Friday, 31 October 2014


In his efforts to gain the presidency of Uganda, Museveni launched a guerrilla war against the UPC government in 1981 with bases a few miles from the capital Kampala. Among the first victims of his ambitious war were teenage female students of Masulita Secondary School. The headmaster of the school Jacob Asiimwe (now a senior NRA officer) was a staunch NRA contact person in the area. Without concern for the safety of the students, Jacob Asiimwe turned the school into a base for the NRA clandestine activities. NRA fighters enjoyed same facilities of the school with the students. It was not long before the government got wind of the activities of Jacob Asiimwe and he fled to the NRA camp taking with him a number of students. The government helped to evacuate the remaining students before the school was closed down.

Once in the bush the teenage male students were conscripted for military training while the female teenages were turned into sex slaves by some of the senior commanders. Mrs Getrude Njuba one of the first four male adults to join the bush in an interview stated thus "... then sometime in 1982 Jacob Asiimwe brought several students in the bush with a number of girls." She went on to say "...but soon we realised that once you have women and men together, some people are bound to develop intimate relationships. The bush was no exception. Relationships developed." Imagine, female teenage students had been elevated to being "women" now!

Major Rubaramira Ruranga in an interview with the Monitor put it more boldly thus "Another depressing moment was seeing how some officers were abusing girls. I have been reading about what this lady in exile (China Kaitesi) has been writing and it is true. The few available females in the kraal of predominantly males were abused." Immediately following that interview, Major Rubaramira Ruranga was quizzed by the army over the same and in a follow-up interview he clarified thus "I was very sorry for the girls. Each time I saw young girls mistreated, I felt concerned. I was looking at the animal in man." There is no doubt these teenage girls were both used and abused. They were robbed of their future as they never continued with their education and many died of AIDS after the NRA took over government. Unfortunately, the sexual abuse even involved the top most leadership of the NRA at the time. Gen. Jim Muhweezi even bore a baby with one of such girls in the bush and the now adult daughter lives in London. For the sake of privacy for both the few living and dead victims, we shall not make shocking revelations here of who did what to who. Because of the then government's weak propaganda machinery, the development was not effectively publicised and since the NRA was victorious, nobody has been made to account for the sexual abuse of these teenager girls. However, a precedent had been set for future abuse of teenage students by fighting groups.

When Museveni took over power in 1986, the people of northern Uganda straight away rejected his rule. They resorted to armed rebellion that eventually saw the emergence of Joseph Kony's LRA that has brutally fought his government for the last two decades +. In 1989 the LRA raided St. Mary's College Aboke and abducted 10 school girls. The government army established its permanent presence at the college in order to provide security. Later on the army withdrew from the college leaving it to be guarded by the local LDU militia. In 1996, the LDU withdrew from the college to the nearby town of Ikeme leaving the students vulnerable. As the intent by the LRA to attack the college once again became public knowledge, the school management approached the army for security. The army instead demanded for a pickup truck to be provided by the college to facilitate the transportation of soldiers to the college every evening for night patrols. 

One ening in October 1996 when the army had not shown up at the college for routine patrols, the LRA struck and abducted 130 female teenage students. The Deputy Headmistress of the college Sister Rachael Tassera (Italian) courageously followed the girls and negotiated with the LRA for their release. Fortunately 109 of the 130 girls were released by the LRA to Sister Rachael. The LRA retained the remaining 30 whom it is reported were distributed to senior commanders as sex slaves. The incident attracted a lot of international attention. The parents of the 30 students formed an association (CPA) that raised awareness locally, regionally and internationally. Unlike the UPC government he had fought in the early 80s, Museveni used the opportunity to intensify propaganda against the LRA. The propaganda out of this incident made immense contribution to the LRA being internationally condemned and declared a terrorist organisation. About 25 out of the 30 students have over the years returned from the LRA captivity while the remaining five are reported to have died. 

Therefore, as we condemn the LRA and Joseph Kony, lets also condemn the NRA and Museveni for having set the precedent.


Tuesday, 28 October 2014


At the tender age of 23 years, Muntu left Makerere University after doing his last paper for his political science course to join Museveni's bush war. He was driven by the urge to restore rule of law and human rights to Uganda that had broken down at the time courtesy of Yoweri Museveni who had created a situation to justify his bush war. Being a son of a prominent UPC leader (Enock Muntuoyera) who was a personal friend of the then President Obote, Muntu would have been given a better job in government but his resolute character and urge for the freedom of others took him to the bush. Initially, in the bush he was placed under close watch on suspicion that possibly the UPC government had sent him to spy on guerrillas.

In the bush Muntu belonged to the category of 'intellectuals' whom the senior Commanders majority of whom were non university graduates so much detested and harassed. Because of the greed mentality of these commanders at one time Muntu together with other NCOs and led by Enock Mondo at one time planned to escape from the Museveni's NRA and form their own fighting group. In the bush he was shot in the leg and chest and was smuggled to Kampala for treatment. Upon recovery, he rejoined the bush war. During the same time the remains of his father who had died in exile during Iddi Amin's regime were brought back and accorded a state funeral that was graced by the then President Milton Obote who used the occasion to call on the young Mugisha Muntu to abandon the bush and return home but to no avail.

In the bush Muntu rose through the ranks to become first the Director of Civil Intelligence and later Director of Military Intelligence (DMI) - a position he held even during and after capturing power. As a DMI Muntu is re-known for living a very simple life while his colleagues rushed for the spoils of war that went with victory. His Aides would face difficulty in explaining the source of expensive house items that they would get for him from the army headquarters. His official car was an old blue Land Rover that he would use to carry any junior staff member that he would find on the war to and from work. This vehicle remained a  property of DMI/CMI until recently when it was stolen by Charles Tumusiime Rutarago. In one of the interviews this is what Muntu had to say about grabs " the war progressed, we were sure we could take over power people started talking about what they were planning, where they wanted to live,or saying I will be this, I will live in this neighborhood. It became intense when we took overpower. After taking over our intentions were to all go into the barracks but that was heavily resisted as soon as we arrived here. People started running to live in Kololo, Nakasero and I think that is where we lost it. This started creating the sense of acquisition and that went into business of and the feeling of everyone getting in to get something for himself. It has now gone into what we see today." 

