Tuesday, 29 December 2015


Thousands of convicted prisoners in Uganda have been lined up for pardoning by Museveni.    Under the constitution, the President on the advice of the Prerogative Of Mercy can pardon any convicted prisoner who has exhausted all the court process and is serving the sentence.  However, Museveni has always abused those constitutional powers by pardoning suspects, those in detention without trial and generally those being subjected to political persecution in return for political persecution.

As a strong advocate of detention and imprisonment, Museveni has always been reluctant to pardon convicts.  In rare cases where he has done so, his choice was driven by political considerations.  The pardoning of Col. Nasur Abudalah was meant to win over West Nilers, the Muslim and Nubian comunity in general while that of UPC's Chris Rwakasisi targeted winning over the Banyankole Bairu community in Bushenyi.  Its because of the presence of Rwakasisi in the NRM ranks in Bushenyi that Gen. Otafiire is no longer a big bull in the Bushenyi regime craal.  Museveni has always been itching to release former Tooro Prime Minister John Katuramu who was convicted for murdering Tooro's Prince Kijanangoma. Because, John Katuramu is a brother in-law to the late Brig. Mayombo, Museveni had wanted to release him but feared repercussions from the influential royal family members. Now that Mayombo is no more, the Tooro royal family is divided over the rebel Prince who is seeking the Kingship.  That coupled by the awakening of the people of Tooro as evidenced by the significant shift of support to FDC's Dr. Besigye, Museveni now feels its the right time to act. Museveni, who has always taken Batooro's overwhemning support for granted is now stunned by the shift of support and feels that John Katuramu's pardon and release can help win back favor with Batooro and in particular the Catholic ones.

Therefore, John Katuramu and a few other politically influential convicts may be wrapped in thousands of other prisoners that are to be pardoned.  Even with these other thousands of prisoners that are to be pardoned, it must have taken the regime's local political leadership structures and the intelligence services to identify the beneficiaries on the basis of winning political capital for the regime.  Also, the list is most likely to consist of soldiers convicted of different offences.  In the same regard, we are likely to see the release of other murder convicts like Jackie Uwera Nsenga and Nkuringiye alias Tonku - courtesy of Gen. Kayihura.

 Pardoning and setting free prisoners is the best new year gift to them, their families and friends.  However, Museveni decision is driven by the desperate vote searching.  Otherwise, he should have first thought about the hundreds of political detainees who are languishing under the detention without trial.


Sunday, 27 December 2015



First published by Change of Guards Blog on Sunday, 27 December 2015

Uganda's military dictator, Gen. Museveni is seeking another five years to make 35 years hold on power.  He is organising another round of sham electoral process that will as usual endorse his continued hold on power. He has always relied on bribery of impoverished voters, intimidation and violence by his security forces.  His regime party is so fused with the state such that all the security forces, intelligence services, public servants, and local government structures are interwoven with his regime party.  The opposition parties are competing with a fully composed state with all its apparatus intact. Civil society and political opposition groups have repeatedly been declared enemies of the 'state' and cruelty treated as such. Incumbent Museveni is competing with seven other presidential contenders.  Among them are two of his leading challengers - Dr. Besigye and A mama Mbabazi. 

Earlier on he spent a lot of public resources on efforts to block Mbabazi’s presidential bid in a scheme designed to have no one from the regime party contesting for the party flag-bearership. That sole candidature project died a natural death because Mbabazi defied all forms of intimidation and opted to contest as an independent.  He has pulled a number of both overt and covert following from the regime party thus it can be authoritatively stated that the regime party has two presidential candidates. Mbabazi has never denounced his membership of the regime party and the party has never expelled him.  The violence exhibited during the regime party primaries was meant to eliminate suspected Mbabazi sympathisers.  That is why despite having been characterized by killings, maiming and arsons, the regime never held anyone to account.

The scheme to deal a blow to Mbabazi and Dr. Besigye was delayed by the Pope's visit during the end of November 2015 for which Museveni wanted to create a false impression that all was fine in Uganda.  In the same regard and as usual Museveni sought to hoodwink Ugandans and the world by declaring that he would accept defeat if he lost the elections and during the Pope's visit he even shook hand for the first time in 15 years with his arch political rival, Dr. Besigye.  The unsuspecting Ugandans breathed a sigh of relief thinking that the crocodile hearted Museveni had now come to his senses. 

This blog had earlier warned that immediately after the Pope's visit, the regime was to unleash unprecedented terror on the leading opposition presidential contenders.  Indeed, the regime orchestrated violence against candidate Mbabazi in Ntungamo district brought the wider scheme to the limelight.    However, the Museveni goons were overpowered by Mbabazi's supporters and given a thorough beating.  Ugandans who have endured state sponsored violence at the hands of these goons received the news of the resistance by Mbabazi supporters with joy, jubilation and chest stamping.  For many years, the regime army, police, secret services, cadres, militias, paramilitary groups, police-backed club wielding goons dubbed Kiboko squad have physically assaulted, maimed, teargassed, arrested, detained and tortured dissenting Ugandans with impunity and without any fear of reprisals from their helpless victims. 

It is only last week that Ugandans regained hope that their tormentors can also feel the pain of being assaulted and wail like pigs the same way their victims have been wailing for decades. However, Museveni reacted by condemning and sentencing the Mbabazi supporters who acted in self defence: "Thugs attacked NRM supporters.  They are being rounded up, you can not attack Ugandans.  How can you attack NRM supporters in Uganda?  If you put your finger in the anus of a leopard you are in trouble.  They will regret it.  We shall smash all that nonsense.  We shall round them up."  His reaction emphasises that violence should be a monopoly of his regime.

