Saturday, 27 September 2014


Hardly a week after being relieved of the Premiership, the army led by one of the Chief of Staffs raided the residence of the outgoing Prime Minister under the guise of withdrawing his military escort unit and replacing them with the Police VIP unit personnel.

When the NRA took over power 28years ago all the senior officials took residence in the posh suburbs of Kololo and Nakasero. They pitched camps of armed escorts within their respective residences. Some Generals like Tumwine even closed off entire road stretches that passed near their residences. These senior officials even compete on who had the biggest house, number of armed soldiers, sophisticated armament and the fleet/convoy of escort cars. In the absence of formal ranks, this show of strength was the determinant of seniority. There would even be occasional exchange of fire between these escorts following brawls between some of their rowdy bosses in night clubs.

 Amama Mbabazi had been a member of FRONASA, a Lieutenant in the post Iddi Amin UNLA and its Director of Legal Services, fled to Nairobi where he remained as the leading member of the NRA external wing. Upon taking over power, no doubt he was a very powerful person whom the rank and file of the NRA could not distinguish as to whether he was a soldier on not. He too like other senior NRA officials took residence in the Kololo residential area and acquired all the armed sophistication. His first assignment was Director General of External Security (DG/ESO). He was later to hold the positions of Minister of State for Defence, Minister for Security etc. He would attend all the army council and high command meetings, chair the joint intelligence council (JIC) and coordinate the intelligence agencies. Mbabazi commanded a lot of authority among the security circles that even the most senior army Generals could not distinguish whether he was above them or they were below him. At times Museveni would even delegate him to chair the Army Council. When formal ranks were introduced, Museveni deliberately gave him no army number and rank despite the fact that even the fallen members of FRONASA were also awarded. This is because Museveni wanted to please the senior NRA officers whom Museveni had earlier told that members of the External Wing including Mbabazi had failed to mobilise resources for the fighters. However, going by the nature of sensitive positions that Museveni has assigned Mbabazi for the last 28 years and the political protection against alleged abuse of office, Mbabazi was made to believe that Museveni was grooming him for succession. This is why he (Mbabazi) at one time stated that Besigye was trying to jump the succession queue. IT IS WORTHY NOTING THAT AT THE TIME ERIYA KATEGAYA SEEMED TO BE THE NUMBER TWO BEFORE HE DIED OF 'LACK OF PHYSICAL EXERCISES'!

The escort units of respective senior officials comprises of Aide De Camps (ADCs), armed guards and military communication radio operators commonly known as Signalers. The armed guards are subdivided into those guarding the Kampala residence, the upcountry home, farm or ranch, those stationed at the office, those guarding the family business premises, those guarding the construction site if any, those always in the company of the principal, his/her spouse and children. In some instances some guards can even be assigned to relatives, friends and in-laws. The higher the principal's position and its accruing financial benefits, the bigger the number of escorts to be sustained. Such guards are always counted to be under the army General General Headquarters by establishment but its the respective official who has a final say over the choice,  retention and return to unit (RTU) of any escort unless he is facing a disciplinary action as is the current case of Mbabazi. It is very common to find someone who started as an escort to a senior official 28 years ago is still in the same position. Others even keep their immediate families within the premises of their bosses. In some cases depending on the boss's generosity, the escort is facilitated to rent a house outside and capital to start an income generating activity. For others they have struck fortunes by being involved in running private business errands for their bosses. The live example is of Juma Seiko the long time Aide to General Saleh. The result has been that many even forget about mainstream military service while others even desert. Apart from Museveni and Mbabazi, all the initial senior NRA officials have undergone descending or loss of prestige implying that Mbabazi has retained his original escorts for the last 28 years.

Apart from arms and personnel composing such guard units, there is one most vital component - the military communication radio.  A radio equipment for military communication with a call sign is attached to the security detail of such official complete with radio operators/signalers. The radio equipment enables the official to keep in touch with all administrative, command & control, and operational developments in all units of the army whether in the country or outside. Even when Museveni is in New York his military radio network is active and communicates with the entire NRA whether in Moroto, Mogadishu or CAR.  This is a privilege of very few top NRA officials. Even within the military establishment, not every Tom and Dick has access to these radio communication. The radio communication centre (Signal Centre) is out of bounds for most Officers and men save for just a few. Most of the messages generated are 'classfied and restricted'.  Not even the Vice President, Kigongo, ministers or the current Prime Minister can have access to this military communication network but Amama Mbabazi had it right from 1986 till late this week. Depriving Mbabazi of this privilege is a serious sign of mistrust. For the last 28 years, before Mbabazi goes to office, gets lunch or goes to bed he had to read the message book where all the developments in the security apparatus are recorded by his signaler. At his village home in Kihihi there is this strong communication gadget that is used to monitor and intercept military communication of neighboring countries and other hostile armed groups in the DRC. It was designed by his right hand man Col. Victor Twesigye formerly of ISO's 'Operation Rabbit' who is now the NRA's Director of Communication (Signals).
Museveni has designed a more sophisticated mechanism within this radio communication network codenamed 'Kibali' whereby a few chosen top officials are able to use coded communication via these radios without other users breaking into their codes not even some of the radio operators. Mbabazi was one of the few top officials under the 'Kibali' arrangement. Therefore, by the army taking away his radio and removing him from this net (network) he is terribly incapacitated and he now realises that Museveni is all out to reduce him to an ordinary person.Mbabazi as a person must have been legally in possession of arms like an SMG, Pistol and ammunitions which have not been withdrawn because his house was not searched.
Being denied access to military radio communication and escorts is the strongest sign of losing favor with Museveni. The likes of Jim Muhweezi, Saleh, Tumwiine, Aronda etc still have their military guards and radio network intact. Now for Mbabazi, he will have to wait for the mass media  and news bulletins so as to know why there was a shooting in his neighborhood the previous night or the security situation at the Uganda/Congo border a few kms from his home. He has the cash well but it can not buy information for "information is power". The information black out is further worsened by withdrawing all his military escorts some of who have been subjected to search and arrest. Could they have been used to gather information for the 'Kipingamizi'? We are yet to see the fate of his equally powerful Aide Captain Katabazi.