As a senior officer at the timeof taking over government, Muntu was made a Lt. Col when formal ranks were introduced. He was moved from DMI and appointed as the the army's Chief Political Commissar (CPC) before appointing him as the Division Commander of one of the NRA Divisions. Within less than a year Muntu was elevated to the rank of Maj. Gen and assigned to take charge of of the NRA as the Army Commander. Museveni's choice of Muntu at the time was not in good faith but was meant to promote his usual divide and rule policy. While Muntu was capable of being the Army Commander, there were other more senior officers at the time who would have been elevated to the same position. The likes of Joram Mugume, Cheif Ali, Tinyefuza, Kyaligonza a.k.a Kumanyoko, Ivan Koreta, Okecho, Maruru, Nanyumba and a few others would have as well served in that capacity.As a result, there are some senior officers who vowed never to salute Mugisha Muntu as a sign of disapproval. 

Through Mugisha Muntu, Museveni embarked and implemented his designs of purging certain army officers. It was during Muntu's time that the practice of Katebe (rendering redundant) started. As a result, some unsuspecting senior officers petitioned Museveni through Gen. Saleh but to no avail. The cool headed Mugisha Muntu sailed though the rough storm. The army laid a foundation for professionalism, estalishment of terms and conditions of service, accounting systems, procurement of equipments etc. Its during Muntus time that the army faced seven internal rebel groups and three cross border conflicts (Rwanda, Sudan and Kenya) but by the time he left office only one (LRA) was thriving with total victory in Rwanda while diplomatic means took care of Sudan and Kenya. 

Muntu's tenure of office failed to get a partner in Museveni his Commander in Chief to fight abuse of office by senior officers who were all out to grab for personal resources that were meant to improve the welfare of ordinary soldiers. Creation of ghost soldiers and outright theft and diversion of army supplies intensified during Muntu's tenure. In the early 90s, Muntu took the initiative to stamp it out by instituting a team headed by Serwanga Lwanga, Ivan Koreta and Fred Bogere. The team started from the eastern region to physically identify, photograph and document every member of the NRA and auxiliary forces. From the eastern region, the team proceeded to the northern region but half way into the exercise, Museveni called it off. Even in the units that had already been covered, Museveni blocked arrests and prosecution of the suspects arguing that it is the same commanders that were fighting the insurgency that were about to be punished. Since then vice took root and has become a traditional measure of personal loyalty and allegiance to Museveni. Unknown to Muntu at the time was the fact that thieving by army officers was Museveni's weapon of ensuring loyalty. In aninterview this is what Muntu had to stay "....a kind of warlord mentality emerged - that you fight to take over power ; you must be recognised for it. As we moved on President Museveni's long term plans and the warlord mentality found a meeting point. He found it difficult to deal with or punish those that participated. Eventually he became a key representative of that very mentality. He says he killed his animal......." Muntu is one of the many people who followed Museveni to Luwero without realising that his intention was gain and hold the presidency till death.

However, the practice of Museveni purging officers whom he suspected of disloyalty flourished under Muntu's tenure. Rendering officers redundant (Katebe) and arbitrary arrest and detention without trial took its toll. The affected officers unsuspectingly mistook Muntu to be the architect of their woes thus developing personal hatred. At one time during the funeral vigil of the late Col. Kyatuka in Old Kampala where Mugisha Muntu was among the mourners, a number of junior army officers led by Rwashande openly attacked Muntu accusing him of complicity in the death of senior officers by rendering them redundant and dying from deprivation. They openly and publicly insulted him by calling him names like 'Omwiru'. The incident sent shook waves within the army but no disciplinary action was taken against the said junior officers who are now very Senior officersunder the Muhoozi project.  Years after he had retired from the army, during a rally in Kamuli district Muntu broke down and cried mid sentence thus "When I recall the times I was forced to arrest my friends and relatives........" Who was forcing him and who were those friends and relatives?

After serving for nine stormy years as army commander, Muntu got the rare opportunity to see tfrom the inside and grasp Museveni's hidden intents. When Muntu decided to quit the army Museveni offered him the position  of Minister of Defence which the former rejected. Museveni ordered the army to give him fifty million shillings to boost his(Muntu) stone quarry business - the only private economic means he had acquired from his earnings in army. Muntu is the only NRA officer who never stole or illegally acquired any personal wealth by virtue of his position. He is a poor man by all standards. However, it is said that his property on 10 Kyandondo Road houses the NRM headquarters. 

When Muntu the former Army Commander joined the opposition, desperate Ugandans who have lost all hope of democratic change of government saw a messiah in him. They anticipated an army man who would employ militaristic approach to the sitting military government under Gen. Museveni. At worst they anticipated Gen. Mugisha Muntu to eat into Musevei's power base - the military and run him down. Instead, Mugisha Muntu embarked on building and strengthening the leading opposition party. Some sections of Ugandans who don't fully understand Muntu think that he is a Museveni sympathiser. Ugandans should not be fooled that Mugisha Muntu is not fully aware that Museveni can not accept to loose power through democratic means. In the current efforts to rescue the country, Muntu's role and method of work should be compared with DP's Paul Ssemogerere who led his party to form the opposition during the 2nd UPC government. Let us not underrate the role that was played by DP's Ssemogere to check the excesses of the UPC government which role in turn afforded breathing space and survival of the NRA fighters. There were democratic institutions during the 2nd UPC government unlike the current military dictatorship under Museveni. The other difference is that Muntu has bullet wounds in his chest and leg. Does he fear to be shot again? For those who doubt Muntu's capability, ask Museveni and you will be surprised. No amount of money, intimidation, blackmail or offer of top position can buy off Mugisha Muntu.


Thursday, 23 October 2014


Last month Museveni sacked the country's Prime Minister Amama Mbabazi over allegations that the later intended to contest for the Presidency during the 2016 elections. Last week Museveni chaired his party's Central Executive Committee meeting in order to remove the same Amama Mbabazi from the position of the Party's Secretary Generalship. Under Museveni's rule, any intention to vie for the Presidency by anybody else other than him amounts to high treason.

In the same meeting were Mbabazi's wife who is the Chairperson of the women's league. During the proceedings of the stormy meeting, a member Gen Matayo Kyaligonza who is Uganda's Ambassador to Burundi informed the Mbabazis thus "You are lucky that I am not the President; otherwise by now you and your wife would be in Luzira Prison."

He went further to described Mrs. Mbabazi as being stupid. When another member Hassan Basajjabalaba tried to call the army General to order, the infuriated General abused him that KUMANYOKO to which Hassan also told him the same insult. At this point Gen. Kyaligonza set off to physically attack Hassan after throwing to him a bottle of mineral water but was restrained. All along the Chairman (Museveni) was simply watching in approval as he kept taking down notes. Of course, for Museveni this was very healthy since his cohorts were now behaving like the proverbial trapped grasshoppers who choose to eat each other when placed in a bottle instead of discussing the trapper (Museveni).

