Thursday, 28 August 2014


During Museveni's bush war there was a small number of females in the bush. Janet Mukwaya, Olive Zzizinga and Mrs Njuba were the few elite females in the bush. Museveni deliberately kept them out of the mainstream military. Because these three were Baganda, Museveni treated them with suspicion. Like was the case with Moses Kigongo, at one point Olive Zizinga attempted to escape from the bush out of frustration based on sectarianism.There was also the likes of Jovia Saleh (wife to Gen Saleh) and Dora Kuteesa (wife to Gen Pecos Kuteesa). These two remained civilians and Jovia is now in private business while Dora Kuteesa is at the Uganda High Commission in India.

During the early days of the war, a number of teenage girls from Masulita Secondary School were kidnapped to the bush. This followed their Headmaster Jacob Asiimwe (now a senior army officer) using the students as human shields for the NRA guerrillas against government forces. These girls were used and abused as sex slaves by the fighters the same way Joseph Kony abused the Aboke girls. Some senior NRA officers fathered children with some of these girls. One very senior officer named such a baby Kensiko (meaning born in the bush). These girls were totally robbed of their future and their lives totally destroyed as many have since died of aids.

Then there was a small group of illiterate females like Proscovia Nalweyiso, Dafroza, Joyce, Ndagire and a few others. This category was mainly composed of Baganda peasants.These were mainly based in non combat units like training wings. Actually during the western region front, Proscovia Nalweyiso was in Charge of welfare of NRA patients in Kilembe, Virika, Kabarole hospitals while Joyce, Ndagire and Dafuroza were instructors in the training wing. However, Joy Mirembe who had earlier been a member of the urban clandestine squad before her cover was blown and she took refuge in the bush died in combat during the blotched up Mbarara attack. She is the only known NRA female combatant known to have been engaged in real combat.

After the fall of Fort Portal in mid 1985, a number of Konjo, Bamba and mainly Batooro females enlisted for training in the NRA camps. Notable among them were the girls from Ruteete and Madox Secondary Schools. Obviously, the senior combatants sexually fed on these females and just a few of them made it to the top. Still, the role of female combatants in the NRA remained the same - to create a fake impression that even females can fight. To boost this propaganda, these girls were the pioneer and dominated the popular NRA qoir that was initiated by Benon Potel. Among them were Joyce Kabanyoro and her sister Alice who attended Cadet training in the late 80s and are now senior officers. Another one was Grace Kabazahuki who after Cadet training took charge of guarding Museveni's daughters at school. Another one was Nyangoma who retired under in 1990 but rejoined later on and has been in Mogadishu under Amisom. Then there was Mercy Ruhinda of ISO and a few Nurses in the Military Hosipital. Otherwise majority of the 1985 female soldiers vanished into oblivion.

After capturing power, quite a good number of females from all over the country enlisted into the NRA. As had always been the trend, majority simply disappeared into the kitchens of their male counterparts because there was no clear policy to regulate their relationships. What was only in place was an unofficial policy for the NRM Vice Chairman to be the one to issue permits to the consenting partners for marriage. A few made it to clerical duties leaving the majority in a dilemma as single mothers and prostitutes. That is when a plan was devised to open up a womens' wing at Bombo with Proscovia Nalweyiso as the Commandant.

Around 1987/88 a reasonable number of  educated females enlisted into the NRA. Among them were Agnes Kasaami and Rose Kabuye fresh from Makerere university. After completing their basic military training at Kabamba they were posted to the army headquarters. Agnes Kasaami who had been the first female Ugandan university graduate to join the NRA was posted to work in the then Army Commanders office - then Gen Elly Tumwiine. Gen. Tumwiine instead fathered a kid with Agness and since then she lost her military career and went into oblivion. On her part, Rose Kabuye left with RPF to invade Rwanda where she rose through the ranks to become a Colonel and one time Kagame's Chief of Protocol.