The blatant uncalled-for use of the vulgar language unbecoming of a head of state clearly demonstrates the level of frustration in Museveni.  Its also gives a clue to whoever is interested in knowing the author of the sectarian video clip in which the Bairu are referred to as human faeces. In his book Sowing the Mustard (bustard) Seed at page 92, he attacks Iddi Amin for having been reckless in his statements: " ...hopelessly, out of his depth, Amin wad always fond of doing and saying outrageous things."  Indeed, security forces are rounding up and kidnapping Mbabazi's supporters.  The Police Spokesman described the Ntungamo clashes as 'ugly violent assaults' as if to suggest that that what the Police and its militia Kiboko Squads have been meting to Ugandans for year ware 'beautiful entertaining assaults." 

A police chopper evacuated the clobbered party goons to hospital and upon discharge each has been awarded with 1.5 million shillings as compensation for job hazards from the tax payers’ money and to assure others of the regime's support and protection in future clashes.  While targeting the opposition, the same Spokesman had earlier on warned presidential aspirants against using bad language and actions that incite political violence.  The regime party Secretary General while at a mobilisers workshop in Fort Portal urged regime supporters against provoking and antagonizing other contestants.  If Museveni cares so much about those who are beaten by others, why can he deal with his own regime cadres who carried out the worst violence against their own during the regime party primaries that culminated into deaths, maiming and arsons? 

He should also have dealt with the police backed club bearing goons who have been beating up Ugandans for years.  Just a week later the Deputy Speaker of parliament organised goons to attack and disrupt the Dr. Besigye campaign rally in Gulu. This attack was designed to test Dr. Besigye's defiance campaign.  The resilient, determined and consistent Dr. Besigye has made it categorically clear that this time round he is to win by defiance and not compliance with the intimidation and rigging by the regime. His P10 (Power Ten) project that groups his supporters into clusters of ten voters throughout the country for vote guarding is taking root.  This P10 coupled by the resolute massive following by Ugandans already exhibited at Dr. Besigye's campaign trail where ordinary voters are overwhelmingly offering moral, financial and material support to the cause of liberating Uganda is sending the regime panicking.

 Museveni, through his Chief of the army has warned Dr. Besigye against the defiance campaign yet the constitution and the election law bars the army from indulging in the electoral process.  Through the Chairman of the Electoral Commission, Museveni further declared: "I will approve the intervention of the army in order to neutralise the opposition presidential flagbearer Dr. Besigye's defiance campaign.  To further reinforce those threats, Museveni has repeated his usual intimidation thus: ".... then you hear people say "Museveni must go".  But go and leave oil money?  They want me to go so they can come and spoil the oil money. 

These people want me to go back to the bush."  Of course, Museveni knows very well that he can not afford to go back to the bush and fight moreover in the early 1980s it was just by luck and shear treachery that he gained the presidency.  He has ever repeatedly declared that he can't hand over power to 'wolves'.  His threats of going back to the bush simply means that he intends to unconstitutionally hold on to power by unleashing more terror on Ugandans.  A few days earlier, he had threatened to arrest Dr. Besigye.

 What is more clear is that Museveni is politically cornered.  He has realised that his usual tricks of rigging through bribery, intimidation and ballot stuffing may not work for him this time round.  The only option left for him is to unleash a fully blown violence against his challengers. 

He musty be in the process of designing and stage managing a terror plot that he will link to the opposition.  That way, Dr. Besigye's P10 group will be declared a terrorist organization and consequently dismantled and outlawed.  The youths who are currently being kidnapped and rounded up will be maximumly humiliated so as to deter others who intend to act in self defence against the regime excesses.  Immediately after the 2015 festive season, violence is likely to escalate to that Museveni gets an excuse to publicly bring in the army.  On the eve of the polling day, if it ever comes, Museveni will direct the Communication Commission (UCC) to disable all communication channels including the private radio and TV stations. 

Only the Police and army radio communication channels will be left intact to be used by the regime moreover it has already procured satellite phones for use by military and Police commanders.  That way, the opposition who will have built a robust communication system to monitor, guard and relay election results from the grassroot to the top will be dealt a heavy blow.  With lack of communication hampering coordination among opposition supporters, all their efforts will hit a dead end thus sending their supporters in disarray.  Coupled by the heavy presence of the army, police, and militias on every inch of the country, Museveni's coup d’état against Ugandans will have succeeded and he will be declared the winner of the February 2016 poll.

The coalition of the Willing (COWI) member states of Kenya and Rwanda will have placed their troop reinforcements to Museveni should the opposition mount some semblance of resistance.   These foreign machineries will be stealthily sneaked into Uganda while dressed in Uganda army and police uniforms.  Museveni will use the opportunity to completely suppress and subdue any form of political dissent thus sending meaningful political opposition into oblivion for the next few decades. He won't even allow a situation that favors a rerun of the polls.

However, the above ugly scenario can be overcome if leaders of the liberation struggle faced the reality about the nature of the people's enemy that they are confronting thus devise appropriate means of providing Ugandans with the necessary leadership for them to dismantle the dictatorship.  Moreover, by accepting to take part in a fraudulent electoral process where even Museveni did not qualify to contest, they bear the burden of rescuing the country.  Where there is a will, there is a way.  Its either now or never.


