Tuesday, 18 March 2014


Last week marked 27 years since the mysterious murder of one of Uganda's leading statesman, Andrew Lutakome Kayiira on 6th March 1987.

Yoweri Museveni and other unknown conspirators.

Political Assassination.

Kayiira had been one o the leaders of the anti-Iddi Amin groups during the 1970s. After the fall of Iddi Amin, he was a leading member of the post Amin UNLF government. Following the disputed 1980 Presidential elections, Kayiira formed a formidable guerrilla organisation, UFM with bases in Buganda. His group, unlike Museveni's NRA that was a southern army against northerners, had the likes of Hussein Adda, Mark Kodil and others who were from West Nile region. Interestingly, even Rwandese who were NRA's trademark like Ndugute alias Kalisoliso joined hands with Kayiira. Initially, his group was more acceptable by the  Baganda and the DP in particular than Museveni's NRA. This was a cause of worry for Museveni who was struggling to sell his group to the Bagand at the time.

After neutralising the Prof. Yusuf Lule group, Museveni embarked on destroyin the Andrew Kayiira group. He initiated a number of meetings with the group notably the infamous Kikunyu conference where close collaboration was agreed between the two groups. At one time the two groups agreed to jointly attack the UNLA in Lubiri but Museveni's NRA never showed up at the last hour. Though the UFM went ahead with the plan, the NRA waylaid them upon withdrawing and charged almost all the weapons they had acquired from the attack on the Lubiri barracks. In fact, Sonko Lutaaya drove a lorry load of arms that had been got from the Lubiri and defected with them to the NRA. Museveni used to gather intelligence about UFM using the likes of Kasirye Gwanga and then indirectly pass it on to the government to the detriment of UFM. By 1984, the UFM had been weakened drastically giving rise to a new faction called FEDEMO.

Following the Okello coup of 1985, Kayiira reorganised his UFM and joined hands with the new government in Kampala together with FEDEMO under George Nkwanga. A few of his soldiers under the command of the likes of Kasirye Gwanga, Ndugute aka Kalisoliso and others defected to the NRA in the west. Upon taking over of of power by Museveni in January 1986, Andrew Kayiira handed in his troops to the NRA and Museveni appointed him a cabinet Minister.  However, within the NRA, the former government soldiers (UNLA) had ceased being a threat but instead it was UFM and FEDEMO who were treated with suspicion for being "Bipingamizi" (counter revolutionary). Systematic harassment of former UFM and FEDEMO soldiers became the norm.

In October 1986, Andrew Kayiira and a couple of leading Baganda politicians were arrested on charges of treason for plotting a coup against the Museveni government. Following these arrests, there was a purge against former UFM and FEDEMO soldiers within NRA. Some were arrested while others fled into exile while many were rendered redundant (katebe) or deserted. The treason trial against Kayiiira and group involved some senior Baganda army officers like Fred Bogere, Drago Nyanzi and Kasirye Gwanga as State witnesses. In February 1987, Andrew Kayiira was acquitted of treason charges by the High Court and released from Luzira Prison. Museveni did not like what courts had done and throughout the late 80s and early 90s he was always at log heads with the Judiciary. At the time courts were still independent unlike the case now when he has successfully planted his cadre judges in courts of law.

Hardly a month after his release, Andrew Kayiira was gunned down by gunmen while at a friend's house in the Kampala suburb of Rukuli. Within the NRA the news were received with jubilation because the Kipingamizi had been eliminated. For the former FEDEMO and UFM officers in the NRA, they had been orphaned by the murder of Andrew Kayiira. Government engaged the services of Scotland Yard to investigate the murder. In April 1987, the NRA arrested five suspects who were all former UFM/FEDEMO soldiers in connection with the murder. In August 1989, the High Court acquitted all the five suspects but the NRA re-arrested them from within the court premisses and whisked them away to an unknown destination todate. In March 1988, the High Court had released the other prominent politicians who had earlier been jointly charged with Andrew Kayiira. Only a few army officers of former UFM/FEDEMO were convicted.