THEREFORE THE ORDER TO WITHDRAW MILITARY GUARDS FROM MBABAZI'S SECURITY DETAIL AND TO DISCONNECT HIM FROM THE MILITARY RADIO NETWORK WAS GIVEN BY MUSEVENI HIMSELF. The heavy deployment and the press coverage was meant to overwhelm Mbabazi. They did not anticipate any resistance or confrontation. This is what Museveni alluded to when he stated that "AM A WAR GENERAL AND NOT A CLASSROOM GENERAL" immediately after the Kyankwanzi resolution and since then he is always in full military combat uniform 24/7. It will take alot of hardwork for Museveni's intelligence handlers to convince him that Mbabazi is linked to any form of trying to gain the top office by use of the military. The Police VIP guards are nothing but members of the newly founded Kayihura intelligence outfit tasked to maintain surveillance on Mbabazi's movements and dealings and at worse to frame him over subversive activities.


Monday, 22 September 2014


Although he has not explicitly stated so, there is no doubt Mbabazi intended to seek for the Presidency of Uganda. In Museveni's Uganda a mere intent by any member of his NRM to seek the top leadership amounts to high treason that is commonly referred to as "counter revolutionary" (kipingamizi). Mbabazi knows the dire consequences of such intentions thus the reason why he has not explicitly come out to declare so. With Museveni's approval, uring his tenure in different positions right from the bush days Mbabazi has initiated, designed and executed a number of dirty games meant to ensure the former's political survival.
Mbabazi is not a stooge and in doing so he hoped that was grooming him as his possible successor. His holding of two positions (Prime Minister and Secretary General) was with full blessing of Museveni in order to keep out Otafiire and Bukenya.Like Museveni, Mbabazi had hoped that if the later could secure the EAC presidency, he would elinguish power at home.

When Mbabazi realised that Museveni was instead grooming his son Muhoozi to succeed him, he felt betrayed. He instructed his family members to spearhead the behind the scenes moblisation for his presidential bid in the hope that this move would pressure Museveni into abandoning the Muhozi project. It was not until Museveni unleashed the Kayihura led security machinery against him, the Tadwong Secretary Generalship and now being relieved from the Premiership, that Mbabazi is starting to realise that the road to succession is rough.

Aware of growing resentment among party members and the general Ugandan public over Museveni's overstay in power, Mbabazi hoped to come in as an alternative that would ensure continuation of the ruling oligarchy while guaranteeing Museveni's security out of the office. It is too early to say that Mbabazi has lost out. That is why both Museveni and Mbabazi are very careful with the utterances against one another. They are both aware of each other's strength in the ruling oligarchy. There is something both Museveni and Mbabazi are not telling their fans. That is why historicals like Otafiire, Muhwezi, Ssejusa, Kayihura etc have not come out openly to comment on the alleged sacking. It is only the Twalire's in likes of Ophono Opondo who are jumping up and down with uncoordinated conclusions.

Mbabazi was using his position as Prime Minister to build Museveni's, the party's and his own political base within and outside the country. It is this position that boosted the bilateral, diplomatic and financial resources for himself, Museveni and the party. That is why Museveni came out openly to protect him in the nasty financial scandals. His being dropped from the Premiership position is more of an internal disciplinary measure that a fall out.

Like many other suitable party members for the position of Museveni Premiership as opposed a Prime Minister for Uganda, Rugunda is another Museveni stooge. In public he looks a gentleman but in private he is another Museveni sycophant. He is the Aronda type of dangerous silent burners. During the Constituent Assembly, its only Aronda and Rugunda who did not debate any article on the floor but were instrumental in the behind the scenes political machinations. Rugunda is in favor of Museveni's sole candidature and if he is a gentleman he should have been able to advise Museveni to relingiush power. In all the choice of Rugunda was precipitated by the urge to neutralise Mbabazi's influence in Kigezi region. It is believed that most of the elites from Kigezi (Rugunda inclusive) region are behind Mbabazi. One other task of Rugunda is to resolve the small differences between Mbabazi and Museveni.

With the position of Prime Minister now no-more, Mbabazi is vulnerable to devastating humiliation if his family and supporters continue with their designs. Such humiliation will take the form of internal party disciplinary measures first against members of his family and criminal summons by the Police. His capacity to interact with grass root party members will be curtailed.

Mbabazi seem to be banking on the Delagates Conference to be elected as the party flag bearer. Initially he had intended to continue mobilising underground so that he takes Museveni by surprise during the delegates conference but Museveni's intelligence machinery burst his (Mbabazi's) ambush. Museveni always chooses his weak stage managed contenders during party primaries to elect the party flag bearer. Mbabazi is not a weak contender if he is allowed to contest against Museveni in their party primaries. Therefore, the recently initiated countrywide 'single candidature popularisation' scheme was meant to counter the anticipated Mbabazi contest. IF ATALL ELECTIONS ARE TO TAKE PLACE IN 2016, Mbabazi will have been rigged out during party primaries if he will have opted to contest. The rigging will take the form of outright intimidation and bribery of delegates. If he adamantly either contests for the party flag bearer or opts to contest for the Presidency in the general elections as an independent, he will loose and that will mark the end of his political career. On the contrary, if does not contest in either of the two scenarios above but instead maintains his current silent status, he stands better chances of Museveni bringing him back on board.