Thursday, 17 December 2015


Early this month, another video clip conveying sectarian messages went viral on social media.  In the message a Muhima (going by the Runyankore accent) is heard reminding that the Bairu are human feces.  Am using the phrase 'reminding' because it is not knew for the Bahima to refer to the Bairu as human feces.  Though the two sub-ethnic groups make the Banyankore ethnic group, the Bairu are the cultivators while the Bahima are the cattle keepers. By comparison, the two sub-ethnic groups are the Ugandan version of Rwanda/Burundi's Hutu and Tutsi sub-ethnic groups.  Like  the Hutu/Tutsi who speack the same languages of Kirundi and Kinyarwanda, the Bahima and Bairu of Uganda also speak one language called Runyankole but differ in accent. Therefore, other than their differennces in physical appearances and traditional lifestyles, their difference in accent of their Runyankore language is another identity factor.  Ever since the era of the early Ankole Kingdom, the reigning Bahima treated their Bairu counterparts as being socially and politically inferior.  Though there are other other serious reasons, Museveni advanced tthe reason of divisiveness to refuse reinstatement of the Ankle Kingdom.  However, the two sub-ethnic groups have continues to coexist amidst their traditional differences. Before Museveni took over power 30 years ago, the Bairu had embraced education while the Bahima had been stuck in their nomadic lifestyle save for à few Bahima families.  When Museveni took to fighting the bush war in the early 1980s he took with him a number of Bahima among his fighters.  Since taking over power the question of Bahima dominance of security forces and some key government sectors.  The regime has always argued that  that dominance is because of historical linkage of Bahima with the Bush war.  Even in the bush, the Bahima/Bairu differences often emerged but were resolved by threats and its a fact that after taking over power the Bairu were systematically sidelined and eventually eliminated from key security command and regime positions.  The final blow came when the Bairu in cabinet were dropped for opposing Museveni's third term. The victims included Kategaya who had been made to believe that he was Museven's childhood friend. Its only the opportunist and sycomphant Gen. Otafiire who is still lingering with Museveni amidst the humiliations that are currently being meted against him.

 In the late 80s, while at a social event the wife of Minister Kuteesa  had a heated argument with Minister Kahinda Otafiire and she referred to him as a Mwiru which infuriated the later prompting him to draw his pistol against the former thus Otafiire had to resign his cabinet post.  Since then, Otafiire has been compensated with two Bahiima wives yet it is very rare for the two sub-ethnic groups to intermarry.  The few instances of intermarriages are those of Col Bright Rwamirama who took on a Mwiru wife, Col Kagyezi who married a Muganda lady, and Winnie Byanyima who married Dr. Kiiza Besigye among other controvercial marriages.  In the said most recent video clip the author goes to highlight that while the Bairu are human feces, the Bakiga are double feces.  While the rest of the Ugandans understand a Mwiru to mean a sub-etnic of the Banyankole, to the Bahima, anyone that is not a Muhima, Tutsi, Songora, Hororo, Tuku and the Cushites from the Horn of Africa and other areas of East Africa is a Mwiru thus they consider majority of Uganda's ethnic communities as being Bairu.  Among the Banyankole Bairu such demeaning actions and utterances are business as usual and almost no longer have a big effect.  When Dr. Besigye came out to challenge Museveni's leadership, he was branded all sorts of labels associated with the Bairu.  His Muhima wife's activism was treated by the Bahima mainstream at a betrayal.  Moreover, her family are the only Bahima Catholics since Bahima are only Anglicans and Pentecostals.  The emergence of A mama Mbabazi who is a Mukiga to democratically challenge Museveni's hold on power, puts the Bakiga in the line of barrage from some sections of Bahima.  The video footage concludes by boosting that the Bahima have been ruling 'foolish Bairu' for the last 30 years and that they will continue to do so before advising those who feel offended to leave Uganda.

The Bahima are generally a descent, trustworthy and tolerant ethnic community.  That is how they have managed to settle in different parts of Uganda and peacefully coexisted with the indigenous communities in those areas.  However, the Bahima as an ethnic community have been infiltrated by some migrants (Balalo) who masquerade as Bahima and those are the individuals who are fomenting sectarian sentiments. To some extent, Museveni has significantly contributed to pitting the Bahima against other Ugandans through his shameless practice open nepotism and sectarianism. Those together with the individual radicalised Bahima men and women who have dominated the corridors of power and the primitive accumulation of ill-gotten wealth, compose the brand of rotten apples. The MP for Nyabushozi county last week urged residents of Kiruhura district not to allow Presidential aspirants Mbabazi and Dr. Besigye to come and 'disturb'  the district.  At a public function at the district headquarters to hand over the NRM flag to contestants, Col. Mwesigye stated thus: " ..... Let me be quoted; am RO/27 in the army and we can not allow Besigye and Mbabazi and othe opposition candidates to come and disturb this district.  Kiruhura as the First District should set an example for other districts to follow by not voting for opposition like FDC's Kiiza Besigye and Amama Mbabazi."  The  same function was attended by Sedrack Nzeirwe the NRM district chairman and brother to Museveni.  Another family member Dan Kaguta represented Minister Frank Tunwebaze as guest of honour where he informed the gathering that "President Museveni is already the next President , those contesting against him are just wasting time."  Kiruhura is dominated by the Bahima and it is reported that the small patches of Bairu in Kiruhura are harrassed by some Bahima over their suspected support for the opposition.  For sone hardline Bahima, its a disgrace for anyone in Kiruhura to vote for the opposition thus the notion of 'the First District' because that is where Museveni hails from. Indeed, Kiruhura is economicalky and politically the First District  as Nuseveni sometime back had branded it the role model of poverty eradication.  Even the 18 million hand held hoes promissed by Museveni to all homesteads in Uganda will only be used to clear weeds in cattle ranches and for picking dog feaces from the yards. In 1980 they rejected Museveni branding him an immigrant in favor of their own Sam Kutesa. He has created and ring fenced some key regime agencies for Bahima thus creating a sence of owning the regime thus "we have been ruling you for 30 years".  Museveni has practised favoritism for some Bahima like was the case in a corruption case involving Local government Ministry Permanent Secretary Kashaka , Cpl. Rwakihembo who killed people in Luzira, rally driver Desh Kananura scotch free murder of his employee are among the several examples.