Throughout the proceeding years the NRA has attracted a good number of females some with university education. Senior army officers have seconded their daughters to join the forces just as a way of gaining employment. The recently created branch of Muhoozi's SFG in Police has also seen a number of them especially from the home district taking charge of the first family's security. On his part Museveni continues to parade Brig. Proscovia Nalweyiso as the most senior NRA female. Being an illiterate, what calibre is she compared to Agnes Kasaami whose career was destroyed by Elly Tumwiine or Jesca Alupo who was retired and appointed Minister!


Monday, 25 August 2014


The National Agricultural Advisory Services (NAADS) was set up by an Act of Parliament in 2001 with the mandate of empowering farmers with skills and knowledge to shift from subsistence to commercial agriculture. Like any other program under Museveni, NAADS was used as a political tool to hoodwink unsuspecting Ugandans while benefiting a few of Museveni's cohorts. The 25 years program is now in its 13th year. Museveni accuses the body of failure and has instead opted to deploy the army to take over the running of the program.

Luwero Triangle and Luwero district in particular was the center of Museveni's 5 years bloody guerrilla war that brought him to power that he has held for the last 28 years. The predominantly Baganda area never recovered from the war's economic hardships and Luwero is one of the poorest regions of the country. The area experiences a lot of rural-urban migration in search of a livelihood as beneficiaries of Museveni's thieving policy move in to acquire for themselves large chunks of land.

Museveni deliberately neglected the reconstruction of the area in order to deter other areas that may opt to support insurgency against him. However, Luwero is endowed with a network of pot-holed dusty murram roads that host national and regional rally driving notably Pearl of Africa Rally!!!!!

However, last year following the defection of Gen Ssejusa to exile and his declaration of intentions to dislodge Museveni from power by force of arms, Museveni took counter insurgency measures. He deployed his brother Gen. Saleh to mobilise and monitor the activities of all the war veterans in the Luwero Triangle under cover of poverty alleviation. He seconded serving army officers to this project to help in distributing seeds and general poverty alleviation in the 43 demarcated zones of the former Luwero Triangle. Museveni defended his action thus "I got concerned about the poor state of retired soldiers. I got tired of war veterans crying to me over poverty". The move has not not helped as there has been alleged subversive activities by some Veterans (Kabamba and Bundibugyo attacks) since then.

Early this year, Museveni directed the army to take over NAADS. He ordered the selection of more serving army officers to be seconded to the new arrangement under the overall supervision of his brother Gen. Saleh. A total of 300 serving army officers attended a two weeks induction course at Makerere University. The said army officers are to be deployed in each of the 238 constituencies throughout the country.

The army has a record of mismanaging its own economic projects. A close view of the TV footage during the passing out of the said officers at Makerere reveals a bunch of emaciated, depressed and badly aged officers. Their body language depicts neglect and starvation that is common with the sidelined (katebe) in the NRA. Such officers are normally branded as disgruntled as opposed to the well nourished (the tuli Mukintus). It is such officers that are usually a subject of intelligence surveillance since they are regarded as potential recruits for armed opposition groups. Museveni fears retiring them but at the same time renders them redundant (katebe) thus, unlike their counterparts they have nothing to steal.Take the example of Maj. David Kibirango who has since the time of the Itongwa rebellion been a subject of alleged subversion.

However, among them are some Museveni blind loyalists like Lt. Col James Kaija and Capt. Robert Rwenzigye who are historical CMI officers not forgetting retired Maj. Rubaramira Ruranga defected from the opposition FDC recently. Therefore, there is no doubt Museveni knows that such a calibre of officers will have to grab for themselves whatever their hands can land on hence resisting the temptation to be lured into subversive activities against his dictatorial regime.

Museveni has always been unsuccessfully struggling with designs of brainwashing Ugandans into blind submission to his life presidency project. His over two decades of political indoctrination through political education (mchakamchaka) has not taken root. Through the militarisation of NAADS, he hopes to introduce mandatory national service. The army-managed NAADS will be re-branded and restructured to become the production corps of the army. It will purport to take over most of the national development programs like agriculture, infrastructure development, credit and saving, etc.