Had there been a coup plot?
Yes, the plan had been hatched. It was leaked by Baganda army officers in the NRA like Kasirye Gwanga and Drago Nyanzi who had been contacted by the plotters. The two informed a senior military officer who in turn informed Mueveni and a go-ahead was given for the two "patriotic ugandans" to go ahead and infiltrate the group and keep the government informed. It is the intelligence that failed a successful conviction for having ignored fundamental rules of evidence. Also, there had not been any iota of evidence directly linking Dr Kayiira to the plot. The intelligence relied on circumstantial evidence given the involvement of senior Ex. UFM army offcers. However, had that coup plot succeeded, Uganda would not be in a mess that is in now. The Rwanda genocide and the pillage in Congo would not have been averted. Also the 27 years old northern Uganda insurgency would not have taken root. Most of all, the current bondage that Museveni has subjected ugandas to would have been contained at the initial stage.

Would Kayiira and the Baganda have given in to Museveni?
No. Kayiira at the time was a symbol of Buganda's military strength against Museveni. For Museveni to diffuse UFM/FEDEMO and tame the Baganda agitators, he needed to eliminate Andrew Kayiira. Since then there has been a systematic  allienation of Banganda army  officers in the NRA. Museveni hoodwinks the Baganda with the propelling of the insignificant officers like Katumba Wamala, Nalweyiso, Kasirye Gwanga and a few others. Why cant Museveni elevate university graduates like Fred Bogere, Sentongo Dhiba and Mbuga Kojja who were in the bush with him!!! The murder of Andrew Kayiira ended Buganda's military strength that Museveni was so much worried about. Much earlier during the bush days, Museveni had 'dealt with ' the likes of the influential Kagwa, Mutebi, Seguya and a few others.

Did Scotland Yard unmask the killers??
No. Not conclusively. Scotland yard's investigations must have hit a snag. Their investigations must have remained at mere speculation and the only obvious fact they may have established was the fact that Kayiira had been a threat to the Museveni and his NRA thus circumstantial evidence that the government had a hand  in his murder.  That is why they are reluctant to release their findings to thepublic. In 2009 while responding to request by Henry Gombya to release the findings, Scotland Yard objected citing S17 (1) of the Information Act 2000 on grounds that the disclosure would  prejudice UK's relations with Uganda, among other reasons.

Why is it so difficult to find the killers?
Political assassinations are carried out under covert operations by intelligence agencies using special forces/units/squads. Such operations don't involve the ordinary military commanders and ordinary soldiers. Apart from the President who is the main beneficiary of such operations, the other players are never known by the public, not even within security circles. covert operations also called CoveOps are operations that are so planned and executed as to conceal the identity of or permit plausible denial by the sponsor. It is intended to create a political effect which can have implications in the military, intelligence or law enforcement arenas.  Covert operations aim to  fulfill their mission objectives without any parties knowing who sponsored the operation.

Whoever, Museveni sent to finish off Kayiira, no doubt some key elements at DMI in Basiima house at the time must have been involved. Given Mueveni's method of work, it highly likely that even the DMI at the time,  Mugisha Muntu was not involved in the operations more especially given Muntu's straightforwardness. Because Muntu is principled, that is why he did not last long at DMI. So long as Paul Kagame was very influential in DMI, Museveni had the free day. At the time DMI had an extention at CPS that was manned by Museveni's historical close confidant, Aronda Nyakairima. Under Aronda, were officers like Rwija, Muruli, Wilson Gumisiriza (Rwanda), Kakwavu (Rwanda), Mutabazi Muhwezi (rwanda), Rwigamba (Rwanda), Oswald Murenzi (Rwanda), Mbugani (rwanda) and a few others. From CPS, Aronda controlled all the major Police stations in and around Kampala because at the time the NRA had taken over the powers of policing. In such covert operations, what matters is the intervening/responding force what matters is the intervening/responding force after the execution of the mission. In the instant case it would have been the Police patrol to immediately  respond to the shootings but again CPS and all the major police staitions were under the command and control of Aronda. In such covert operations what matters is to compromise any intervening force that can intercept the executors before or after the mission. At the time, the regular police that the NRA had adopted from the previous government had been rendered inactive and had little or no say in policing.