The regime enacted a law against sectarianism but applies it discriminately. It turns a blind eye on such nasty developments so that it can turn around and claim that the Bahima are vulnerable to reprisal attacks thus justifying military intervention


Wednesday, 16 December 2015


Since being sworn in as President of Tanzania, John Pombe Magufuli has made far reaching reforms aimed at cutting down public expenditure, improving service delivery and tackle corruption and abuse of office.  He has genuinely demonstrated that he is committed to  working towards improvement of the lives of ordinary Tanzanians. He has made impromptu visits to government departments for an on spot assessment of the situation pertaing to service delivery and general performance. He has suspended and sacked some public servants for negligence, ordered for the arrest and prosecution of those suspected of corruption, he has dismissed Boards of Directors of some government agencies, he has banned MPs from being Board members of government agencies and parastatals and no more payment of allowances to them whenever they carry out oversight roles over those parastals.  He has restricted board meetings to only four times annuually. He has banned extension of subsidies to public bodies that will not pay returns to government before ordering them to be run profitably and generate more revenue to the state.  He has warned that government will not hesitate to close down such bodies that will not prove to be commercially viable and he has banned the hiring of consultants.

He has evicted powerful individuals involved in landgrabbing and demolished structures constructed in public land.  He has banned unnecessary foreign travels by government officials and also banned 1st class air travels. At a recent meeting with members of the top business community, he told them that during presidential campaigns he had delibarately
not solisted and got any financial and material contributions from them thus they should not expect any favors from government.  In Uganda, leading businessman Mike Mukula has donated a chopper to Museveni's campaigns and is used by Gen. Tumukunde to harass the opposition.  Within the first 30 days in office, his actions had saved/rescued a total of 997.4 billion shillings (about 1.5 trillion Ug. Shs) -  225M from the trimmed parliamentary inaguwration ceremony,  356.3b from foreign travels, 4b from cancelled independence day celebrations, 637.2b from tax evasion by 2431 containers of imported goods.  Some of this m
oney has already been channelled to critical areas like health.  However, experts have estimated the worth of 997.4b as being enough to build over 1000km of quality tarmac roads, or purchase of 3325 ambulances at 300M shs each, or construction of 1425 fully equipped dispensaries at 600 -700M shs each.  After trimming and merging some ministries, he has assembled a small cabinet team thus reducing on the cost.

In Uganda where Museveni has been in power for 30 years, corruption, nepotism and abuse of office is a means of ensuring loyalty to Museveni.  He is boosting of creating a middle class comprised of the corrupt, tax evaders and land grabbers as ordinary Ugandans swim in abject poverty.  Some semblance of fighting corruption  only surfaces around the time of elections in order to hoodwink Ugandans and when there is donor pressure.  Museveni has always demonised the opposition, civil society groups and the donor community in their efforts to highlight the vices by labeling them economic subtours and enemies of his government.  The situation pertaining to service delivery is so appalling that maggots crawl on the floor of dilapidated government hosipitals many of which lack basic drugs, equipment and Doctors.  It has now been made a criminal offence for the rival presidential aspirants to access such facilities.  Unfortunately, its too late because the video footages and photos of such rot have already gone viral. Museveni, without shame continues to take Ugandans for a ride by blaming Iddi Amin and Milton  Obote who ruled Uganda 36 years and 30 years respectively ago for the appalling state of service delivery yet scientifically the maggots that are crawling on the floors of government hospitals have a lifespan of less than 24 hours.

On 12th this month when asked by NBS TV for a comment on Tanzania's Magufuli's measures to fight corruption and poor service delivery, Museveni had this to say: "That's good; that's his approach.  Tanzania has been stable for a long time; that's good; that's symbolism; even the other day you saw your oldman doing physical exercises. I wish him good work."  Of course Dr. Magufuli's steps and achievements are posing a big challenge to most leaders in the region and Africa in general.  Museveni in particular claims that he needs another five years on top of the 30 years he has been in power in order to buy hospital beds and bedsheets.  His argument is that he has been prioritizing infrastructure development (shoddy roads) and security.  Obviously his choice of priority is driven by the need to ease of movement of his troops for securing his hold on power.T The debate now should focus on how long does a head of state need in order to implement the development agenda for his people.  At that rate, how much will Dr. Magufuli have achieved for Tanzania at the end of his ten years tenure?


Tuesday, 15 December 2015


The Rwandese called it Akashuzuguro when Museveni called them 'these boys' during the Uganda/Rwanda clashes in DRC.  The kashuzuguro culminated into the three rounds of clashes that saw Museveni's army humiliated and chassed out of Kisangani by 'these boys' like in what Hon. Aggrey Awori described as ' a wet chicken'.  Its not that his army did not know how to fight but was because of arrogance eveen when the lives of people are concerned.  Last weekend in Ntungamo his hooligans were for the first time awarded a 'certificate of recognition' for their outstanding blind loyalty to Museveni's kashuzuguro.h

Since coming to power 30 years ago, Museveni has been meting out violence against his political opponents.   He uses the army, the Police, militias, and opportunistic regime çadres to harass,iintimidate, arrest, torture, maim, kill, detain etc members of the opposition and other dissenters.  He uses public resources to bribe and buy off dissent by taking advantage of the appalling levels of poverty and economic deprivation that he has always used to hold Ugandans hostage.  This time round, he is busy doing the same ahead of the February 2016 poll.   He recently deceived Ugandans that he had retired his in-law Gen. Tumukunde from the army yet he was reassigning him to head his election violence and bribery squad.  The General is currently traversing the country with billions of cash bribing and mobilising hooligans against other Presidential aspirants.  He lands Museveni's campaign helicopter at venues designated for rival presidential aspirants.  He blocks locals through intimidation and bribery from accessing campaign venues of rival aspirants.  He pays off and dresses hooligans in Museveni T-shirts and tasks them to deface rival candidates posters and to disrupt the rallies and movements of rival aspirants.