Through national service, all students aspiring to join institutions of higher learning will have to first undergo national service. The same will apply to all others who aspire to take up or retain leadership positions and public offices. At different national service camps, recruits will undergo military training and political indoctrination (patriotism). Generally, it will relieve Kyankwanzi for basic indoctrination while leaving it only for advanced indoctrination. The national service corps will be toilored along the Chinese and Israel models of Xinjiang Production and construction Corps (XPCC) and Kibbutizm respectively. Moreover, in Egypt 40% of the economy is controlled by the army!!! this is what Museveni alludes to when he calls upon university graduates to join the security forces.


Thursday, 21 August 2014


Gen. David Ssejusa and Col.Patrick Karegeya were at the helm of intelligence services of Uganda and Rwanda respectively. They both fell out with their respective Presidents and fled to exile. In exile, they both publicly declared their intentions to dislodge their respective Presidents by force of arms. Col. Karegeya was murdered in South Africa while Gen. Ssejusa still lives in exile in London.

They both studied law at Makerere University. Karegeya did not do the Post Graduate Diploma in legal practice and thus was not an Advocate of the High Court of Uganda. On his part Ssejusa much later on did a Post Graduate Diploma in legal practice and is an enrolled Advocate of the High Court of Uganda.

After the ouster of Iddi Amin, Ssejusa joined the national police. He was arrested with arms while deserting to join Museveni's NRA guerrillas.  He daringly escaped from Jinja Road Police Station and fled to the NRA in the bush. On his part, Karegeya was also arrested while heading to the bush to join Museveni"s NRA. He was detained without trial in Luzira Prison for years only to be released by the military junta around 1985. He straight away headed for Museveni's NRA in the bush.

During Museveni's bush war Ssejusa was the first Director General of Intelligence and Security (DGISO) with Jim Muhweezi as his deputy. Around 1984 he disagreed with Museveni and was sentenced to 18 months imprisonment for insubordination that he completed around late 1985. He did not resume serving the intelligence services till a few years ago when Museveni appointed his as the coordinator of Intelligence Services - a position he held till he fled to exile in 2013. This position was controversial in that it was just a smokescreen meant to hoodwink Ssejusa and the public. On the contrary, he was rendered inactive (Katebe) and was instead being monitored by Museveni's intelligence services.

For his part, upon taking over power by Museveni Karegeya became a Sergent and served as an Aide de Camp (ADC) to the then DMI Mugisha Muntu at Basiima House. Later he became a Lieutenant and headed DMI's counter intelligence department when Paul Kagame was a Major and head of Personnel Administration and Finance in the same department.When the Rwandese refugees were deserting the NRA to invade Rwanda, Karegeya was moved to the Anti-smuggling unit in Uganda. He played a crucial role in mobilising resources and coordinating RPF's external operations. When the RPF took over power in Rwanda, Karegeya moved to Rwanda where he headed the countries' External Intelligence/External Security.

Ssejusa actively fought the five years guerrilla war. He proved beyond doubt that he is a capable commander and leader. He was severely injured but survived death upon treatment by Dr. Kiiza Besigye. He is the only commander who would openly disagree with Museveni and he came out of the bush alive. During the final battles for taking over government, he commanded the Kyenjoja, Hoima, Masindi axis that made his forces to take over northern Uganda. Shortly after he was assigned to command the 163rd Brigade based in Kampala that was in charge of the peaceful central and western regions. When formal ranks were introduced, he was one of the four Brigadiers and above him was only Fred Rwigyema, Salim Saleh and Museveni. Later on Museveni removed him from command positions and made him a Minister of State for Defence. As a Minister, he physically commanded the anti-LRA operations in northern Uganda before Museveni recalled him and relieved him of the Ministerial position. He missed out on advanced military command courses but instead Museveni kept promoting him. He can only plan a modern war basing on his natural intelligence.

On his part, Karegeya never got any exposure to either military command training or positions. Throughout his military service he served under intelligence though with little or no training in the same field.