KUMANYOKO is a grave insult. The word KUMANYOKO originates from a Kiswahili word KUMA which means VAGINA and NYOKO which is a Bantu dialect to mean YOUR MOTHER. It is a slung language used in insulting another and means YOUR MOTHER'S VAGINA. The Kiswahili-speaking people would use KUMAMAKO to mean the same thing. Mama is the Kiswahili version of mother which the Bantu-speaking translated as NYOKO to give rise to KUMANYOKO. It is not clear how Hassan's mother's vagina surfaced in the CEC meeting which is the party's 2nd most top organ!!!

He deserted Iddi Amin's dreaded intelligence out fit the State Research Bureau (SRB) in the mid 1970s and joined Save Uganda Movement (SUM) one of the Anti-Amin fighting groups that was headed by Eteker Ejalu. Under SUM Kyaligonza was responsible for a number of heinous crimes that were committed in the country to discredit the Iddi Amin regime. When Iddi Amin was overthrown Kyaligonza joined Museveni's Uganda Patriotic Movement (UPM) and was its local Chairman for Hoima District.

When the UPM genuinely and miserably lost in the 1080 elections, Kyaligonza opted to join Museveni in the five years’ guerrilla war. During the war Kyaligonza was in-charge of a special task force codenamed Black Bombers (BB) that was responsible for terrorising Kampala city. In his book Agony of Power, Kyaligonza on page 14 states thus "My unit BB and the 7th Battalion made Kampala city very unsafe. By 3.00 p.m. all shops would be closed and this became the order of the day." In another book by one of his aides then Pecos Kutesa he states that under the direction of Matayo Kyaligonza they planned and attempted to blow up the fuel depots and torch the city but by good luck they contained no fuel.

In one of the several killing sprees by Kyaligonza in Kampala during the war he personally shot dead Hon Bamuturaki the DP Member of Parliament (MP) for Mwenge county. On that fateful evening at Kisementi in the Kololo area of Kampala city Kyaligonza had ambushed a UNLA army officer in the urinals he mistakenly took Hon Bamuturaki for the target officer and shot him dead. Of course, the then UPC government of Milton Obote took the blame. Gen Matayo Kyaligonza and Hon Aston Kajara (currently a Minister) who was a member of the NRA clandestine squad should apologise to the country, the DP, the people of Mwenge and the Bamuturaki family.

During the final assault on Kampala in 1986, Kyaligonza commanded the NRA's 7th Battalion that proceeded to Jinja. Kyaligonza was made the 151 Brigade Commander based in Mbale. He oversaw the mop-up operations against former soldiers and counter insurgency operations in eastern region. He ferried truckloads of stolen cattle from Teso region to his home in Hoima but most of them died due to change in climatic conditions.

He was very brutal towards captured insurgents, former soldiers and suspected civilian populations. While addressing reportees (surrendered insurgents and former soldiers) he would loudly welcome them followed by a lowered voice to the NRA officer who had brought them "Oli mazi; oli Mudoma; olesere baaki" meaning "you are shit/faeces; you are stupid; why have you brought them" implying that they should have been killed in the field straight away. Kyaligonza's attitudes towards the insurgents were to guide NRA's future operations against insurgents in the eastern region culminating into some of the most bizarre incidents like the burning of people in a train wagon in Mukura. Therefore, when the same Kyaligonza called Mrs. Mbabazi stupid during the CEC meeting, he applied his common Runyoro word 'Mudoma' which means a stupid person that he is so much accustomed to using.

When the NRA introduced formal ranks in the late 80s, Kyaligonza was made a Brigadier and is reported to have been very unhappy citing sectarianism. He had hoped to have been on the same rank with the likes of Saleh and Rwigyema. By the time Museveni swiftly and tactfully removed him from command positions in the eastern region, intelligence reports indicated that he was planning a rebellion. Later Kyaligonza was retired from the army and he joined parliament as a member of parliament for Buhaguzi in Hoima district. When he lost the seat, the going became tough and he had to kneel before Museveni to come to his rescue. He approached the then CMI Noble Mayombo who advised him to write a letter to Museveni which Mayombo personally delivered to Museveni.

In the letter Kyaligonza narrated how life had become so difficult for him to the extent that he could not even afford to take pay school fees for his children. Kyaligonza's pleas to Museveni came at a time when there was rumour of rebellion by PRA and senior army officers were fleeing to Rwanda. To contain him, Museveni acted very fast by posting him to diplomatic service first to Kenya and later to Burundi where he is currently the Ambassador. In 2012 Museveni promoted him to the rank of Maj. Gen from Brigadier which he had held for close to two decades.

Therefore, Gen. Kyaligonza's outbursts are a demonstration of total loyalty to Museveni in return for the awkward situation from which he rescued him some few years ago. By not intervening to bring Kyaligonza to order during the meeting or at least condemning his abusive language, Museveni was approving the humiliation of the Mbabazis.

Such is the level of sycophancy some people are willing to go in order to secure leftovers from Museveni's dinning table. During the censure motion against Hon Sam Kutesa over abuse of office some years back, the same Kyaligonza stated thus "this man Kuteesa is an international businessman and his resignation could damage his reputation. That is why I supported him to fight on like Jim Muhweezi did."

During the same CEC meeting, last week Gen Kyaligonza threatened to remove his trouser and show the bullet scars he had sustained during the war as a justification for calling others 'stupid' and "Kumanyoko'. Is this how far Ugandans are blackmailed by self seekers?????? For Basajjabalaba, he has no moral authority to protest against Gen Kyaligonza's insults since he has been a major beneficiary of Museveni's patronage and abuse of public resources.


Sunday, 19 October 2014


 Last week on Wednesday at around 6.30p.m at Ndeeba in Kampala, a businessman by the names of Geofrey Muhiirwa shot dead two officers and injured one. The dead are Cpl Deo Jaya and Matia Kikaya alias Busulwa while the injured is Mohammed Kiwana. Geofrey Muhiirwa is held by the police on yet to be specified charges since he claims to have shot armed robbers who had threatened his life.  As usual, Ugandans have not questioned this incident. They are waiting for the international human rights organisations to highlight it two - three months from now.

 Flying Squad is a special unit of the Police force that handles violent crime. It is not different from the Violent Crime Crack Unit (VCCU) except that it is a product of Museveni's manipulative methods of work whereby he prefers to proliferate security agencies by creating parallel ones. 