Unlike in previous elections, this time round Ugandans are resilient and more determined not to give in to bribery and intimidation.  Because of the Pope's visit in late November, Museveni delayed unleashing his usual terror so as to create an impression of sanity.  The delay made his opponentst gain ground and dig in thus he is now trying to get a way of dislodging them from their defensive positions.  Over the weekend, in Ntungamo district the supporters of presidential aspirant Mbabazi retaliated to attacks by the regime organised Museveni hooligans by overpowering and giving them a through beating.  Without shame, Museveni has instead directed his Police chief Gen. Kalekyezi Mukajanga to 'deal' with those who beat up his 'supporters' in Ntungamo. Already Gen. Mukajanga has vowed to deal with what he called militias of presidential aspirants. He has singled out the youthful son of the late Col. Julius Maine whom he described as 'our own' but forgot that the children, parents, friends, waves and neighbors of bush war comrades are the worst off victims of arrogance and mismanagement.  What would they expect of the children of Brig. Kanyankole in Buhweju who was a victim of ethnic arrogance.  Going by the trend of the campaigns so far, Museveni feels cornered and the only way out is to flag of a campaign of violence as his only remaining rigging tactic.  The statement last week by the so called Joint Elections Security Committee comprised of the army, police and prison chiefs was in preparation for what happened in Ntungamo. His reckless statement in Male threatening that he would arrest his fellow presidential contestant Dr. Besigyei is the highest level of arrogance which Ugandans should resist at all costs.

 The regine will use the Ntungamo incident to to wreck havoc on Ugandans with the aim of dissuading them from pushing for the change they so much crave for.  Therefore, Ugandans should prepare for tougher times ahead but with resilience and determination in the absence of fake patriotism, victory is theirs.


Monday, 14 December 2015


In Uganda, the district is the largest local government unit and is headed by a Resident District Administrator (RDC).  During past governments, it was the District Commissioner (DC) but when Museveni came to power, he embarked on gambling with titles.  First, the called them Special District Administrators (SDA) and then changed to District Administrators (DA)  and later on Central Government Representatives (CGR), before finally settling for Resident District Commissioners (RDC).  The RDC is appointed by the President and is the representative of the President in the district.  Constitutionally he is charged with overseeing government programmes in the district and is the head of the district security commitee. They fall under the President's office and are only answerable to him through the Minister for the Presidency.  The DAs, SDA and CGRs were respectable men and women  with excellent public standing. However, since Museveni's totalitarianism came to light the positions have been held by mischiefs, rejects, Sycophants, opportunists
and to some extent lumpens.

The line up of RDCs is composed of serving and retired army officers, former members of the opposition who were brought out by the regime, Museveni's preferred parliamentary candidates who are rejected by the voters and other opportunistic regime cadres.  Museveni usually fronts specific contestants in opposition strong holds and specific opposition candidates.  In some instances, he dissuades his party parliamentary aspirants from contesting against his preferred choices in return for appointment to positions of RDCs and other public bodies.  Therefore, RDCs owe their total allegiance to Museveni and the regime as evidenced by their obnoxious and patrician conduct of public affairs.  Under their respective offices are regime cadres who are dubbed Political Moblisers.  As Chairman of the District Security Committee, the RDC has been responsible for all the violence against the opposition and civil society groups. The regime assesses their performance in accordance with their level of 'vigilance and patriotism' in terms of how best they have undermined, curtailed, harassed, and undermined the opposition and civil society activities and general political dissent.

 It is against the above mentioned background that last week the opposition Presidential contender Dr. Kiiza Besigye toold Ugandans that if elected into office he would do away with RDCs because they are a nuisance.  Shortly after, Museveni stated thus: "....for the first time I agree with Dr. Besigye .... I may not agree with him on other things, but some RDCs are useless, we spend money on them but they don't add anything...."  However, a week later at a press conference in So roti the same Museveni retracted the same statement thus: "I have been seeing Besigyea attacking RDCs. I was only being sarcastic. So, if you don't know that (sarcasm) am telling you now.  He went ahead to state that he had a grudge with RDCs because they were not punishing the bad people.  Of course, 'the bad people' are the members of opposition and other dissenting Ugandans.  Sometime back back he had directed RDCs to arrest opposition politicians whom he accused of sectarianism.

As Dr. Besigye was campaigning  in northern Uganda last week, he was conducted on a tour of the district hospital in Abim by Senior Nursing Officer Sister Adong.  The video vootages of the that tour reveal the appalling conditions at the delapidated facility.  The video footages that have since gone viral, have rubbed the Museveni regime the wrong side.  The Chief Administrative Officer (CAO) of Abim distruct wrote to the Nursing Sister Adong threatening to displine her for disclosing government secrets.  In Kabale district the Police blocked Presidential aspirant Mbabazi from accessing the government hospital during his campaign tour. Ofcourse, the CAO was only implementing the directives from above (RDC, DISO, Police Chief, regime Secretariat, and Museveni. In 2009, then Minister of State for local government Perez Aha we told a meeting of local government leaders at Kolpiing Hall in Hoima district that anyone in government service who campaigns for Museveni and his NRM will earn a promotion while opposition leaning public servants would be fired.  He was starting a countrywide tour by the Ministry of Local Government to urge public servants to campaign for Museveni ahead of the 2011 general elections.  Minister Adolf Mwesigye was taking the same message to the northern and eastern regions while Ahabwe was to cover western and central regions.  The law bars public servants from indulging in partician politics but the Minister assured them they would benefit from government protection.MMinister Ahabwe went ahead  to give them assurances thus: "If you campaign for us, we shall protected you because we are the ones in power..  How can we arrest you for campaigning for us!  Those who do not want you to talk for us should go and hang.". He went ahead to single out Lira district as having been in the lead of districts having the highest number of local government officials who were architects of anti- NRM rhetorics in the northern and eastern regions which were leading in civil servants who were undermining NRM.  He added:"You are either NRM or opposition; if you are in opposition, keep quiet and allow NRM civil sertants to talk for the government and we shall reward them according to their efforts."  Read more from the:  observer.ug

In October 2015, the RDC of Kanungu district, Harriet Nakamya addressed Boda Boda cyclists directing them not to support Presidential candidate Mbabazi.  She went ahead to announce to them that she had allowed them to carry two passengers on their motorcycles as opposed to the traffic regulations.  "....that is the gift I have given you.  Traffic must allow you to carry two people  in order to ignore crowds."  She went ahead to disclose that she had been directed by the President to weed out Mbabazi leaning leaders in the district before describing them as cockroaches.  "They are just cockroaches and we have Doom (insecticide).  No need to to look for guns and sticks.  For what? To kill cockroaches?  We are the ones with Doom."  Its sad to note that during the 1994 Rwanda Genocide, the victims were also referred to as cockroaches who need to be eliminated. Addressing the newly appointed RDCs in September 2015, Museveni said: "Your roles are clear, never go shouting NRM Oyee....." - a clear evidence of RDC being regime functionaries.