Right from the bush days, Museveni treated Ssejusa with suspicion. Much of the unsubstantiated intelligence indicated that Ssejusa harbored Presidential ambitions. Following the death of the NRM chairman Prof. Yusuf Lule and the fall of Kampala, the High Command and NRC convened to elect a successor and Ssejusa presented himself as an alternative against Museveni. Museveni took the day and has held that office for the last 28 years. His detention in the bush, left out out of the final onslaught on Kampala, being appointed Minister, relieved from the anti-LRA operations, deliberate denial of advanced military training, rendering him redundant for years, fake appointment as Coordinator of Intelligence services etc were all 
aimed at taming his influence in the military. He lost his closeness to Museven over two decades ago and it cost him the failure to realise his full potential.

Karegeya served his Commander in Chief deligently. As head of external intelligence for a decade when the Kigali's regime had most of its enemies based out side the country, Karegeya played a vital role in diffusing and taming the explosion of an ugly situation. He was seen as Kagame's right hand man both inside Rwanda and internationally. With no viable command experience, Karegeya had no appetite for military ranks and command positions. He looked contented with intelligence and security docket. He was a major architect of Rwanda's external policy. During the ugly Uganda/Rwanda sour relations Karegeya played a central role. To Museveni and company, Karegeya was the 'bad boy'. His being relieved of the security docket and appointment as the army spokesman came as a big surprise not only to himself but to the global military community. His subsequent court martial, demotion and dismissal equally came as a bigger surprise.

Ssejusa ia an accomplished military leader and field commander. He a political mobiliser, intellectual but with less external connections courtesy of Museveni's deliberate decades of grounding. Karegeya was a political mobiliser and had mastered the art of spying. He had immense connections within Rwandas intelligence and military command structures, the region and global intelligence community. Over time, Museveni has been trying to sideline/phase out Ssejusa's military loyalists. With SFG at the helm of vital military installations, Ssejusa has to double his efforts and use his extra gray matter.
The political terrain in both countries is far different. Ssejusa came to the scene when the situation in Uganda is ripe for regime change. The helpless masses have lost all hope of peaceful regime change. The oppressive regime is fully aware of this and is vigorously building capacity to deal with any form of armed opposition. Ssejusa unequivocally stated what oppressed Ugandans wanted to hear - war.
Karegeya went into opposition when the opposition in Rwanda was ethinic. Hutus in exile (genocidoers) and the ruling Tutsis. Karegeya initiated contact with the pro-Hutu FDRL and Kigali had cause to worry. Karegeya used his vast experience to moblise both within Rwanda's security apparatus and regional intelligence community.

Karegeya's capacity to penetrate Rwanda's security services and the military command structure, his networking with the regional intelligence community and linkage with the pro-Hutu FDRL gave him a unique quality that posed a real threat to Kagame. His elimination (assassination) was a big victory forKigali.

Some circles credit Museveni for not assassinating his political opponents. For Museveni, his real political base is the military and his real political opponents are those who tend to penetrate that constituency. He has repeatedly stated thus "who ever interferes with my army, I will send him six feet deep (grave)". In the bush whoever tried to challenge his authority never survived. The final nail on his rival UFM was when he murdered its leader AndrewKayiira. Former Obote II senior Intelligence
manager, Amon Baziira established bases in Nairobi and set up NALU with forward bases in the Rwenzori mountain. Museveni assassinated him from Kenya's State Lodge where he resided as a guest of the government. Ssejusa, given his background and plans is a real threat to Museveni. Ssejusa threatens to divide loyalty among the Hima dominated strategic command positions in the army. He represents hope for members of the military and ruling party who have not stolen public resources, the limping opposition and the frustrated masses. Already, for the first time some Hima army officers are facing charges of treason/subversion before the court martial with links to Gen. Ssejusa. It is this development that has prompted Banyarwanda to be flocking into Museveni's SFG courtesy of Kayiyura and Aronda. Museveni has publicly stated thus "....he know my address. We have been waiting for him ...". Doesn't Museveni long to know Ssejusa's address or his intelligence is failing him again!!!
Unlike, Karegeya who later reconciled with Museveni and company and enjoyed behind the scenes close collaboration with them while he was  in exile, Ssejusa has very ugly relations with Rwanda. In fact Kagame cant afford to have Ssejusa in authority in Uganda in whatever top capacity. The differences are just historical right from the bush days. Therefore, unlike Karegeya, an assassination of Ssejusa would be in the best interests of both Museveni and Kagame.