For purposes of military operations,  the security of Kampala area had been assigned to the NRA that was based at Lubiri barracks under the Command of Gen. Tinyefuza. Since this was not a military operation that required troops from Lubiri barracks, there was no need of involving any of the top commanders from Lubiri barracks. Instead, it was a precise operation that required survelling the principal (Kayiira), reconaisance of the premisses before hand, execution and safe get away into safety. Even if, the soldiers from Lubiri at the time carried out regular foot patrols in and around Kampala, the DMI too had a free hand in night operations in any part of the city. Under the overall command of a powerful person under DMI, operatives of DMI must have carried out the shooting while DMI at CPS provided the cover for getting away into safety and erasing any traces of evidence. In the circumstances, there is no way Government officers like Paul Ssemogerere and Dr. Besigye who were heading the Ministry of Internal Affairs could have any information as to how Dr. Kayiira was murdered.

The different speculative versions of Dr. Kayiira;s murder are just imaginations of Hollywood film scenes. Imagine Senior army officers communicating on walkie tackies (radio calls) about the mission accomplished! This was a covert operation that is not planned by army Generals. However, what is obvious is that immediately after the killing of Dr. Kayiira, NRA units more especially those around Kampala must have been placed on standby Class One for fear of an uprising by pro-Kayiira army officers in the NRA and other Baganda loyalists. The latest speculation in the London Evening Post is that a one Ssesanga Mvule of DMI was involved in the murder of Dr. Kayiira. The Ssessanga under DMI and later DMI is Vincent Ssesanga aka Munabuddu. He was formerly of UFM who crossed to the NRA an early stage. He served in military intelligence under 7th Battalion and later 157 Brigade in Mbale as the Brigade I.O in the late 80s before he was recalled to the head office and grounded (Katebe). During the early 90s, he headed the military intelligence training school in Ssese Islands. When the school was moved to Kaweweta in Ngoma, Ssessanga remained around CMI headquarters a frustrated officer without assignment (Katebe) but thrived on handouts and information peddling about Buganda.

The killers of Dr. Kayiira will never be known. The best way to honor him would be to redirect all efforts towards dislodging Museveni from power and restore democratic governance because that is what he stood for.


Thursday, 13 March 2014


Museveni gave support to the South Sudan independence struggle on grounds that he was containing the spread of Islamic Fundamentalism from Khartoum. In doing so he registered the support of the USA. Unknown to many, Museveni's main interest was to counter the potential bases for the struggling people of Northern and West Nile regions of Uganda against his governance. The over two decades old northern Uganda insurgency alludes to this . It is in the same efforts that the SPLA Chairman John Garang died in a mysterious helicopter crash provided to him by Museveni thus giving way for Museveni's puppet Silva Kirr to take over.

Since Southern Sudan gained independence two years ago, there has been internal squabbles that exploded to full military clashes in December 2013. Museveni moved his private army into South Sudan to save President Silva Kiir from being overthrown. His army has been involved in combat operations against the rebelling SPLA in defiance of calls by the international community for his to withdraw his troops. The rebel faction is composed of Museveni's arch enemies like former SPLM Secretary General Pagan Anum who according to Museveni had links with Uganda's rebel group, LRA. It is in the same vein that the vocal Minister of State for regional cooperation, Okello Oryem has been left in the cold on matters concerning the current South Sudan saga.

Museveni has used the the current South Sudan crisis  and his military intervention  to indirectly rebuke the UN and the West in particular through the puppet shaky government of Silva Kirr. He has found an opportunity to prove his traditional argument thus "African solutions for African problems". He has openly declared his intentions to dump the West and instead deal with Russia. The conflict in South Sudan is not about to be resolved. The rebelling SPLA has the capacity to overran the government troops and overthrow the government of South Sudan it it was not for the presence of Museveni's army. Museveni has cited protection of Uganda's security interests as the idea behind the military intervention.

Before 1960, the major political parties in Zanzibar i.e ASP, ZNP, NPP and UMA has such differences that threatened the state along racial lines (African Arabs and black Africans). In December 1963 Zanzibar gained independence from Britain with Mohamed Shamte as the Prime Minister under the rule of the Sultan. On 12/01/1964, a bloody revolution led by Ugandan John Okello took place. The Sultan fled into exile and the Arab influence on the island was contained. by the leader of the ASP Sheikh Abed Amani Karume taking over as President. Tanganyika's President Nyerere provided his with the required security apparatus. Hardly a month later, Tanganyika and Zanzibar were united to give rise to Tanzania. Zanzibar lost its soverginity and Tangannyika disappeared. Fifty years on, the union remains one of the most controversial issues in Tanzania.