Who is more patriotic; the hospital Nurse, the Presidential aspirant or the administrator who is aggrieved by 'leakage of government secrets'


Saturday, 12 December 2015


The head of the Catholic church made a two days visit to Uganda last month.  The visit came at a time when the country is undergoing an electoral process in which dictator Museveni is seeking to renew his 30 years hold on power.  As usual, he is to use his usual tactics of intimidation of voters, bribery, vote stuffing, compromising of opposition polling agents, involvement of the military, and impartiality of the Electoral Commission.  For the main opposition contender, Dr. Kiiza Besigye is campaigning on the theme of” this time round, its not going took be business as usual.  We are to win by defiance and not compliance."  The said defiance is taking root among disillusioned Ugandans who are evidently desperate for change.  Dr. Besigye is urging Ugandans to defy all those vices and reclaim their country from the 30 years of political manipulation, military rule, gross human rights abuses, economic deprivation, wanton plunder of public resources, shameless nepotism and sectarianism etc.

During his two days’ visit, the Pope met Ugandans at different venues.  Throughout his public engagements commended the Uganda Christian Martyrs for their willingness to shed their blood, be faithful to what they knew was good, beautiful and true.  He argued that King Mwanga's efforts to silence the Christian converts was fruitless the same way King Herd failed to Kill Jesus Christ.  He added that: " the light shone in the darkness and the darkness could not overcome."  He urged Christian to: "go forth without fear, to every town and village of the country, to spread the good seed of God's word. Even when the task seems too much, the resources too few, the obstacles too great, it should never be forgotten that yours is a holly work".
 There is no persecution of Christians in Uganda at the moment; its only some sections of the Islamic faith who are facing state inspired persecution.  However, the Pope's message is very strong and encouraging defiance against those who are bent on standing in the way of what they believe to be good.  He told the youth that Uganda was a unique country and challenged them to turn negatives into positives. Unique!  indeed, it is because its people allow the military dictator to stampede on their rights and freedom for 30 years.

The regime did all it could to ensure that those with dissenting views don't get anywhere near him.  That is why in Kenya the youth were allowed to speak out their mind in a ground breaking report to the Pope while in Uganda they were selectively made to talk none issues under the watchful eye of secret service agents.  What is obvious is that the Pope knew every detail of the exact political, social and economic situation pertaining in Uganda.  Museveni's only interest in the Pope's visit was to boost his deteriorating international image and to some extent to secure the canonization of former Tanzania President, Julius Nyerere. He paraded Nyerere's widow in his family photo with the Pope at State House where the old woman was irrespectively made to stand among the children while Museveni and his wife took seats.  Unfortunately, during the Pope's visit international media house Aljazera was repeatedly running a horrific documentary tittled: Uganda - living in fear.  The documentary went viral like wildfire attracting the attention of millions world over.  As for the Nyere sainthood project, its yet clear what transpired but it did not take place.  Of course the Pope and any other reasonable person must be interrogating why its Museveni spearheading the drive and not the Catholic Church and government in Tanzania!!!!

We are yet to see how Ugandans make use of the Pope's message of defiance.


Friday, 11 December 2015


Uganda's military dictator Gen. Museveni is seeking to renew his 30 years hold on power through another fraudulent electoral process.  This week he invited a team of Kenya government officials led by the Vice President to campaign for him in eastern Uganda. Being a strong believer in racism, ethnicity, tribalism, nepotism and sectarianism in general, while campaigning among the Sabiny of Sebei subregin who are ethnically related to the Kalenjin of Kenya he was in the company of Kenya's Vice President William Ruto and some Kenyan MPs.  The Kenyan team openly campaigned for him as Ruto was told the Sabiny that Museveni should be voted back into office.  Daya earlier, the same William Ruto had officially met Museveni supporters from Sebei who had lost in the regime party primaries.  These people had to travel to Kenya and met Ruto in Both Eldoret and the capital Nairobi ostensibly  to have Ruto harmonise their positions.

The two ethnic groups are so close that in their respective countries, they are naturall gifted athletics who have excelled in international championships.  When former Kenyan President Moi who is also an ethnic Kalenjin was attempting to stick to power beyond the constitutional mandate, he made contact with Sabiny army officers in the Museveni  army like then Lt. Christopher Motil who was under the Presidentiak Protection Unit's tank unit.
In 2010, then Kenya's opposition leader and Prime Minister Raila Odinga an ethnic Luo came to the eastern town of Busia in Uganda and campaigned for Musevenia where there is a strong Luo presence. That was during the time Museveni was initiating the taming of Luos in Uganda.  Indeed Luos in Uganda were successfully duped and are now in the Museveni trap singing 'Museveni, No Change'.  However, during the disputed and violent Kenya elections that followed, Museveni sent his army to boost the Kenyan anti-Luo victory of Rails Odinga.  Later on, as usual Museveni who no longer needed Rails Odinga and Kenya Luos he described Luos as: 'mad Luos' over the Migingo Island dispute.