 The Commandant of the Flying Squad Herman Owomugisha informed the press that " On Tuesday night Muhirwe contacted my office calling for help. He informed me that Kiwana had intimated to him that he had been hired to kill him by his (Muhiirwe) wife over matrimonial misunderstandings. He wanted us not to arrest but to kill Kiwana which i did not agree with because we are not allowed to kill as an institution." He added "I ordered my officers to try to keep in touch with both the businessman and  suspect (Kiwana) because it was dangerous to go there at night. In the morning one of my officers explained that it was a misunderstanding between the businessman and his wife involving love affairs." On the killings the commandant had his to say "I dont know how Jaya (deceased) ended up in Ndeeba yet I had assigned him on different duties else where not even near that place. I wish  I knew that Muhiirwa had a gun but unfortunately it is too late" adding that they had confirmed that the businessman got the gun through rightful means. "Kiwana was relieved of his duties long ago. I wont deny that he at one time worked with us but he was no longer our employee and by the time he had no gun" he added.
 *  Flying Squad cant operate at night!!!

* Was a formal complaint registered with the Police and a case file opened up? If so who was the   officer handling the case?

* Was Muhiirwa's complaint followed up and if so did a threat on his life exist?
* What was the idea behind the Commandant ordering his officers to keep in touch with both the 
   complainant (Muhirwa) and the suspect (Kiwana)?

* What if the Commandant knew that Muhiirwa was armed, what would he have done? Maybe he  would have advised his boys (deceased) to be more cautious? 

*  The uncoordinated statements by the Commandant depict a panicky mind trying to exenorate 
     himself from both commissions and omissions.

According to Muhiirwe, "Earlier this year these people informed me that they had been paid 30million shillings to kill me but said that if I gave them 20 million, it would save my life." He added "As I pulled out the money yesterday the three turned against me and I drew guns, since they had guns I acted faster and shot them."

*  Who are 'these people' because the Commandant is trying to infer that his Cpl Jaya was only involved at the last minute. 

*   Why did Muhiirwa take all that long to formally register a complaint with the Police instead of simply making a last hour tel call?

 *   It it is true, where does Muhiirwa get the guts to suggest to the Commandant that Kiwana should not be arrested but killed?

 *   What shooting skills does Muhiirwe have such that he could outsmart a squad of 3 police officers who are skilled in dealing with violent crime?

  *  Was Muhiirwe in possession of a registered  firearm issued by the Police or he is in possession of there that are issued out by security agencies to Museveni's loyalists?

Geofrey Muhiirwe found the three seated in a car and handed them the envelope containing the money before opening fire on them. One operative (Kiwana) ran out of the car leaving his gun but Muhiirwa shot him in the stomach three times at  a distance of 20 metres from the car.

*  How was Muhiirwa's life under threat at that material time so that he pleads acting in self defence?

* Why did he have to shoot someone who is fleeing moreover after abandoning his gun in the car?

* Given his earlier suggestion to the Commandant that Kiwana should not be arrested but killed, 

    it is crystal clear that Muhiirwa planned to kill the three and indeed killed them hence MURDER. 

Kiwana is a re-known notorious armed thug in Kampala whom the Museveni regime has overtime been using to kill imaginary political opponents since the time of Operation Wembly. He features prominently in reports of both local and international human rights organisations. Also see's Operation Wembly. He together with others had a licence to kill victims at both Operation Wembly headquarters at Clement Road under Col. Kayanja and later VCCU headquarters in Kireka under David Magara, Godfrey Musana and Charles Tusiime. He was initially admited at Mulago Hospital but he has been transfered to Case private clinic.

*  It is not correct for the Commandant to claim that Kiwana was not one of theirs. 

*  The transfer to a private clinic must be a police arrangement. Either the Police is trying to save 
    one of their own or its a trap to eliminate him so as to suffocate the truth. 

This incident is a clear demonstration of of breach of security by the very custodians of security. To save its image, the Police is trying to sweep it under the carpet. The killing by Muhiirwe is extra-judicial killing that no doubt amounts to murder. The government Spokesperson Ofono Opondo also shot dead someone in what would have amounted to cold blooded murder had he not been a top member of the ruling oligarchy. There is a high possibility that Godfrey Muhiirwa has strong connections with the power circles hence the cold feet by Police. Another murder of Kasiwukira in Muyenga has successfully overshadowed this particular murder. In civilised societies, the Presidential Aide on Police Gen. Kayihura ought to have suspended the Commandant of the Flying Squad to give way to a thorough criminal investigation into this incident. Successfully sweeping it under the carpet has the effect of expanding on the list of precedents of extra judicial killings and institutional condonement of taking the law in own hands by both security officers and the public.


Wednesday, 15 October 2014


On the surface it looks as if Museveni's son Brig. Muhoozi is the commander of an elite ten thousand + strong Special Forces Group (SFG) that is a unit within the normal army structures. The government has repeatedly argued that Brig Muhoozi one of the top commanders but is not among the top most ones. While appearing before the parliamentary committee on Defence and Internal Affairs last month, the Minister of Defence was put to task to explain Brig Muhoozi's position in the top hierarchy of the top army leadership. The Members of Parliament were armed with evidence as contained in a publication for the Tarehe Sita (army day) celebrations in which Brig.Muhoozi had been positioned in one of the top most positions. Of course the matter was swept under the carpet and as usual Ugandans went to sleep.

According to the current arrangement Museveni as the President is the Commander In Chief (CIC). Below the CIC is the Minister of Defence (MOD) who is Cryspus Kiyonga and then the Chief of Defence Forces (CDF) who is Katumba Wamala. The CDF is deputised by the Deputy Chief of Defence Forces (D/CDF) who is Charles Angina. Below them is the Joint Chief of staff (JCOS) who is Wilson Mbadi. Below JCOS is the Commander of the Land Forces who is Major General David Muhoozi. Below him is the Chief of Staff of the Land Forces who is Leo Kyanda.