Allover, intelligence is a vital component of any government. In democratic societies intelligence organisations run governments behind the scenes. In dictatorships, intelligence plays a vital role in sustaining dictatorship. It is the intelligence and the army that covered up for Egypt's Mubarak before the masses realised that they had been duped. It is his intelligence chief who was very close to Museveni's security machinery that is now the president and this week Egypt has announced plans of establishing a military office in Kampala separate from the embassy!!! Where some governments decide to help dissidents, its the intelligence agencies that take the lead. Intelligence officers are expected to have 100% loyalty to the government of the day. It is intelligence that directs all military operations and determines their failure and success. The rule of the game is that where an intelligence officer expresses political dissent or falls out with the system he is eliminated (killed) by any extra judicial means. A system may accomodate the defection of a military General but not an intelligence officer. That is why the likes of Amon Baziira, Rwanda's Col Karegeya and Joel Mutabazi had to be dealt with in exile. When former intelligence officers opt to dissident activities, their capability of interpreting situations and planning of their activities is rather advanced. Of course an intelligence officer must be intelligent but not all intelligence officers are intelligent. Actually of all people who serve under intelligence agencies, very few become intelligence officers. Intelligence operations involves some element of criminality. This is what knocks off former DMI and now leader of opposition Mugisha Muntu. He is too much of an honest gentleman to apply his intelligence experience tough he is intelligent and Museveni knows this. Museveni has his background in intelligence services. Museveni has been very clever not to breed career intelligence officers. One can accurately say that Museveni uses party cadres as intelligence officers. It is this experience that has helped him to gain and retain power by hook or crook. He has survived several military onslaughts because the those fighting him lacked the intelligence input.

Therefore both Ssejusa and Karegeya went into opposition with the right tools necessary to dislodge a military dictatorship. The later is dead and his organisation is suffering a set back but a relief to Kigali. The former is actively in exile and Kampalais not at ease. Doesn't Musevene need sleep?


Tuesday, 5 August 2014

Is Nyabushozi a poverty eradication role model? - tuli mukintu! #Uganda

While addressing women groups in Mbale over the weekend, Museveni told them that he took the move to promote poverty eradication in the country after his success strategy regarding development of the people in Nyabushozi county and the neighboring places. While it is true that poverty is Nyabushozi has been eradicated, its not true that were used in Nyabushozi are the same methods that Museveni is preaching to the rest of the country.

Nyabushozi is Museveni's home area. the neighboring areas are Kazo, parts of Lyantonde and Bwizibwera. Much of all this used to be part of the greater Mbarara district before Lyantonde, Kiruhura and Ibanda were curved out. The area in question is part of ecological cattle corridor and it is dominated by the cattle keepers. Before Museveni came to power, its only Bwizibwera that had signs of development characterised by modern cattle farms and banana plantations, modern permanent houses, a reasonable number of families that had embraced formal education. On other hand, Nyabushozi, Kazo and Kabula were dominated by nomadic cattle keepers who lived in abject poverty who had not so much embraced formal education. However, there existed isolated traditional enlightened families that led a modern lifestyle.

When Museveni took to the bush to fight the then government in 1981, it is this part of the cattle corridor that by his own designs dominated his NRA's command positions. Shortly before in 1980 Museveni had migrated to Nyabushozi and sought to be elected as the area Member of Parliament (MP) but the residents at the instigation of these few influential enlightened elders out rightly rejected him in favour of their own Sam Kuteesa of the Democratic Party (DP). These enlightened families did not approve of his bush war and that is how apart from Mathew Rukikaire, no Hima was on his NRA political wing. In this regard, he only managed to recruit semi illiterates Himas and Rwandese refugees from the cattle corridor while he drew unsuspecting educated fighters from other areas of western Uganda.