Mbabazi cant leave NRM to join any of opposition parties. He cant form his own political party because like Museveni he believes NRM is him. Museveni cant risk expelling him from his party no matter what. The only basis for the opposition jubilation should be exploitation of Mbabazi's squabbles with Museveni to woo support from voters.

No doubt, war drums from some section of Ugandans are targeting Museveni's grip on power. Battle orders are sealed in the same package that is holding Museveni's declaration of intentions to seek another term. Should these drums turn into reality and depending on how Mbabazi behaves between now and then, Museveni will need Mbabazi in one way or the other. Mbabazi cant use military means to gain power but he only uses some individuals in the intelligence services to access political intelligence.That is why Museveni has taken long to discipline him.

Mbabazi has not fallen out with Museveni because they still need each other. So long as he is still a member of Museveni's NRM, Mbabazi is as close to Museveni as ever before.


Tuesday, 16 September 2014


On 13th September Kampala city and Entebbe Airport witnessed a heavy deployment of security forces. Immediately after the USA embassy advised its citizens to be extra vigilant. In the release, the embassy asserted that it was not aware of the specific target but went ahead to inform its citizens that the government had increased security at key sites including Entebbe Airport. THIS IMPLIES THAT UGANDA DID NOT SHARE THE PURPORTED INTELLIGENCE ON TERRORIST WITH ITS KEY PARTNER IN THE FIGHT AGAINST GLOBAL TERRORISM.

Later in the day the Police Chief issued a press release in which he confirmed that they had foiled a terrorist attack.He among other issues he urged organisers of public events to work with the police and other sister security agencies in planning and organising such events. THIS IS THE USUAL METHOD THAT THEY USE IN ORDER TO STIFLE THE FREEDOM OF ASSEMBLY. IT COMES AT A TIME WHEN THERE IS PERSISTENT AND WELL CALCULATED DEMONSTRATIONS BY THE YOUTH.
He went ahead to state that they had increased patrols in the city and major towns and other public places. Further, that he had ordered all Regional and District Police Commanders to moblise crime preventers for purposes of gathering information and reinforcing patrols. DID TERRORISTS INTEND TO ATTACK ALL THE REGIONS AND DISTRICTS OF UGANDA? IT IS OLY THE UGANDA VERSION OF TERRORISM WHERE CRIME PREVENTERS (NRM CADRES) HANDLE A TERRORIST ATTACK.

Police Spokes persons have repeatedly issued statements confirming how a major terrorist attack had been foiled. They have further claimed that they made arrests of an unspecified number of foreigners and seized explosives. Polly Namaye in particular has stated that "terrorists do not work alone; we believe the group has been working with other groups either within  and outside the country and so we want them to let us know who they were dealing with. They intended to use explosives and guns to gain entry to targeted places and cause maximum damage".It has of late stated that it recovered two sucide vests. However, the Police is reluctant to say if the purported foiled attack is linked to the Islamist Allshabab militants. HAVE THESE THESE GUNS BEEN RECOVERED? DOESN'T THE PURPORTED USE OG GUNS SOUND LIKE AN ARMED ATTACK SIMILAR TO THE ONE IN RWENZORI IN JULY! The DRC based ADF was declared a terrorist organisations then WHO ARE THESE OTHER GROUPS IN UGANDA?
The Police is claiming that the arrested suspects are fully cooperating with the investigation team. In the 2010 purported Alshabab attack in Kampala, government claimed that the suspects had confessed. IS IT ONLY IN UGANDA WHERE TERRORISM SUSPECTS EASILY CONFESS THEIR CULPABILITY?

On 6th September the leader of ALSHABAB was killed by USA  drones in Somalia. It is undisputed that France provided the intelligence that led to the success of that operation. The new leader of ALSHABAB  in an audio message stated thus "As you have killed Abu Zubay (Godane), we will also kill many infidels inside Washington and New York. We have already prepared". Shortly after the Uganda Army Chief in an interview stated that ALSHABAB was planning to attack Uganda for having provided intelligence that led to the killing of their leader. IS THIS THE FOILED ATTACK THAT THE ARMY CHIEF ALLUDED  TO? WHY IS THE POLICE RELUCTANT TO LINK THE FOILED ATTACK TO ALSHABAB?

Allover the world illegal immigrants are arrested in special operations by Immigration Officers with the help of the Police and subjected to the law. During the Saturday operation Immigration Officers were involved and 69 illegal immigrants were initially reported to have been arrested. WHY WOULD AN IMMIGRATION LED OPERATION BE CARRIED OUT TOGETHER WITH THE ALLEGED OPERATION AGAINST TERRORISTS? The Chairman of the Somali Community in Uganda was on TV on Monday 15th where he stated that he had been registering all his community members including visitors until when the authorities stopped him. He confirmed that he had always been seeing all those who have been arrested. WHO STOPPED HIM AND WHY?