Brig. Muhoozi Keinerugaba's SFG is one of the units under the land Forces. The other units are the different Divisions, Brigades, Battalions and other independent units under the infantry whose direct commander is David Muhoozi and its Chief of Staff Brig. Leo Kyanda. Therefore, given the numerical strength of his SFG, it can be argued that Brig. Muhoozi Kainerugaba is at the same level with other Division Commanders. He is subordinate to Brig. Leo Kyanda - the Chief of Staff, Maj. General David Muhoozi - the Commander of the Land Forces, Maj. Gen Wilson Mbadi  - the Joint Chief of Staff, Lt. Gen. Charles Angina - the Deputy Chief of Defence Forces, and Gen. Katumba Wamala - the Chief of Defence Forces. In terms of seniority, Brig. Muhoozi Kainerugaba is far more junior to all the Division Commanders and most of the Brigade Commanders. It is either by sheer luck or because he is a military genius that he is holding the same position as Division Commanders!!!

In the Military, ORDERS or DELEGATION OF RESPONSIBILITY flows from top to bottom of the military hierarchy. In the military, superiority is determined by rank and position of responsibility though in some cases the period of service. Saluting is a traditional sign of respect to ones seniors. No junior can order and delegate his senior. In the same way no senior can salute a junior. Even during burial and wedding its people of the same rank with the affected officer who compose the parade. Even in Military courts, sureties for bail consideration requires officers of either the same rank or above that of the accused.  Brig. Muhoozi Kairerugaba is supposed to salute and take orders from all the above mentioned five senior army officers. In the event that the substantive Chief of Staff of the Land Forces is unable to perform his duties for some reasons, like sickness, suspension, or attending course, its one of the most senior Division Commanders that is supposed to fill in the gap in an acting capacity. Being juniors to all the current Division Commander, Brig. Muhoozi can not be the right choice for standing in in acting capacity for the position of Chief of Staff (Ag/COS).  Therefore, though holding the same rank, the Chief of Staff of the Land Forces Brig. Leo Kyanda is far senior to Brigadier Muhoozi Kainerugaba in terms of position and duration of service. There is no way Brig. Muhoozi can delegate, order or assign  Brig. Kyanda to execute any undertaking or represent him at any function.


Can the the President deliver the Vice President's message? Can the Principal Judge deliver a message for one of the High Court Judges? Can the Minister of Kampala City deliver the Director of Kampala City Authority's message? Can the Minister of Education represent his Minister of State at a public function? Can the Joint Chief of Staff delegate the Deputy Chief of Defence Forces to represent him? The answer to all the above scenarios is a big NO.


The other day the same Chief of Staff of the Land Forces Brig. Kyanda invaded sacked Prime Minister Mbabazi's residence to withdraw a section of soldiers that had been guarding him. It can now be authoritatively inferred that Brig. Kyanda had been delegated by Brig Muhoozi. Given the circumstances under which the guards were withdrawn, it is clear that it was meant to be a special operation that falls under Muhoozi's SFG. However, to disguise the political implication that would have been directly inferred, the operation was shelved at the last hour to be led by Brig. Kyanda.

Under the British military Model, which Uganda follows the army  or defence forces are comprised of the Army (infantry), Navy and Airforce. Katumba Wamala is the Chief of all the three branches and is deputised by Charles Angina. Wilson Mbadi is the Joint Chief of Staff of the three defence branches. The infantry is what Museveni has hidden under the Land Forces and is composed of all troops that operate on land. It is composed of all the foot soldiers, motorised units (tanks and APCs) and artillery and air defence units. Muhoozi's SFG is supposed to be under the infantry but in practice it is operating as a separate unit. It has incorporated all the motorised, artillery and air defence, marines and some vital components of the air force. It has incorporated some sections of the Police personnel (VIP Protection) and has its own intelligence gathering, processing and utilisation mechanism. It is this special composition of Muhoozi;s SFG that has enabled it to feature prominently in South Sudan, Somalia and in suppression of internal political demonstrations, recruitment and training of the infantry. With this kind of composition, Brig. Muhoozi is the overall commander of the armed forces answerable only to Museveni. The other senior officers who seem to be above him in hierarchy are merely his technical advisers meant to hoodwink the public.

Museveni is propping up his son Muhoozi to take charge of the army that is responsible for the regime's survival. By the time Museveni feels like relinguishing power or dies in power, Muhoozi will have consolidated his total control of the army hence ascending to the Presidency just as was the case in North Korea. Imagine Brig. Muhoozi the army officer is the one approaching former vice president Gilbert Bukenya trying to sweet talk him into returning to the NRM!! Are his 'immediate five army bosses' aware of this assignment or its only his father and Commander in Chief who gave him this political assignment?


Monday, 13 October 2014


One of the reasons for sending someone to prison is to curtail his freedom to enjoy social responsibilities that come with living in freedom. In most cultures more especially in African societies it is a taboo for someone who is not in prison to miss the burial of a parent, spouse or child. In Uganda under Yoweri Museveni it is becoming a norm.

In the early 90s Col. Julius Chihandae one of the original 27 individuals who started the bush war that brought Museveni to power had been placed under preventive detention when his son passed away. For fear that he would escape and flee to join Col. Kashilingi in the Congo, he was stopped from attending the burial of his son.

Around 2003 whem Mzee Manenero's son Patrick Manenero was murdered by CMI's Captain Herbert Makanga in a safe house interrogation room next to his (Manenero Snr), he was not even allowed to view the body leave alone attending the burial. The then CMI Brig. Noble Mayombo sent the body with the condolence message through the RDC Kabale to the family. Though Mzee Manenero was later released without charge, you can imagine the pain he lives with. A few years later Mayombo met Patrick Manenero in heaven and apologized arguing that he was acting on Museveni's orders.

Captain(Rtd) Amon Byarugaba who is rotting in Makindye Barracks underground cells without trial since 2003 lost his father around 2005 but could not attend his burial though he is not in prison but in illegal detention. A few years later on when his father met Mayombo in heaven the later pleaded superior orders from Museveni. However being a lawyer, Mayombo outsmarted the old man by arguing that he is no longer responsible for his continued detention without trial.

In July 2013 exiled Col. Samson Mande lost his adopted father Mzee Nsheka of Kebison Rukungiri. Given the circumstances under which he left Uganda he could not attend his burial. He only managed to say a few words via telephone link to mourners. At least he also managed to send out messages via social media inviting people to his residence in Sweden for a vigil. By giving out his telephone number and residential address despite being a fugitive, clearly shows the level of despair he was undergoing. Mzee Sheka was a bush war hero without a medal for the distinguished role he played in recruiting for Museveni's bush war.