Museveni is not about to give in to such calls for withdrawing his troops from South Sudan. Is he contemplating to enter into a union kind of with South Sudan??


Tuesday, 11 March 2014


Hon Saleh Kamba is the member of parliament for Kibuku in eastern Uganda. He is the leading petitioner in a petion that seeks to bar the three 'rebel' M.Ps from accessing parliament after they were expelled from NRA by Museveni.

Saleh Kamba joined the NR in 1987 while he was in his 2nd year of secondary education. After completing his basic infantry training he was posted to the Directorate of Records where he was trained as a records clerk. As a clerk, he was attached to different departments of the army including Supplies and Barracks & Stores. It is during his service in these two departments that then Sgt Kamba his a cash fortune as was the norm. It is the Junior staff like clerks, secretaries and office messengers who coordinated most of the cash-making shoddy deals in these departments. Such juniors in the NRA accumulated wealth even before some senior officers opened their eyes to personal wealth creation.

By 1992, Sgt Saleh Kamba had completed constructing a personal modern house in Rubaga, Kampala and drove a Mark II car. Still Saleh Kamba envied his superiors whom he occassionally witnessed siphoning off billions of cash by virture of their office positions that corresponded with their academic background. Sgt Saleh Kamba too embarked on an ambitious program of improving his academic C.V. Around late 90s, he registered for studies by correspondance. Within a period of 2 - 3 years he had accomplished 3 degrees (including a Masters), 7 diplomas and 14 certificates - all in the field of financial accounting.  He realy studied hard for these courses, he used a room at a ministry of defence building on Balintuma road in Mengo as a study room. These qualifications elevated his to the rank of Lt in the army and from clerical to the Fianance department as an accountant. He also used the promotions to accumulate more cash from the usual shoddy deals in the NRA.

Earlier on, he had developed political ambition having been inspired by his home area being represented by a one Moses Wagira during the Constituent Assembly (CA). Saleh Kamba always described Moses Wagira as inefficient and vowed to unseat the area Member of Parliament, HON Nanepher Namuyangu. However, he realised that his academic qualifications could only be accepted in the army and not in the public office. He embarked on acquiring the equivalence of "O" and "A" level qualifications. He registered for UNEB group certificate examinations at the YMCA in Kampala and acquired the certificates.

Having acquired the required qualifications, Saleh Kamba retired from the army and went to contest for the parliamentary seat in his home. He defeated the incumbent Hon Namuyangu who went to court on account of Kamba's election violence. Kamba sailed through but again his victory was challenged in Court over academic qualifications. He went over that too and in recognition of his role in the election violence in Busoga region, Museveni rewarded him with a ministerial appointment (Minister of State for Bunyoro Affairs). The Parliamentary Appointments Committee rejected the appointment on the same grounds of questionable academic qualifications.

Does Saleh Kamba realise that he is now used by the mafias against fellow MPs but his sponsors will dump him at the end of the day.



For decades, museveni has been using and abusing intelligence agencies to spy and gather intelligence on his political rivals. Long before the enactment of law authorising the interception of private communications, the practice had been in place. Some of the architects and defenders of the practice have of recent fallen victim of the same practice. Museveni has confessed to tapping into the private communications of the Mbabazis using electronic surveillance devices. Such action is purely personal and should not have involved the use of intelligence services. Intelligence is information obtained about the enemy of the state.The fact that Museveni calls it intelligence, implies that the agencies charged with collecting intelligence were involved. Arrogant as he is but more so the fact that the act was illegal, he did not obtain a court order as required by law before tapping into the private communications of the Mbabazis. He simply used his personal security agencies (ISO, ESO, CMI, State House, SFG ETC) to mount surveillance on the victims. Of course, for useveni, anyone who seeks to challenge his presidency is an Enemy. 

No doubt this is a case of outright abuse of office that makes his a subject of impeachment. Due to the fact that he has his big numbers of his cohorts in parliament, impeachment proceedings would be defeated. Leave alone being defeated, it cant even take off due to intimidation and bribery. Given his cadre members of the Bench, even a judicial inquiry is not possible. However, the incident should be an eye opener to Ugandans that the desperate Museveni has a whole library of  both visual and audio recordings of private communications and engagements of his political rivals real and perceived. Church leaders and other civil society leaders are not spared either. This is what Speaker Kadaga alluded to last month when she stated that "No national leader is safe".