Museveni is increasingly facing stiff resentment at home. Some sections have vowed to use force to cause regime change. He boosts to have defeated the opposition demonstrations on the streets of Kampala. Behind the scenes he knows why the opposition is off the streets of Kampala. IS THE COVER OF FIGHTING TERRORISM USED TO DEAL WITH INTERNAL RESENTMENT? IS THE PURPORTED FOILED TERROR ATTACK GOING TO BE USED TO PURGE SOME LEADERS OF THE OPPOSITION? IS IT THE REASON WHY THEY COULD NOT SHARE THE INTELLIGENCE WITH THE USA?
WAS THE HEAVY MILITARY PRESENCE ON EVERY INCH OF THE CITY MEANT TO THREATEN THE RESENTING MASSES OF THERE WAS SOMETHING ELSE OTHER THAN TERRORISM? Already the Kampala city resident commissioner has issued a press release assering that there is a plan to lure the youth into rebellion who intend to burn the city. ALSHABAB has denied involvement in planning to attack Kampala. Museveni has the capacity to carry out a stage managed attack and blame it on ALSHABAB.
No doubt Museveni has forover a decade now thrived on the Somali misssion and the war against terrorism to blackmail the West while using terrorism law to suppress internal dissent. As usual, the Saturday hoax has earned him his much craved for international attention and sympathy. WAS IT A COINCIDENCE THAT THE PURPORTED ATTACK TOOK PLACE AT A TIME UGANDA'S SAM KUTESA WAS COMMENCING WORK AS PRESIDENT OF THE UN SECURITY COUNCIL? WHAT ABOUT THE THREAT BY PARLIAMENT NOT TO PASS HUGE DEFECE/SECURITY BUDGET! NO WONDER ITS ONLY MUSEVENI WHO FOOLS ALL THE PEOPLE ALL THE TIME.


Saturday, 13 September 2014


Sarah Kagingo is Museveni's Special Presidential Assistant in charge of communication. She is a Muslim from Mbarara District. She was a Guild President of Makerere University during 1997/98. After graduating she worked with Museveni's brother, Gen. Saleh where they were instrumental in campaigning for Museveni' selection.
In April 2013 Museveni appointed her his Special Media Advisor. Since then she has introduced Museveni to the social platform thus bringing him closer to the online community through timely updates on Twitter and Facebook. Later she was promoted to the position of  Special Presidential Assistant on Communication. As such, Museveni was recently voted as the most influential African leader on Twitter though Amama Mbabazi emerged as the most interactive leader on Twitter. Because of her position she has since got closer to the Museveni more than anybody else. She travels alot with him both within and outside the country. In that way she has the security clearance to physically access Museveni at her own convenience to the extent of sometimes riding in the same car with him. In an interview with one of the Dailies she had this to say "I'd like to be remembered as one who woke up a government to the social media and how I communicated the President's activities promptly".

Of recent Sarah Kagingo has hit headlines following Local TV footage showing the Police rescuing a 16 years old girl from residence whom they claimed was a her maid that she was allegedly abusing. Later on her reaction was that the said girl was her own relative and not a maid whom her haters were using in their efforts to bring her down. It has also emerged that Sarah Kagingo had earlier filed a criminal case of assault against Major Edith Nakalema but the Police is reluctant to follow it up.

RO 08654 Major Edith Nakalema is a soldier under Museveni's SFG and a Private Secretary to Museveni. She hails from Kashari in Mbarara District and is married to Major Jimmy Ansizua. Though born decades after Uganda gained independence, she was awarded an Independence Medal. When she was a Captain she together with the First son's wife Chalotte to champion Mama Kazi - a scheme to enhance income of SFG soldiers whose commanding officer is the first son Brig. Muhoozi. There has been several complaints from both military and civilian staff of State House over Nakalema's high handedness. She recently inhumanly terminated and the employment of civilian cooks before disgracefully chasing them from all State House installations including Rwakitura. Now there is this new allegation of assaulting a fellow employee Sarah Kagingo.

She is a former Private Secretary to Museveni who was replaced by Major Edith Nakalema. She is the wife of Anania Tumukunde who was Museveni's Advisor on IT before he was arrested  in the UK and convicted over money laundering charges. It is alleged that she was dropped partly because of her husband's activities.

As the saying goes: Once bitten by a snake you fear lizards. In the past Museveni fathered children with a State House house keeper whom he has since then turned into a second lady housed at Kisozi Ranch. It is said that one of the tasks of Maj. Nakalema is to keep off ladies from getting close to Museveni. Sarah Kagigo is an attractive young lady and is not married. She was offered the job by Museveni personally and she described it thus "I was excited to receive a call from the President and had to take up the job". She at times moves in the same car with the Museveni. Her social media project has so much moved Museveni that at times he takes selfies with a mobile phone. Remember the scene during the burial of Mandela where Michelli Obama was not comfortable with the Obama's selfies. Amid Kagingo's woes, Museveni and the First Lady were at Major Nakalema's home in Mbarara attending a thank giving ceremony. It has since emerged that Museveni was dragged to the ceremony by the First Lady and and son