 We are yet to see if Rwanda's Paul Kagame will come to Uganda to campaign for Museveni in Kisoro, Ntungamo and Mbarara where there is a sizeable number of Rwandese Tutsi. The same applies to South Sudan's Silva Kiir his ethinic northern Uganda's Luos and Nilotics.
Tanzania's John Pombe Magufuli who is an ethnic Zinza and even speaks some of the Ugandan dialects is not the type who can entertain such nonsense thus the coalition of the Willing (Kenya, Uganda and Rwanda).  Currently, Museveni is on a watching brief for William Ruto's defence team before the ICC over crimes against humanity.  That is the level of Museveni's hypocrisy and opportunism and unless Ugandans get out of the deep slumber, the Kenyan troops will be patrolling the streets of Kampala during the February 2016 polls.


Thursday, 10 December 2015


Ugandans will go to the polls in February 2016 not for elections but to formalise  Dictator Museveni's hold on power for the 7th five year term (35 years).  Having come to power in 1986 through a military takeover, in 2005 he amended the constitution to remove the two five years term limit.  That way he set on a journey to the life presidency while preparing his son who is now the head of the elite Special Forces to take over from him.  At every ceremonial election exercise, he has always outright briber and intimidation of voters and opposition polling agents, vote stuffing courtesy of his Electoral Commission.

This time round he has planned to rig by among other tactics, denying a big number of Ugandans their right to vote by deliberately eliminating their names from the so called voters register.  He tasked the intelligence services to hastily come up with a national ID project for purposes of intelligence gathering and monitoring.  His former defacto Vice President Gen. Around coordinated the Task Force that was comprised of among others Col. Kwiringira of ISO and Ltcol. Mwesigwa of CMI.   Since it was a security project, the scheme captured data of Ugandans from the age of 16 and above because at 16 one can engage in armed rebellion.  Among the data captured was where the applicant wished to cast his/ her vote from. It is this data that was adopted by Museveni's Electoral Commission to be used as the national voters register thus discarding the 2011 register of 11 million voters to the one of 2016 with 15 million voters.  As part of the wider agitation for electoral reforms by civil society groups, the opposition and the general public, the calls for abandonment of the scheme fell on deaf ears.  As usual, Ugandandan ceased fire and took the matter as business as usual. Moreover, Ugandans had not been told that the National ID register would be adopted by the Electoral Commission as its election register thus a good number of Ugandans had not registered for the laborious national ID.  The Electoral Commission later declared that only those on the national ID register and in poses soon of the ID would be eligible to vote in the February 2016 polls. Museveni thumped his chest for this partial success but it was too early.

The EC recently declared that an unspecified number of Ugandans will miss the voting because they missed the national ID registration  yet its only about 8 million Ugandans who have so far picked the national IDs.  Museveni who all along knew that at an appropriate stage would be able to deny a good number of Ugandans a chance to vote thus neutralising opposition supporters and minimising the number of Ugandans to be bribed by his rigging machinery.  However, the cat was let out of the bag last week when Norbert Mao, the DP President, former MP, former Chairman of Gulu district and a one time presidential aspirant who posesses the disbanded voters card that he used in the previous elections, was denied nomination for contesting for MP position on grounds that he had not registered for thennational ID.  He had pleaded with the EC for late registration on grounds that at the time he had been sick but in vain.  He has now petitioned the EC and issued a 24 hours ultimatum or else he seeks legal redress

The development has sent the regime panicking because public debates are exposing other flaws of the entire registration exercise more especially the deliberate registration of non Ugandans while nationals are being denied their right to vote.  The army's 4th Division Sokesman Lt. Ronald Ovon confirmed that 3000 soldiers who recently returned from South Sudan are being being registered under a special arrangement by the Ministry of Internal Affairs.  The Ministry of Internal Affairs Spokesperson Pamenda Ankunda expressed ignorance of the development. Her namesake (by design) Ltcol Paddy Ankunda the Ministry of Defense Spokesperson claimed that they are still consulting with the Ministry of Internal Affairs.  Lt. Ronald Avon must be undergoing serious reprimand for releasing 'state secrets' to unauthorised people the same way the Senior Nursing Officer of Abim Hospital is being reprimanded for conducting the opposition leader on a tour of the poor state of the facility.  The EC has stood its ground arguing that: "the voters register update exercise was concluded.  There is no way the names can be reflected; not at all" said the EC Spokesperson.  Military personnel have been a vital tool of the the regime's double and multiple voting thus it can't risk losing their votes.  The current military build up in northern Uganda ostensibly to counter their South Sudan counterparts could be a ploy in that direction.

 For Norbert Mao his woes emanate from the time he threatened to spearhead the secession of northern Uganda.  On top of  his support for the opposition presidential aspirant A mama Mbabazi, it is the former threat that will lead him 'six feet down'. Therefore, the EC will as usual get its way out of the current dilemma and Mao may or may not be registed but if there is hope that the fraudulent voters register can be discarded, there is no way because it amounts to treason. Already the regime is secretly registering the voters who are on the national ID register so that it avoids bribing unekigible voters.  Even if he goes to court, the matter will be disposed off after the ballots will have been printed out already.  This rigging scheme by way of voters register is just a small portion of the wider rigging scheme.  This is the 'good work' that Gen Around a did for his country and for which the country mourned greatly upon his demise a few months ago. Norbert Mao in particular mourned him by describing him as a patriot.  Ugandans are yet to know why Museveni seconded Gen. Aronda to the Ministry of Internal Affairs.  Gen. Aronda's legacy will have a lasting impact the same way did UPC's Luwuliza Kirunda.



Dictaotor Museveni hold on power for last ep years has had its devastating toll on human life not only in Uganda but the entire region.  The insensitivity to the wellbeing of ordinary Ugandans, the blatant gross abuse of human rights, the imperialistic military expeditions into the neighboring countries, arrogant abuse of the presidency through misuse of public resorces and extravagant lifestyles has had a devastating toll on Ugandans.  The most recent development involves the national football team and the entire FUFA narrowly survived perishing in a road accident that claimed seven lives and left several injured.