Exiled former Coordinator of Intelligence Services Ge. Ssejusa lost his brother but could not attend his burial. He again lost his father in-law but he could not attend the burial. Last week he lost his father but could not attend the burial. Gen. Ssejusa send awritten message in which he argued that he couldnt attend the burial of his father in order not to let the burial ceremony turn into a battle field. Some leading opposition personalities led by Col (Rtd) Kiiza Besigye attended the burial ceremony. During the funeral service in Kampala Gen. Tumwine attended in his private capacity as a friend of Gen. Ssejusa being one of the three bush war Generals but more so their common linkage to the Ankole royal family. Also in attendance was Maj. Gen Fred Mugisha who is astranger to Gen Ssejusa and his family. Fred Mugisha was a Lt in 1995 before Gen Aronda speeding up his promotion and appointments to sensitive position on sectarian considerations. Currently he is the head of the counter terrorism centre in whose docket exiled Gen. Ssejusa's political activities falls.

As the deceased Mzee Simon Bwajojo (RIP) was bed ridden in hospital, Museveni's security apparatus stepped up its electronic surveillance of the deceased's telephone communication in the hope of picking up clews of what a son confides into a dad who is on death bed. There was also fear that Gen. Ssejusa could sneak into the country to have a last have a last glance at his ailing father. The surveillance team was also tasked with keeping a diary of all visitors to the deceased's hospital room with view of identifying who is sympathetic to the exiled General.

Mzee Bwajojo (RIP) bore the brunt of harassment from Museveni's security machinery. In the mid 90s when Gen Ssejusa attempted to retire from the army his father featured in intelligence collections that were being coordinated by Gen. Aronda. Funny enough there was nothing significant other than the old man of God allegedly making comments to the effect that his son (Gen. Ssejusa)would one time rule Uganda. consequently, "Robbers attacked his home and beat him up. Of course under Museveni a mere expression of a wish to rule Uganda is treasonous thus Mzee Bwajojo was indeed subversive.

During the funeral service, the army is reported to have made a contribution of five million shillings. From which vote of the Defence budget was such amount of money got! Could it have been a balance from the operation fund that had been set aside for the surveillance on the then bed ridden old man or from the usual source of classified expenditure! Anyway whatever the source, its only Museveni who would sanction its release. Initially the government had intended to take over the burial arrangements and expenses in order to discredit Gen. Ssejusa's asylum status in the U.K but it backed off at the last minute. Several serving army officers, government, and religious officials would have wished to attend the burial of the old man but they had to back off for fear of being branded subversive (Kipingamizi).

Gen. Ssejusa being number one on Museveni's list of most wanted fugitives could not even publicly arrange a vigil in the UK. You can imagine the psychological torture he has had to endure. Since he fled to exile some sections of Ugandans have argued that the General is on a Museveni sent mission to neutralise the opposition. If that is true then Gen Ssejusa the lawyer is either very patriotic or he is too much of a Museveni sycophant more than even Brig. Kasirye Gwanga. Whatever the case, such developments should be used to define those who are in exile for political reasons and those who are in exile for economic reasons as opposed to generalisation of 'Ugandans in the Diaspora'.

To those who have missed burying their dear ones because of the fear of Museveni's political terrorism and those who are yet to face the same nasty situation, take heart God is testing your faith and commitment.


Friday, 10 October 2014


A by-election in Amuru district to replace the member of parliament Hon. Betty Bigombe who secured another job at the World Bank will be another test for the opposition to rally desperate Ugandans to reject Museveni. If the opposition once again put aside their differences and put forward a single candidate, there is no doubt they will defeat Museveni once again.

In May 2014Museveni unleashed his usual rigging machinery on the people of Luwero during the bye-election for the woman Member of Parliament. The voters in Luwero endured all forms of intimidation and harassment but could mot relent. Museveni personally pitched camp in Luwero for four days to drum up support for his choice of candidate but the people defiantly rejected his old tricks. As usual huge sums of tax payer's money was dished out but but it could not help out either. The opposition pulled resources and threw their weight behind DP's Brenda Nabukenya who took the day. Without shame Museveni claimed that the opposition had rigged. Shortly after the victorious MP was slammed with fakecriminal charges of Kidnap. The people of Luwero - an area that bore he brunt of his five years bush war had finally woken up against Museveni's 32 years of blackmail.

Busoga was a traditionally strong UPC stronghold. When Museveni revived cultural institutions in-order to blackmail Buganda, Busoga which had never had a hereditary Kyabazinga had Museveni's personal friend Wako Muloki Wanbuzi as the Kyabazinga. Wako Muloki's clan hadserved its turn and it was time for another clan's turn. It was after alot of controversy in which Museveni duped Kiregeya - the rightful Kyabazinga at the time that Muloki's reign was to last for only five years. As it turned out Wako Muloki was to rule beyond five years till he died in 2008.

Disregarding the Busoga contitutional provision of a rotational five years Kyabazingaship, Museveni admits that when Wako Wambuzi died he got worried of what was going to happen and that he was assured by the the former Chief Justice Wambuzi he should not worry since Busoga had a constitution. Indeed the Busoga constitution was invoked to elect a new Kyabazinga. Museveni fronted Wako Muloki's son Columbus Wambuzi well knowing that his clan had not only finished serving its term but had served beyond five years till the death of Wako Muloki. Wako Muloki was Museveni's personal friend. His son by names of David Wako Muloki joined the NRA in August 1985 and went on to serve as one of Museveni;s close body guards under former PPU before he passed away in the late 90s. The Basoga defied his manipulative ways and went ahead to elect Gabula Nadiope - the grandson of UPC's strongman and first Vice President of Uganda Kadhumbula Wilberforce Nadiope. Museveni in turn stooped his coronation and enthronement. As a result the region was thrown into confusion for the next six years.

The current Speaker of Parliament whom Museveni fears to be harboring Presidential ambitions threw her weight behind Gabula Nadiope. A number of cabinet Ministers and other NRM heavy weights from Busoga would behind the scenes supported Gabula's enthronement. Under the guise of his poverty eradication program, Museveni deployed a one Kyalya in Busoga to rally support for the rejected Colombus Wambuzi. After six years without a Kyabazinga, upon realising that Buganda kingdom supported Nadiope Gabula coupled by the lessons he had learnt from the Luwero defeat, Museveni opportunistically switched sides and threw his weight behind the Bsoga's choice of Gabula Nadiope. Kalya and company not knowing Museveni's opportunism banked on Museveni's support and went ahead to enthrone Colombus Wambuzi and later to court to block Gabula's coronation. For the people of Busoga, Museveni is not yet done. He will look for ways of fomenting trouble that will keep the Basoga divided to his advantage.