Museveni's inner security circle is manned by the most trusted soldiers. Major Nakalema could be one of them. All those soldiers that civilians that have physical access to Museveni undergo periodic security vetting. Given the growing dissent among Ugandans against Museveni's governance, his physical security is an issue. However, there are civilian staff like cooks, housekeepers, drivers, medical personnel etc that can not be denied access to Museveni. Kagingo also falls in this category. His security intelligence runs a surveillance on such staff members who get close proximity to the President. It develops profiles pertaining to 'political clarity', morale, private life pertaining to social connections with members of the public. This security clearance extends to all soldiers under the SFG as at one time now Capt Tinka who had been deployed by the army headquarters as the RSM to the then PGB was rejected while much earlier on Asingura Kagoro was given one hour to vacate PPU in the late 80s. It is not clear how easy it is for the intelligence to secretly carry out surveillance on Kagingo to the Mosque for prayers. This ensurers that such people are not compromised (used to cause physical harm to Museveni). This is how Kisembo his chief driver who had driven him for over a decade was recently disgracefully dropped. Much earlier on his other driver a one Mutabazi had fled to the USA. Currently Museveni is carrying out a militarisation process of most civilian institutions. As of now out of his seven drivers, five are soldiers.
In the bush when there was a challenge to his leadership from some section of his fighters, he isolated his command post with barricades and surrounded himself with the likes of Saleh, Rwigyema as his  immediate neighbors. History is repeating itself. However, in the instant case it is not likely that Kagingo is a security threat unless her enemies frame her up. But again, is she not entitled to security guards from the SFG and if so how comes that according to TV footage, her residence was  kind of deserted with only a maid allegedly some days.

It is undisputed that State House is a center of most of the shoddy deals where the country has lost large chunks of tax payer's money. Most of the corruption scandals have either originated from, sought protection or ended up silenced by state house. Some reliable sources confirm that because of large money deals being coordinated by state house account for the level of intrigue among the staff members. It is in this regard tha on the ongoing railway saga Museveni stated thus "corrupt officials in State House had stolen minutes of the delicate meeting with investors and shared them with a rival Chinese company". At one time he even claimed that his signature had been forged.

There are many behind the scene politicking that take place in State House that are designed to suffocate democracy in Uganda but they are often denied in public. Now that Sarah Kagingo is keeping track of Museveni's engagements and making them public immediately, wont it in one way or the other incriminate Museveni in the shoddy dealings hence denying him room for denials? This question can only be answered by Museveni himself.

Kagingo was offered the job through a personal phone call by Museveni. She has been working for Museveni as a person and is not a publicservant. Since the current saga started, Museveni has not comeout clear and Kagingo continues to serve him. It is only Museveni who can terminate her services either because of security breach which should have been immediate or at the insistence of the First Lady through Maj. Nakalema.Otherwise Kagingo may be reaping what she sowed by riding on the tiger's back.


Wednesday, 10 September 2014


Uganda follows the British model of military ranks and formations. The national army is supposed to be composed of the Infantry, the Air Force and the Marine.

From bottom to top these ranks are: Recruit, Private (Pte), Lance Corporal (L/Cpl), Corporal (Cpl), Sergent (Sgt), Staff Sergent (S/Sgt), Warrant Officer class II (WO II), Warrant Officer class I (WO I), Cadet, Second Lieutenant (2LT), Lieutenant (Lt), Captain (Capt), Major (Maj), Lieutenant Colonel (Lt. Col), Colonel (Col), Brigadier (Brig), Major General (Maj. Gen.), Lieutenant General (Lt. Gen.), General (Gen.).

 Recruit is the title held during the first basic training to transform someone from civilian to a soldier thus becomes a Private upon successful completion of training. Cadet is the title given to someone who is undergoing training to become a Commissioned Officers and upon successful completion he becomes a 2Lt. From the rank of L/Cpl to WO I these are referred to as Non Commissioned Officers (NCOs) while from 2lt to General they are referred to as Commissioned Officers. Generally all Non-commissioned Officers including Privates are referred to as 'Men' while the Commissioned Officers are referred to as 'Officers'  thus the term 'Officers and Men'. Among the officer ranks are Junior Officers (2lt - Capt) and Senior Officers (Major and above).

Basically the infantry is composed of riflemen or foot soldiers who are backed by support units like the armored, artillery, and Field Engineering. The smallest formation of an infantry unit is the Section (10 - 12 soldiers), the Platoon (three Sections), the Company or Coy (four Platoons), the Battalion or Bn (four companies), the Brigade or Bde (three or four Battalions) and the Division or Div (three or four Brigades).

A Section is commanded by a Corporal who is referred to as a Section Commander and is assisted by the L/Cpl.  A Platoon is Commanded by either a 2Lt or a Lt assisted by a Sgt and is referred to as a Platoon Commander and Platoon Sgt respectively. A company is commanded by either a Major or Capt and are often referred to as Officers Commanding or O.Cs. A Battalion is commanded by a Commanding Officer and often to as C.O. A Brigade is commanded by a Brigadier and is often referred to as a Brigade Commander. A Division is commanded by a General and is often referred to as Division Commander. Any Assistant to any of these positions is referred to as Second in Command (2i/c). A Brigadier is a 1st star General,  a Major General is a 2 Star General, a Lt. Gen is a 3 Star General while a General is a 4 Star General. As you will note above, the higher the rank the further one gets away from direct enemy fire thus the saying "Wars are started by Politicians, planned by Generals and fought by Men".

There are administrative departments of the army that provide the logistical and administrative support to the forces at Company, Battalion, Brigade and Division level. These are linked to the army General Headquarters which seconds them to different formations to handle administrative tasks. These are Administration/Adjutant, Records, Finance/Pay, Intelligence, Medical, Supplies, Political Education/Commissars, Training and Operations, Transport etc. Such Officers hold ranks like S/Sgt, WOs, and Col. Warrant Officers are often referred to as Regimental Sergent Majors (RSMs) at Battalion level or Company Sergent Majors (CSM) at Company level. They are mainly concerned with assisting Commanders on matters of discipline of their Men. Literally, these positions are commonly referred to as Office positions since their holders don't go to battle.