After taking over power, Museveni's Nyabushozi dominated top command of the NRA went on a looting/thieving spree. These commanders competed for primitive accumulation of wealth. Acquisition of land, modern houses, modern farms with huge numbers of cattle local cattle and armed soldiers guarding them, taking their children and relatives to good schools etc. was the order of the day.

Museveni assisted them through the ranches restructuring scheme, provision of valley dams, DE gazetting of Lake Mburo National Park to provide for his Kanyaryeru Luwero war victims, encouraging and protecting cattle keepers to cross from Kazo and invade Katonga wildlife reserve, founding of the State House funded Ngabo Academy, Provision of State House bursaries and bursaries, dominating the Presidential Protection Unit(PPU) now SFG whose pay was above other ordinary soldiers, domination of Revenue Protection Services/URA, State House staffing etc.

Actually if one stood at the round about of Busega on the Masaka Road on a Friday afternoon and a Sunday evening you would think that may be the entire government is going and coming from a holiday respectively. The number of posh private cars, government vehicles and army jeeps would be amazing. Many of them would branch off the Kaguta Road and disperse in Nyabushozi while a few would proceed to Rubaale in Ntungamo and Kebisoni in Rukungiri. Of course, such weekend trips would drain the national coffers of billions of shillings while feeding it into Nyabushozi.

Within a short period, a new class of wealthy families emerged in the area. There is a joke in that area where the traditionally wealthy and enlightened elders refer to the emerged wealthy ones as "The Museveni Wealth" as opposed to their traditional wealth. There was also an underground scheme to educate the boys and girls and to help them secure jobs. The scheme was managed by among others the likes of Enos Tumusiime when he was the MD of the defunct URC, Gordon Mwesigwa at the helm of City council, John Nasasira the 'permanent minister', Canon Rubunda the State House i/c welfare, Muhinda the late House Comptroller. Everyone hailing from that area and in position of authority was tasked to assist and account for how much he had assisted. The likes of former IGG Jotham Tumwesigye who could not give in to nepotism were sidelined.

There is talk that Museveni was angered by learning that Tumwesigye had not built a modern house at his country home in Nyabushozi and that he was staying in a rented house in Lubowa Housing Estate in Kampala. At one-time former Army Commander, James Kaziini publicly thanked the people of Nyabushozi for providing a whole Division of recruits for the army! This implies that almost every home in Nyabushozi may have a soldier or two that earn a salary from the government. The Uganda army has six divisions and if one county of Nyabushozi contributes a Division, then there is a big problem.

After sometime, the new breed of sons and daughters of Nyabushozi acquired the necessary academic qualifications from within and abroad. For them, employment is guaranteed courtesy of high connections in government. They occupy vital positions in URA, State House, ENHAS, CAA, ISO, CMI, Army, SFG, oil sector and now they are venturing into Kayihura's Police etc. At least almost 70% of the families in that area have a family member in any of the above mentioned sectors.

As a result, while other family members ventured into juicy government jobs and security services, their spouses, siblings, offspring and relatives would use the accruing proceeds to manage fancy shops in most of the fabulous shopping malls in major commercial centers, real estate business, and juicy tenders to supply 'air' to government departments. A good number of deceased senior army officers haled from that area. Going by the recent publicised survivors benefits of one hundred and sixty million for a single officer from Nyabushozi who died in a recent helicopter crush in Kenya, you can imagine how much of such money ends up in that geographical area alone.

Note that it is very rare for any other fallen soldier's family to access such benefits since they may not have the necessary connections. Imagine the economic benefits that go with Museveni conducting much of government business from his country home in Rwakitura/Nyabushozi. With all those pilgrims to Rwakitura, Nyabushozi is a tourist destination for both local and foreign visitors. There has been concerted efforts to use the huge financial might to acquire huge chunks of land in Buganda (Kiboga, Mubende and Nakasongola), Tooro (Kyaaka and Rwamwanja) and Bunyoro (Hoima and Masindi). In these new found territories, it is fashionable for army officers from Nyabushozi including Museveni to own huge chunks of land for cattle grazing. Museveni has huge chunks of land in Kisozi Gomba and Kyabiguru along River Kafu.