During Gabul's coronation Museveni called for reconciliation among the worrying parties. He offered to personally talk to the other party. His main preoccupation during the occasion was to introduce the soldiers he had deployed in the region  under his miitarisation program. Led by Lt. Col Dhamuzungu Oguli, the team of army officers got his blessing during the same occasion. Dhamuzungu Oguli is one of the very few Basoga who strayed into Museveni's bush war in Luwero in theearly 80s. In the bush Dhamuzungu was mainly conerned with intelligence gathering. When Kampala fell, he was stationed under DMI at Basiima House. He briefly served at Busia/Malaba post under the intelligence docket. Later he led a team of intelligence officers for a course in Cuba. Upon return, he clashed with Paul Kagame who was in-charge of Administration and Finance at Basiima over alleged misuse of money. Kagame had earlier on led another team to Cuba and upon return he reported back the balance of the money. Kagame expected Dhamuzungu to do the same but the later had nothing to report back. As a result of this bad blood, Kagame grounded Dhamuzungu at the head office for some time. It is around this time that he is alleged to have been bribed by a one Gaetana a Kasese based Sycelles business man who pioneered supply of air to the NRA. Later on he was deployed to the remote Kabamba training school as the Intelligence Officer. For Dhamuzungu, this was a demotion and he absconded his duty station. At DMI, he approached the then DMI Andrew Lutaaya for permission to leave Military Intelligence. He went to work in the Transport Directorate under Kaka Bagenda with whom they had worked together when the later was the DMI in the bush.A t the Directorate of Transport he settled down to make money rising to the position of Director of Transport. Of recent he has been misplaced by the Muhoozi club only to find himself in the poverty eradication project (tying non effective army officers to military law). Lt. Col. Dhamuzungu is now a regional agriculture officer who is managing billions of tax payers' money that will fill the gap left by his displacement from the mainstream military service.

With its capital at Uganda's industrial heart of Jinja, Busoga economically flourished during the 60s, 70s and upto mid 80s whem Museveni took over power. His discriminate economic policies have since turned Busoga into one of the economically backward regions. As was the case with the Northern and parts of Buganda regions, the move was deliberately designed to subdue the traditionally UPC Basoga. Immediately after the losing the Kyabazinga battle, Museveni has now come up with the Busoga Development Plan. It is through this scheme that Museveni will accord an upperhand to the Colombus Wambuzi faction while trimming the influence of Speaker Kadaga.

Therefore, 'people power' can stand against all forms of intimidation and bribery in other elections but not in the Presidential elections where Museveni is a contestant.


Monday, 6 October 2014


In mid 2013 the President of Tanzania made a 5 days tour of Kagera region in the north-eastern of his country. Kagera region borders with Rwanda, Burundi and Uganda. Throughout his tour, residents complained to him about the high level of armed robberies, highway robberies, kidnap, and other forms of lawlessness that were attributed to the high presence of illegal immigrants in the said region. For quite long the affected area was invaded by pastrolists from the neighboring countries some of whom were armed with automatic weapons. In response the President gave a two weeks ultimatum for these illegal immigrants to leave and go back to wherever theyhad come from. By 10th August when the deadline clocked, 5521 people had voluntarily left for Rwanda, while another 2744 had left for Burundi and 244 had left for Uganda. The immigration department moved in assisted by security officials to evict the illegal immigrants. Tanzania even tried to block these people from proceeding to Uganda thinking that they were evading the operation but was later stunned when they claimed to be Ugandans.

Before the deadline of 10th August, the Uganda government authorities reported reception of 400  migrants expelled from Tanzania. The Regional Police Commander Max Ogwal who rushed to the border area to meet the immigrants was instead shunned by the same people. Ogwal told the press thus "We failed to communicate; they are speaking a [tough dialect of] Kinyarwanda. It is not this usual Kinyarwanda  that can easily be understood, and they dont know any other language". Ogwal went ahead to confirm that some of those people had been armed with automatic guns in order to guard their herds wile in Tanzania but he said they had not recovered any arms from them so far.

The first official government reaction was to deploy a contingent of 150 Police Field Force Unit (FFU) personnel under the command of Geofrey Maate. Maate stated that the group was mainly comprised of Bakiga who had migrated and settled in Tanzania for 30-40 years. Shortly after the Police Director of Operations Grace Turyagumanawe was dispatched from Kampala to secure the entrants. Police deployed along the entire border stretching from Kikagate in Isingiro district to Minziro in Rakai district. Turyagumanawe's immediate task was to evacuate, relocate and settle about 500 of them from around Mutukula border post to Lukoma village around former Sango Bay airstrip. Speaking to them during the relocation exercise, the Rakai RDC David Kaboyo informed them that Museveni had offered them part of the Sango Bay estates land for their settlement. Speaking at the same occasion the Kakuto Sub-county speaker Max Kayondo informed Turyagumanawe that "Some of these people are the reason we won the previous elections. They were with us and voted for us; we should look at them as our brothers". The Police were physically involved in erecting shelters for these returnees.

The Minister of Refugees and disaster prearedness Musa Ecweru called them illegal immigrants and went ahead to confirm that during their stay in Tanzania they could freely participate in Ugandan affairs like national elections, education, medical  facilities etc.Actually, many of them had Ugandan voters cards. The Police spokesperson for the Greater Masaka region Norah Serunjogi said "We are only letting in Rwandese refugees with documents that prove that they are refugees." The Commissioner for Refugees Appollo Kazungu called them "visitors from the South who are not refugees but illegal immigrants."

Around October 2013 the Uganda government relocated another group of about 5000 from Nyakayojo emergency camp in Kikagati, Isingiro district to join the 2050 already at Sango Bay. This was after a series of clashes between the returnes and residents. The Principal Disaster Officer Mr. Vent Wegoye had this to say of this group "The group is comprised of those returnees expelled in 2003, 2006, 2008 and 2013."

As time went on, Minister Ecweru confirmed that that Sango Bay was hosting 4024 Ugandan who migrated to Tanzania in the 1960s, 12 Rwandese, 40 Burundians and 8 Tanzanians. The International Organisation for Migration (IOM) regional office at Nairobi issued a statement to the effect that "The Uganda government is working on modalities of re-intergrating the expelled migrants and cabinet has already prepared a paper on the return/settlement of the returnees within the country."
During the tour of the region by the Minister of Internal Affairs Gen. Aronda, the Masaka regional Uganda Human Rights Commission (UHRC) official Willy Agirembabazi argued that "A group of immigrants expelled from Tanzania are Ugandans who deserve treatment as citizens including being enrolled for national identity cards (IDs). 90% hail are Ugandans and a few are Burundians and Rwandese. The majority hail from Ankole and need IDs to held monitor their movements." WHY MONITOR THEIR MOVEMENTS? In response, Gen. Aronda said that the returnees would be considered in the next phase.