There is a set out procedure on how one qualifies to move from one rank to another and how to hold a position or an appointment. Promotions for Men is supposed to be proposed by their respective Unit Commanders and confirmed by the Promotions Board at the army headquarters. Promotion for Commissioned Officers is supposed to be proposed by the Promotions Board and confirmed by the Commander In Chief who is the President. This is called the Army Establishment which is supposed to clearly spell out the structures, recruitment, training, promotion, deployment, transfer and retirement of military personnel. Museveni has deliberately undermined  the operation of army establishment for his personal interests.That is why the former armies like UNLA under Obote andUA under Amin did not have plenty of Generals and the total absence of the practice of rendering officers redundant (katebe).

Owing to their superior weapons, units like Mechanised, Armored, Artillery, Air Defense, Field Engineering etc provide the regular troops with the necessary superior fire support during combat. Sections of these units are simply attached to regular units but they retain their command link with their  mother unit. It is these units that you see on major hill tops of Kampala city. It is these strategically powerful units that Museveni has placed under the command of his son.

When Museveni took to the Bush he took with him both soldiers (UNLA/FRONASA, former Iddi Amin soldiers and some Policemen) and civilians. In the bush formal ranks for Officers were abandoned but instead they were replaced by informal rankings. These were Provisional Junior Officer II (PJOII), Junior Officer II (JOII), Junior Officer I (JOI), and Senior Officer (SO) that were equivalent to 2Lt, Lt, Capt, and Major and above respectively. For the Men or other ranks, the formal ranks of L/Cpl, Cpl, and Sgt remained but S/Sgt and WOs were banned.
Among the Senior Officers (SOs)were members of the High Command and of course Museveni's rank was Chairman of the High Command (CHC). That is why during the early days of coming to power many were merely referred to as Commander so and so. At the time of capturing Kampala in 1986, the NRA had not more than ten Battalions some of which had composed what was referred to as Saleh's Mobile Brigade. Even though, these Battalions were not of a full battalion strength. Some of the former UNLAs who had just joined the NRA with their formal ranks initially had problems fitting into the NRA command structure then. There was this reference to 'original' and 'non original' NRAs. The Twatera Embundu (came from the bush) and the Twaliire (joined after fall of Kampala).
As the NRA numerically expanded, it created three Brigades i.e 163rd Brigade for central and Western regions, 151 Brigade for eastern region and 167 Brigade for Northern and West Nile regions.
Because of corruption and patronage by end of late 80s most Men who had joined the NRA before capturing Kampala were holding the rank of Sgt. Commanders would reward their cooks, escorts, drivers, friends, concubines etc with the rank of Sgt. Some influential Senior Officers would even promote their own preferences to the officer ranks. With small money some individuals would EVEN buy ranks. This anomaly is partly to blame for the burning of the Republic House (Army Headquarters) in 1989.

 When formal ranks were introduced Museveni landed the highest rank of Lt. Gen followed by Major Generals Tumwine, Saleh, and Rwigyema. Below them were Brigadiers Kanyankole, Tinyefuza , Kyaligonza and Kategaya (who was given a honorary Brigadier). By Officers service numbers, Kategaya is 002 after Museveni who is 001. Museveni deliberately awarded him a honorary rank in order to keep him away from the main stream military. Below them were the Colonels Chihandae, Cheif Ali, Lumumba, Otafiire, Mushega, Muntu and another Mugisha. Below came the Lt. Colonels like Dr. Besigye, Nasur Izaruk, Dr. Bata, Sserwanga Lwanga, Kashilingi, etc. Below them came the Majors who comprised of both officers who had been senior Officers (SOs) and those who had been Junior Officers at the fall of Kampala. Below them came the Captains like Aronda, Kayihura etc. Below them came the Lts and 2Lts. The rank of Major had the highest concentration of dissatisfaction as it was used as the dumping ground of those who had deserved more senior positions but because they had fallen victim to the internal bickering over positions they had to be punished i.e Italikire Kiiza who had been a Captain in the Amin Army, played a crucial role in training the NRA and became a Senior Officer in the bush but ended up being given a major with his juniors.
Generally, awarding of formal ranks was Museveni's first step to personalise the NRA. Though the high ranks dis not match with the level of training it served its major purpose of neutralizing the ranks held by those who were joining the NRA from other armies e.g UNLA, UNRF, FUNA, UFM/FEDEMO, UPDA, the gratifying of the contribution made by different individuals while punishing the disobedient NRAs. The Baganda who had tirelessly fought in the Luwero war got a raw deal.

At the time (1987/88) the Twaliires  likes of Katumba Wamala, JJ Odong, Otema, and others who had just joined NRA from UNLA were mere Lts. Angina and Tolit were 2nd Lts. Wilson Mbadi was a recruit in Kabamba while the late 1985 entrants like David Muhoozi,  Bantariza, Mugira, Mayombo, Kyanda, Kayanja Muhanga, Tony Owana were Privates. Muhoozi the first son was in primary school.

Between 1988 -late 90s promotions in the NRA took the following forms:

1. Catching the attention of the Commander in Chief or upon recommendation of a God father Senior officer or politician. This is how most of the Western axis late 1985 entrants like Mugira, Mayombo, Bantariza, Rwakitarate, David Muhoozi and many others plus the bulk of and the now senior ISO Officers were commissioned as Lts without any Officer training or command exposure. Some remnants of of the bush war got elevation while some got stuck either on the same rank or none at all todate. In this way totally illiterate and semi illiterate officers were commissioned.