Tuli Mukintu are a Bantu language words to mean 'we are in it'. It is now a popular slogan used by those who are benefiting from thieving under Museveni's patronage. Members of the 'Tuli Mukintu' group are identified by the financially paying position they occupy in the government, the luxurious tender they win, the rapid promotions, rank and corresponding financial benefits in the security forces, the fat bank account, the posh car, the real property held in Kampala, glamorous weddings and weekend get- together parties and expensive outings, studies abroad, affording medical treatment abroad, number of foreign trips and the corresponding per diem, etc.

'Tuli Mukint'u is the Museveni's regime version of the Iddi Amin's regime of Mafuta Mingi (those who benefited from illicit trade). It is this Tuli Mukintu that gave rise to the popular saying of "Museveni Mpaka Last' (Museveni till the end) that is used during election time. It is also a modification of the infamous Bidandi Ssali warning to the electorates during Museveni elections thus 'olina kewekoledde, londa Museveni' (have you achieved, Vote Museveni). It is this 'Tuli Mukintu' that is driving many Ugandans to cross from the opposition to Museveni's camp. It is not by conviction but are driven by the urge to join the thieving ('kuba mukintu') hence the saying "if you can’t win them, join them".

Therefore, it is not the milk and cattle selling that has improved house hold incomes of residents of Nyabushozi and the neighboring areas but Museveni's politics of patronage, nepotism, favouritism, sectarianism, and thieving from public coffers. In Nyabushozi, cows and Milk are sold not for income generation but as a waste disposal and to avoid overgrazing. Otherwise for majority of the homes, their income is from weekly and monthly remittances from the son, daughter, father or mother who is in any of the above vital government sectors.

For the people of that area and in particular the Himas, Museveni is their lifeline. He is more of their king than a President of Uganda. However, his patronage is currently threatened by the emergence of Gen. Ssejusa on the opposition political scene.


Sunday, 3 August 2014


Once again, Museveni has successfully demonstrated his hypocrisy to the unsuspecting international community and Ugandans in particular. He has achieved his intended goal for which he initiated the bill and made it law. He initiated the bill, helped it through parliament though irregular, assented to it and now he has annulled it. His intention was to to attract global attention, attack and humiliate the west, and to win domestic support. After he has assented to the law, Opondo his spokesman had this to say "Museveni wanted to demonstrate Uganda's independence in face of western pressure and provocation."

Using his top Cadre Hon Bahati, Museveni initiated a private members bill in 2009 that sought to criminalise homosexuality with a death penalty. His usual functionaries moblised local support for the bill and at one time a huge procession comprised of religious clerics, cultural leaders and university students demonstrated through the streets of Kampala to the parliament where they presented their petition to the Speaker in support of the bill. Through a local daily, the Museveni government published a list of suspected homosexuals with their photographs. No action was taken against the said newspaper.

Local and international human rights organisations and media houses plus western governments put up a spirited fight against the bill. The donor community threatened to sever relations though cutting of aid. A gay rights activist one David Kato was murdered in Kampala shortly after he had addressed the UN sponsored international conference on gay rights. The Ethics and Intergrity Minister Mr. Lukoda threatened to ban 38 NGOs accusing them of promoting homosexuality. Museveni's mouth piece, the Media Centre's Pamella Ankunda wrote an Editorial on 11/01/2010 over western democracy "It is unfortunate Uganda is now being judged on the accusations of opportunists whose ideals are based on violence and blackmail and even worse, on the actions of aid attached strings . It is regrettable that the government is pretentiously expected to observe their human rights, yet by their own actions, they have surrendered their rights to human rights."  Media Center Boss Ophono Opondo added "Uganda is being judged harshly."

With this pressure from all corners, Museveni slowed down. The bill was brought forward from the 8th parliament to the 9th parliament with some major amendments. The death penalty had been dropped but other tougher penalties were retained.