On February 11th 2014, The Monitor reported about the appalling sanitary conditions at the Sango Bay refugee camp. The daily cited Rakai district officials complaining that their scarce medical resources were strained by these people coupled by the death of 19 others at the time. The district was furher complaining about the stalled investment by a UK investor in cargo handling facility at Sango Bay. As of early October 2014, the camp chairman Mr. Joseph Turyakira while appealing for aid put the total figure at 4096. Its only the government, UNICEF and other local bodies that have been donating assistance to the group as opposed to UNHCR that handles refugees.

As all this was going on, behind the scenes officials from the President's office have maintained their presence in the whole affair. WHY PRESIDENT'S OFFICE?

It is a fact that under the guise of fighting Iddi Amin during the1970s Museveni while struggling to gain the Ugandan Presidency established a bond with the pastrolist communities in the Kagera region. After ascending the Presidency he built a multi billion school in the area named before his name. The said area is dominated by Rwandese cattle keepers. Being tribalistic and racist, Museveni had been banking on those people to secure his southern border in terms of intelligence in the same way the Banyamulenges and Bahema are doing in DRC.

Tanzania never expelled even a single registered refugee during that operation. So, who are these people that are now being considered to be Ugandans? Is Sango Bay a gazetted refugee or IDP camp? The press played its role in keeping track of developments but Ugandans and their parliamentarians are sleeping as Rwadese are gaining citizenship.


Thursday, 2 October 2014


Museveni is reknown for applying the divide and rule policy to strengthen his grip on 28 years of military dictatorship. He has succeeded in curving out new districts even where the prerequisites dont exist. He has used the institution of cultural leaders to promote and antagonise communities that were traditionally united and peacefully co-existing. One community he has been very cautious to play his dirty games is the Bakiga originally of South Western Uganda. Prominent Bakiga lost their lives during Museveni's struggle against Iddi Amin. After the overthrow of Iddi Amin, Bakiiga generally supported traditional Uganda political parties of DP and UPC. Since Museveni came to power 28 years ago the Bakiga have generally supported him.  Even where the opposition has made incursions, departure from Museveni has been on principle. Prominent sons of Kabale have always held key positions in cabinet, parastatals, judiciary, security etc.

The Bakiga migrated from the present day Rwanda and settled around the highlands of Byumba and Ruhengeri in Rwanda and Kabale in Uganda. From Kabaale some Bakiga proceeded northwards and settled in parts of Kanungu in Rukungiri and Ankole. Due to cold climatic conditions, shortage of land coupled by high birth rates, over the decades big numbers of Bakiga have immigrated and established new settlements in distant present day regions like Kabarole, Kasese, Bunyoro, Mubende, Isingiro, Bushenyi, Kamwenge and some other parts of Buganda. Being a hardworking and industrious lot, the Bakiga have managed to gain tremendous advancements and in some cases dominate the social, economic and political set up in their new found territories. At one time in Bunyoro, Museveni had to intervene and ring fence certain positions for the indigenous Banyoro. In Tooro Bakiga have won political elections at different levels including parliament. The likes of Gaston Maliro, Adolf Mwesige, Dora Byamukama, Frank Tumwebaze etc have democratically eaten into the political arena. In Bunyoro the likes of Barnabas Tinkasimire and others are doing the same.

One amazing aspect about Bakiga is their  overwhelming SOLIDARITY. The about 4,000,000 Bakiga have a strong attachment to each other to the extend that almost they all know one another. Even when a reasonable number of Bakiga have over decades migrated to other areas outside their original home of Kabale, they maintain a well coordinated link with Kabale. The first thing they do once they have established a new territory is to put in place a bus service linking that new found home with Kabale. Even very long routes like Kagadi in Bunyoro - Kabale is well catered for by a fleet of buses that connect via both Kamwenge and Kasese. The search, migration and settlement to the new found territories is a well coordinated move spearheaded by elite Bakiga. The initial immigration to Tooro by Bakiga was at the invitation of the Tooro King and later on mant flocked the same area to work in the tea plantations. Kilembe Mines in Kasese also contributed to the strong presence of Bakiga in Kasese town. However, the increased presence of Bakiga in distant places like Kibale in Bunyoro and Kashambya and Kasanda in Mubende during the past few decades can be attributed to their kins who have held high positions in the Museveni government. These elites have played the role of providing the necessary political and legal and resource moblisation to ease soft landing and settlement. The idea of decongesting Kabale, locating and securing fertile settlements somewhere else for the Bakiga is a collective responsibility of every Mukiga in position of responsibility. It is said that there has been a special fund to facilitate all those who identified and intended to buy land in the new found territories. The eviction of Bakiga encroachers from Mpokya in Rwimi that was spearheaded by John Butime when he was the Minister of Internal Affairs did not go well with some circles. Even if the broader Banyakigezi social organisation was put in place to cater for the wider communities of Kigezi (Bakiga, Bafumbira and Bahororo), the Bakiga have maintained their separate solidarity.

If it is true that Mbabazi has intentions of running of the presidency, he has the full backing of all Bakiga in Uganda and the diaspora. By sacking him and appointing Ruhakana Rugunda another Mukiga, Museveni intended to neutralise his support while endeavoring to retain the support of the same Bakiga. The continued humiliation of Mbabazi by Museveni's cadres is a big blow to Museveni as it strengthens Mbabazi's support among the Bakiga ad Ugandans in general. If Museveni risks to frame,arrest and detain Mbabazi, the Bakiga will hold Rugunda responsible for Mbabazi's unconditional freedom. On the other hand if Museveni as usual appointed Rugunda in order to destroy his reputation, he will be disappointed because Rugunda is and will remain closer to Mbabazi than Museveni.

Therefore a Mbabazi presidential bid is blessed by all Bakiga and any uncalled for attack on a Kiga leader is an attack on all Bakiga. We are yet to see if Museveni will get rid of Tumusiime Mutebile the Central Bank Governor and many others in influential positions. Police Chief Grace Turyagumanawe was the other day misplaced from being the Director of Operations for the same reasons. Because of the strong Bakiga resolute, Museveni in anticipation of trouble had to first create a hoax of a terror attack shortly before sacking Mbabazi.