 2. Cadet training - the first Officer Cadet training was conducted by the Tanzanians and attended by a bulk of late 1985 entrants and post take over candidates around 1987/88. The bulk of them them took up junior command and administrative positions from where they have since risen to very senior positions. During the proceeding years, Cadet courses continued to be conducted at Jinja producing quite a number of Officers.  However, they have since been phased in favor of the current Muhoozi Officer Corps. Such officers are the likes of Col. Wakalo, Col. Emmy Mulindwa, Igumba and many others. The few luck ones like Dan Tizihwayo, Kayanja Muhanga, Stephene Kashure, and a few others continue to thrive while their other course mates lost out completely. At the beginning of the century the practice of recruiting civilians and taking them for Cadet training commenced. At one time, some cadet officers were put under the radar over suspicion that they had been infiltrated into the training by the then opposition Reform Agenda.

3. Those from other armies retained their ranks and a few progressed to senior ranks especially those who had junior ranks while many lost out. Over the years the rebel groups from West Nile and Northern Uganda had been abandoning rebellion and among the terms of surrender was the provision to retain their ranks. Museveni has handled this by not assigning them to command positions i.e UNRF's Ali Bamuze and Group including Taban Amin, LRA's Banya and group, etc.

4. There was/ is also the practice of commissioning soldiers to officer ranks because of their university education without going through any form of Officer training or command exposure. This was common with departments like intelligence, medical, finance, ISO, former PPU etc. There are the likes of Mayombo, Balya, Mugira, Bantariza etc

5. For Non Commissioned Officers (NCOs), training and promotions had been suspended for many years almost throughout the late 80s and 90s. This led to many NCOs getting stuck on the same rank for over a decade while some were holding officer responsibilities in both Command and administrative positions. Around the late 90s the ranks of WO and Staff Sgt (S/Sgt) were introduced that saw a number of some of these senior NCOs elevated. Also, a short Cadet Course (6 months) was arranged for some NCOs who fell in this category whereby they were elevated to LTs. Lucky enough even some of these NCOs who work in stores, procurement, intelligence, VIP protection, Finance etc had accumulated huge financial fortunes that they could not mind much about promotions. The best example was of now Member of Parliament LT (RTD) Saleh Kamba who remained a Sgt for over a decade but was living like a Brigadier.

When the 1st Son Muhoozi came to the scene first as a member of the Local Defence Units (LDU), recruitment for Officer Cadet took the form of selective and secret recruitment. The first batches of his trainees have since then taken over command of strategic and sensitive positions. In the same vein those officers who have ever served under the President's protection Unit (PPU) and now SFG are given priority to take over command of the regular army units.

Because there is no Army Establishment, Museveni created the rank of Ag i.e Ag. Col, Ag Brig, etc. He uses it where he is a bit shy to promote a junior person to a certain position and as the rest go to sleep he confirms that such person to the intended rank. For the same reasons the practice extends to acting  appointments i.e Ag. Chief of Staff, Ag. Div Commander etc. The practice is also used where Museveni wishes to deny the affected officer full powers and the accruing confidence to execute his duties.

Appointments to both command and administrative positions is supposed to match with the rank and training of the affected officer. Since promotions are done without following any established procedures it is very common to find an officer staying on the same rank for decades while others are fast tracked to higher ranks. In many cases the rank and appointment held by some officers does not match with the training and experience but is based on shear preferential treatment, sectarianism and patronage. Appointment to some sensitive positions like in intelligence, SFG, Finance, Mechanised, artillery and air defence etc, depend on Political clarity (personal loyalty to Museveni). Where appointment to top command position is made fpr someone whose political clarity is in doubt but just for purposes of hoodwinking the unsuspecting public, obviously a tested loyal cadre is deployed to deputise such officer hence rendering him ceremonial while the real power lies with the 2nd in Command. That scenario is reinforced by the emergence of Muhoozi's SFG as the controller of all the sensitive units which are simply attached to the regular units while their command and control is retained by SFG.

It is a presumption that any soldier who is mentally and physically fit if given the necessary training, exposure, facilitation and with a sound political leadership can accomplish a given military task. The situation under Museveni's NRA is of selective recruitment, training, deployment, promotion, exposure and logistical facilitation depending on the particular commander's political clarity. This political clarity consideration is undermining career development, morale and performance. Appointment to command and administrative positions is seen as being more of a means of enriching or bribery while punishing those whose political clarity is in doubt. Some sensitive units now under the control of SFG have ring fenced their command and administrative positions for only those with proved political clarity. On the contrary, those whose political clarity is in doubt are rendered inactive or not deployed for long periods (katebe).

Given the situation as outlined above, it is clear that there is stampede in the rank and file of the NRA. Obviously there is disgruntlement and a lot of malcontent inside there but since it amounts to high treason to express displeasure, the affected officers simply pray for divine intervention. Museveni is reluctant to retire them for fear that they will join the opposition. He has been buying time for these aged officers to depreciate more as he strengthens his SFG under the command of his son. It is for the same reasons that he is currently deploying these officers to civilian institutions like NAADs and other poverty alleviation projects. We are yet to witness more of such officers being seconded to more other civil sectors.The situation is expected to worsen with the impending withdraw of his troops from Somalia and South Sudan unless as usual he manipulates the situation to ensure his continued survival.

museveni is now stuck with his officers whose promotion and appointments have not been following the established procedures but instead have been based on his personal interest of regime survival.