In October 2013, Rebeca Kadaga the Speaker of Parliament who also doubles as Museveni's assistant in charge of indoctrination in the eastern region, clashed with the Canadian Foreign Affairs Minister over gay rights at a conference in Quebec. She told him off thus "Uganda is not a colony of Canada". She received a heroes reception upon return to Uganda from that conference. Shortly after, while addressing a press conference she stated thus "Ugandans want the bill as a Christmas gift. They have asked for it and we will give them that gift."
On 9th Dec 2013, parliament presided over by Kadaga hastly passed the bill into law. Prime Minister Mbabazi and Hon Aol Ocan raised the issue of quorum but the Speaker ignored them. Since it was a Museveni sponsored bill, it had to be passed without quorum. More so, at the time Speaker Kadaga and Prime Minister Mbabazi were not seeing eye to eye over the bid to succeed Museveni. 

There was international condemnation of the law by individuals, organisations and governments. The donor community threatened to cut aid. Museveveni who at the time was in bed with the eastern block (Rusia, China, North Korea etc) got the international attention he so much craved for . The world waited for him to operationalise the law by assenting to it. He developed cold feet and claimed that he was consulting experts and urged the USA "I encourage the USA government to help us by working with our scientists to establish whether indeed there are people who are born gay".

Immediately after Christmas Museveni had sent his private army to the South Sudan. He sought to reinforce this move by assenting to the anti-gay law while at the same time  On 14th February 2014, at a colourful news conference convened at the International Conference Center (ICC), Museveni assented to the Anti-gay law. Later, on 24th February, in an interview with CNN while referring to homosexuals, he asserted thus " They are disgusting. What kind of people are they".  On criticism from the west, he stated "Respect African People and their values. If you don't agree just keep quiet. Lets manage our society, then will see. If we are wrong, we shall find out by ourselves, just the way we don't interfere with yours".

A mass rally was held at the Kololo grounds in the heart of Kampala led by religious and cultural leaders to congratulate Museveni for having signed the law. Congratulatory messages from his cohorts continued to flow in from all corners of the country. Jubilations were led by mainstream churches and the evangelical pastors whom he has always duped into blindly backing his political survival games. Indeed locally he had scored.

Condemnations came from all corners of the world. The west cut aid at a time when his source of pride, oil production had not commenced. The economic impact was immediately felt not by his family and cohorts but by the ordinary people. What troubled him most was the Political impact of the aid cut. He weighed it against the ever growing opposition. The law had dealt the much needed political blow on Speaker Kadaga's presidential ambitions but had raised his main challenger (Mbabazi)'s political card. Mbabazi had earlier raised the issue of quorum in parliament. He was also mindful of the soft landing by exiled Gen. Ssejusa's moblisation efforts in the diaspora and the west.

Being the hypocrite that he has always been, he used his closest cohorts Andrew Mwenda and Fox Odoi to infiltrate the group of Lawyers and activists who were challenging the law in the constitutional court. The two aides together with his cadre judges acting on Museveni's orders ensured the success of the petition. The upholding of the petition has come at a time when he so much needed to travel to the USA to attend the USA-Africa summit. Sort of that, he had anticipated a lot of embarrassment and humiliation.
 Reacting to the court decision, Museveni has shamefully but joyfully stated that "I will consult the NRM caucus on way forward. Am sent the bills and I sign the. I dont look at how they were passed". His statement confirmed that the bill had been a brainchild of his NRM and not the parliament of Uganda. Also, that his NRM caucus is the defacto parliament of Uganda and the real parliament is a mere rubber stamp to his decisions pushed into parliament through his NRM caucus. But again, the fact that he has confessed to signing bills without looking at how they are passed clearly confirms that he has a mental inability to run the country hence a ground of impeachment.

From the aforesaid, it can be concluded that is a master of deceit and manipulation. He can eat his cake and have it. He duped his cohorts by signing the law and now he is seeking to fight off the brunt from the west. The government may appeal against the ruling but still he will give orders to the Supreme Court to uphold the earlier Court ruling after a long time. His NRM caucus may recommend that the bill be reintroduced in parliament and it passing will be deliberately delayed to buy time for resumption of aid, his 2016 presidential bid and denying the opposition soft landing. In the meantime he will claim that it is the courts of law that rejected the law thus 'in Uganda the Judiciary is independent'.