In June 1972, U.S President Richard Nixon who had sought to strengthen his reelection campaign had to resign over allegations of illegal activities that included bugging of offices of political opponents. President Nixon has abused his executive powers by using the CIA, FBI and Internal Revenue Services to carry out his illegal activities. Because the USA has strong democratic institutions, the incident was questioned leading to the Presidents resignation.  In Uganda, Museveni has destroyed institutions and any semblance of pillars of democracy  - separation of powers.
Though Amama Mbabazi was the architect of the law that is now eating him up and his presidency would be a continuations of Musevenism, some courageous Ugandan should initiate impeachment proceedings against Museveni on account of abuse of office.

 The Mbabazi saga is more grave to the Museveni presidency more than what is captured by the public eye. Museveni is so panicky and worried that the only way out is to either frame a criminal case, knock off or postpone the 2016 general elections elections. The Mbabazi team is waiting for the convening of the constitutional structures of the NRA in order to unleash their scheme. That is why they are not detered by what transpired in Kyankwanzi and subsequently State House. The law is on their side but they should also know that at the end of the day, dictatorship will prevail and Museveni will emerge the winner though limping. A big number of NRA supporters are behind the Mbabazi scheme in order to secure their future survival. This development was fueled by the opposition pressure for change. The NRAs behind Mbabazi believe that the wind of change can be neutralised by the exit of Museveni as a person on accound of his long stay in power. Museveni is currently not sure of who is for him and not save for his ethinic Himas. This is the same  scenario that existed in 1985 leading to the second of ouster of President Milton Obote.


Thursday, 6 March 2014


From the city center along Rubaga Road, at the Rubaga Road/Kabaka Anjagala Road round about you turn left and follow the Kabaka Anjagala Road heading to the Lubiri. After about 200 metres towards the Lubiri, on the left, stands Basiima House - the one time headquarters of Musevenis Military Intelligence (1986 - 1998) that has since evolved to become the dreaded CMI.

Enclosed in a chain-link fence, the main gate along the Kabaka Anjagala Road was manned by uniformed soldiers 24 hours. The stretch between the gate and the round about on Kabaka Anjagala Road was the spot where some operatives would extort money and other concessions from victims who would have been picked from town with threats that they were being taken to Basiima House for torture. Outside the main gate, on the left was a small parking yard for visitors cars. Inside the main gate on the left was a makeshift structure that was used as a visitors check point and registration center. It was manned by staff from the Counter Intelligence unit. After identifying, scrutinising and registering the visitor, he/she would be led to the main reception. during the time of stay, visitors identification documents would be retained at the gate.

About seven meters from the main gate on the right was the parking yard under the Transport Unit. About 25 meters from the main gate, on the right was a huge storied Buganda kingdom old style building. This structure housed peripheral sections of the intelligence outfit. On the ground floor was the clinic, the reception room, the signal center (radio communication), canteen/army shop, ration/food stores, documents that were salvaged from former Army Headquarters when they were burnt down and the headquarter Administration Office. On the top floor, was the armory/exhibits room, the the SH business Project (DMI ran taxi business, Nile Studio on Bombo Road and shop stalls in the new taxi park), detention rooms, and some other rooms were used by junior staff members for residence.

Straight from the main gate and about 7 meters past that old structure, stood the a modern storied building that housed the main office block that stood overlooking Rubaga Road. With a wide glass door as the main entrance, on the right were stare cases that led to the top floor. In the corridor of the top floor, on the left was Room 14 under counter intelligence used by Sgt Jack Nziza (now a General in Rwanda), next on the left was room 15 used by Patrick Karegeya the then head of Counter Intelligence (went to Rwanda but was recently murdered in S.A). Opposite room 14 was the office of the Secretary to the Deputy DMI and opposite room 15 was the office of the Deputy DMI (formerly used by Paul Kagame when he was the Director of Personnel Administration and Finance). Further into the corridor, on the left was a small VIP reception for DMI and D/DMI visitors. Next on the left was the Registry that was manned by Private James Kabarebe, Ceaser Kaizari and Dan Munyuza among others (later became a generals in Rwanda).  Opposite the Registry, on the right was the small office housing a team of research assistants to the DMI. Next on the right side was the office of the secretary to the DMI followed by the office of the DMI. The last office on the left was the one for the Finance Controller (Michael Nkurunziza - now a senior officer in the Rwanda army). At the far end of the corridor was a wide open hall that was used at an operation/war room. It contained maps, sand models etc.