Monday, 1 September 2014


At independence Uganda inherited a vibrant education system that was comparable to non in the region. Throughout the turbulent period 1966 - mid 80s, the education system continued to flourish. Since coming to power, Museveni embarked on systematic destruction of every system that was put in place by past governments.

 In 1997 he embarked on undermining the education system by introducing Universal Primary Education (UPE). As a central component of his fake Poverty Alleviation Action Plan (PEAP) and Poverty Action Plan (PAP), UPE another political gimic meant to deceive the impoverished masses. While undermining the quality of education, the high enrollment only achieved statistical targets. The rate of school dropouts and failures reached immeasurable proportions coupled by the poor quality of teachers and government's deliberate failure to address their welfare were the resultant devastating effects. It became clear that the whole aim of UPE and USE was a Musevenist evil ploy to intellectually destroy the current and future generation of Ugandans through the proliferation of ignorance, poverty and disease. The bottom line was to keep the youths as raw commodities that can not grasp pertinent political issues. With the biting poverty majority of Ugandan children continued to attend low standard public schools while the well to do families took their children to private schools.

In one of the leaked Weakleaks cables from the U.S Embassy in Kampala, the Ambassador wrote "Museveni is a hardcore Marxist Communist hiding behind economic liberalisation and phonny democracy to win favour from the West. Ideologically, he keeps the Maoist China and the Fascist North Korea close at heart". Also, see New putin pushes patriotism in Russia. Since coming to power 28 years ago Museveni has been struggling to indoctrinate Ugandans through his manipulative political education designs like Mchakamchaka and other cadre development programs. Realising that despite those efforts the political manipulation was not taking root, he opted to introduce mandatory patriotism drills to the youths. In 2009 he directed the introduction of patriotism in schools as a way of expanding his ideological indoctrination. A senior NRA officer Lt. Col. Henry Matsiko was put in charge of coordinating the National Secretariat of Patriotism Clubs (NSPC) under State House. He was assisted by the likes of longtime ISO spies like Lulu Itipa among others. Itipa is one of the ISO operatives who were disgracefully dismissed and they went to court. He took to part time lecturing at Kyamkwanzi from where a former UWA Executive Director handpicked him and brought him to UWA to take charge of Security before he recently resigned and went back to the Presidents office to spearhead the obnoxious Patriotism Clubs in School. Parliament passed a huge budget for this project despite protests from the opposition. A bill seeking to criminalise any resistance to patriotism teaching was initiated. Through the Ministry of Education, a circular directing all Headteachers, Chief Administrative officers (CAOs), Resident District Commissioners (RDCs), Local Council 5 chairmen, school board of governors and the permanent secretary Ministry of Local government etc was issued urging them to partner in implementing the program. During the visit to China by Prime Minister Amama Mbabazi, Lt. Col. Henry Matsiko was in his company in order to link with the Communist Party of China (CPC) and learn more about the Maoist model of Patriotism in China.

Under the guise of patriotism clubs, unsuspecting youths in secondary schools, universities and institutions of higher learning are taken through military drills and ideological brainwashing. They are taught that Uganda started with the emergence of Museveni on the political scene whom they should unquestioningly support and if necessary die for. Earlier on, the traditional subjects of civics and political education for primary and secondary schools respectively were removed from the education curriculum simply because they talked about other past leaders, their achievements, human rights etc instead of solely teaching about Museveni and his movement system. At one time, over one thousand youths were hoarded into Ghadafi NRA barracks for a month long paramilitary drills. This indoctrination of the youth through patriotism Clubs is the begining of compulsory national service that is in the offing through UPDF courtesy of the Chinese government. In the end Uganda will witness a defiant youth corps that will be used to spy of their fellow dissenting youths, own parents, brothers and sisters. Above all a youth that will unquestioningly worship Museveni and Musevenism as the father of the nation and his son Muhoozi as the Dear Son. That is why the target age group is 18 - 22 years old.

Currently, because of the anticipated tough times ahead coupled by the increasing level of awareness among Ugandans that Museveni has been taking them for a ride, he has also responded by vigorously reviving political indoctrination targeting the youth in all sector of the Ugandan society. At the forefront of this project is the newly found alliance with the now militarised personal police under his sycophant Gen. Kayihura. At a recent launch of the Uganda Diaspora Patriotism Assembly (UDPA), Lt. Col. Charles Matsiko urged members not to be intimidated by exiled Gen. Ssejusa and the opposition.

With the liberalisation of the education sector, private schools have been mushrooming in the country. They provide quality education as an alternative to the frustrated parents whose children attend the failed public schools. The rampant strikes by both students and teacher/lecturers in public schools and institutions of higher learning has been a response to the appalling learning conditions. Of the 20000 private schools in the country, 3600 are said to be located in Kampala and the adjacent wakiso districts. These are the same top regions that have consistently opposed Museveni's governance. The same trend is evident in most urban centres where the elites are located. At one time Museveni intended to withdraw UPE and USE from urban schools as a way of indirectly punishing the defiant enlightened urban dwellers who oppose his system.

Impeachable sources reveal that the Patriotism Club Secretariat - a branch of ISO originated a report to Museveni that clearly pointed to private schools shunning patriotism clubs. As a way of meting out punishment to proprietors and compelling elite parents to embrace patriotism designs, Museveni sought to impose a 30% tax on all the profits accruing from the operations of these private schools. The measure will  drive many private schools out of business if the government stops them from hiking the school fees in order to cope with the new tax.