrated and the UPC became the persecuted." That was the Museveni then who two decades later is now questioning why the DP was formed. At the time, a number of DPs were in his government and among the audience were quite a good number of DAs who were DP affiliated.

When Iddi Amin overthrew the government in 1971, former President Milton Obote fled to exile in Tanzania. The government of Tanzania opted to oppose Amin's presidency by supporting efforts to ousit Amin and reinstate the legitimate President Obote who had been ousted. Museveni who had not only been a member of Obote's UPC party  but also a member of his secret Police General Service Unit was also in exile in Tanzania. Instead of rallying behind the ousted President in the fight against Amin, he opted to form his own rag tag organisation called Front For National Salivation (FRONASA). When the exiles converged in Moshi town to form the Uganda National Liberation Front (UNLF) and its army (UNLA) as the post Amin government and army respectively, he opted to undermine it by promoting his own FRONASA faction. It is his preference and promotion of the FRONASA faction in the post Amin army that gave rise to the political turmoil that Uganda has faced since the ouster of Iddi Amin. If he was genuinely interested in ridding Uganda of Iddi Amin was it not easier to work together in Tanzania?

After the overthrow of Iddi Amin and during the 1980 general elections, it was clear that it was the two traditional political parties i.e UPC and DP that would take the day but he opted to form his own UPM party well knowing that he could not even win a single constituency. The only difference here with the DP of the 1950s that represented the oppressed catholic, his UPM was a launching pad for his future Presidential ambitions under cover of a rigged elections.

When some groups like UNLF-AD under the gang of four and UFF under Prof Lule opted to fight the UPC government in 1980, he did not join them but formed his own PRA that eventually neutralised all the other groups and he emerged as the victor and president for the last 28 years. What was in PRA that was not in UFF???

Therefore for those fans of Museveni, watch your back as he changes color according to his personal interests.