On the ground floor just opposite the glass entrance door, was the switch board. Next to the switch board, on the left of the corridor was room 12 used by the head of criminal investigtions, now Col. Charles Tusiime formerly of VCCU and now with UWA). Opposite this room 12, on the right was room 1 that was also used by staff of criminal investigation. Next to room 12, on the right was room 11 used by a group of Advocates that included now Brig James Mugira. Later, the other lawyers were relocated to the Military Police in Makindye to serve under Special Investigations Bureau (SIB). Next to room 11, on the left was room 2 that housed staff under counter intelligence. Next, on the left was the Library that was manned by a university graduate and charged with analysing all the newspaper political articles of interest and timely feeding them to the heads of departments. It also had a lot of literature from the soviet union, Libya and Cuba. Next to the library, on the left was the office of the ADC to the Director of Combat Intelligence.

Next, on the left was the office of the Director Combat Intelligence  (John Kasaija was the longest serving). Last on the left, was the information centre charged with monitoring Police communication within Kampala using a specialised radio that would intercept all police and and other VHF radio communications. Last on the left was the office of the Technical Department manned by Engineer Michael Bossa. This unit was responsible for technical means of intelligence gathering. This office was partitioned with ply wood to create room for Paul Kagame when he was axed from the top floor and left redundant shortly before he went for a military course in the USA around 1989/90. Outside the main office block,  about 25 meters apart and separated by a chain link fence were three dilapidated flats housing some staff members and their families. Next to the three flats were another two dilapidated unfinished structures used for the same purpose. From these structures, was a small staff gate that led to the Road from Nakivubo through Kisenyi and joining Rubaga Road.

Around 1998, DMI handed over the premisses to the Buganda kingdom and it shifted to Kitante courts under Brig Henry Tumukunde after it was baptised CMI. Around Mulago round about on Kiira Road from Kamyokya, you turn left and and follow yusuf Lule Road. After about one hundred meters on the left opposite the ministry of health was an entrance to the dreaded CMI. From the main entrance, on the left was the main storied building that housed different sections of the outfit. It is in this building that the late Manenero met his death under the hands of then Capt Herbert Makanga. About 15 meters apart, was another storied building that housed the canteen, reception, switch board and some offices on the top floor. About 10 metres apart, was a small storied building that housed the office of the CMI  on the top floor and his deputy on the ground floor. From the main gate on the Right was another building that was used at the torture chamber and below it was the communication center. Opposite the Mulago Nurses hostel along Kiira Road, was a small gate used by staff members only. From this small gate on the left were staff quarters composed of blocks and uniports. Among the blocks was a detention facility.

Both DMI at Basiima House and CMI at Kitante courts, used letter heads that read Directorate of Military Intelligence and Security, Basiima House.Therefore, one would be right to assert that even when housed at Kitante courts, Musevenis military intelligence continued to be identified Basiima House. Military intelligence plays  leading role in the electoral process in Uganda. Through its countrywide network of intelligence officers, the outfit liases with different players in the Museveni electoral process. During the election period, military intelligence coordinates efforts to harrass, intimidate, double voting by soldiers, doctoring of results, etc. In Kampala, military intelligence operatives are stationed at the electoral commission, different polling centers, police stations (take over Police communication and suppressing elections complaints by the opposition) while dressed in Police uniform and carry out security patrols. Military intelligence vets and gives security clearance to those vying for different levels on NRM ticket. It also compiles profiles opposition candidate with view of assessing their ideological commitment. It also identifies serving army officers whose political clarity (loyalty to Museveni is not clear) and devised means of monitoring and isolating them.

Therefore when exiled Gen Tinyefuza asserts that Museveni ran a parallel Electoral Commission at Basiima House, he is very correct.