After landing atT the airport, the national  football team was hosted to a state dinner at State House in honour of the their victory in the CECAFA Champions Cup. Because Museveni was away in the countryside, he delegated his figure head Vice President to preside over the State Dinner for the Uganda Cranes at State House.  The Vice President effectively represented Museveni by delivering his congrajulatory message and wishes for success in the upcoming AFCON 2017 and the 2018 FIFA World Cup.  The same night, immediately after the State Dinner even before the players could reach their homes, Museveni directed that the entire group should take the journey to meet him in Soroti for a photo show.  The 400+ km journer by bus ended in the morning and after taking photographs with the only visionary leader, the group set off for a return journey.

On their way their bus collided with a commuter taxi leaving five dead on the spot and several injured including three of the players.  The Regional Traffic Officer for Bukedea, Paul Okong blamed the accident on The Cranes' bus driver: "I blame the accident reckless driving on the side of The Cranes bus driver  because he was driving very fast.  He lost control after one of the tyres got a puncture and rammed into the taxi."  This traffic officer will have to face the Police disciplinary committee for being unpatriotic.  How can he put the blame on the bus that was even escorted by the Special Forces as they came from a pilgrimage to pay homage to the  'god of Uganda'. Under the new professional Police force, such an officer is expected to make a cover up and even arrest the driver of the commuter taxi.

The journey to Soroti was completely senseless but it further demonstrates how selfish and insensitive Museseveni is.  The government has promised to compensate the families of those who died whose number has now risen to seven.  The injured Cranes players were admitted to the best private hospital because the national referral hospital at Mulago does not have the capacity to handle minor injuries while the other ordinary victims are languishing in government hospital where there is no proper service. Museveni's macromanagement style and cheap popularity needs to be brought to stop or else a major catastrophe awaits the country.  Imagine the double expenditure of public resources and lack of consideration for the group that needed a rest after the State House dinner.  Even the bus must not have been in a such a mechanical condition as to undertake such a long journey at short notice.


Friday, 27 November 2015


During the campaigns for the just concluded general elections in Tanzania, the ruling CCM presidential candidate John Pombe Magufuli (JPM) campaigned on the theme of 'Real Change' and his campaign slogan was 'Hapa Kazi Tu' (work and nothing else).  His CCM ruling party has been in power since independence in the early 1960s. During campaigns JPM openly decried poor service delivery, biting poverty, appalling living conditions, rampant corruption and abuse of office.  He broke the traditional norm of of past leaders telling wananchi (ordinary citizens) that their country was poor; but instead emphasized that the country was very rich. Indeed Tanzania is one of the few countries in the world that is endowed by God with everything it takes for a nation to prosper in terms of natural resources except winter and snow.  The most precious resource that the country has enjoyed for many decades is peace but its people have remained poor and globally it is ranked as one of the poorest.  During campaigns, JPM promised that his government would fight corruption, abuse of office, cut public expenditure, and improve services of every citizen regardless of their ethnic, regional, religious and political affiliations.

After he was declared the  winner of the October 25th poll and sworn in as the country's fifth President, JPM sneaked of State House and walked to the Ministry of Finance for an impromptu visit only to find a number of officers were not at their desks on pretext of having gone for 'break tea'.  A few days later, he made another impromptu visit to the National Referral Hospital where he carried out an unguided tour of the patient's wards. In the wards he found patients sleeping on the floor while others had not got any medical attention because the ICT-scan and IMR machines had broken down months back.  He ordered management to transfer one of the patients Mr. Chacha Makange who had spent over a month without any medical attention, to be transferred to a private hospital in order to access a scan machine before offering to meet the cost from his salary.  The mere sight of a President knealing on the floor to comfort a patient who is lying on the hospital floor is just amazing. He sacked the entire hospital Board Directors and the Hospital Director.  He ordered the repair of the grounded machines and the Ministry of Finance immediately released 3 billion shillings and within two days they were repaired.  Currently, 12 billion shillings has been earmarked for the procurement of diagnostica and other medical appliances. The Treasury has already vendorsed the budget and the tendering process has begun.

JPM slashed the budget that was meant to cater for opening ceremony of the new parliament thus saving 225 million shillings that was channelled to the national referral hospital and used to purchase  300 beds and mattresses, 30 special chairs for patients, and 1695 pairs of bed sheets - all have been delivered. He has cancelled all foreign trips by government officials and urged them to make use of the countriy's embassies based in those countries except if it is very necessary but still only with approval of his office.  He cited 356.325 billion shillings that was spent on foreign trips during the 2013/2014 and 2014/2015 financial years.  He argued that that amount was enough to construct 400km of tarmac road before jocking that "some government officials make more trips abroad than they visit their mothers in the village.  He has cancelled  50 names from the list of government officials who were scheduled to attend the Commonwealth Heads of Government meeting leaving only four (Ambassador and three of his staff) who will represnt Tanzania thus saving 700 million shillings that had been budgeted. He has cancelled this year's independence celebrations citing the high cost in terms of time and resources and instead directed that the occasion should be used to do general cleaning of goverment and private premises in the face of a cholera epidemic.  The 2011 independence celebrations to mark 50 years cost the tax payer 64 billion shillings.  He has banned government depatments from holding meetings and conferences in hotels and rented conference halls.  He has banned the use of tax payer's money in printing festive season cards ahead of this year's Christmas and New Year celebrations.  However, he suggested that those who wish to do it should dig into their pockets. He has cancelled this year's International AIDS Day celebrations and directed that the money should instead be channelled to assisting patients.  He has repeatedly acknowledged that during his countrywide tour for campaigns, he had noted that wananchi are tired of corruption and poor service delivery. Further, he concedes that the presidential bid was tougher than the previous ones.

He has vowed to tackle the following vices:
 -  To revitalize the economy so that the ordinary mwananchi can feel the growth. He argued that the economy should not only grow statistically without being reflected in the everday life of ordinary people.  He gave a one month ultimatum to all those who were given government industries and farms to make use of them or else they are to be removed from them.  He has promised to support the informal sector by removing unnecessary taxes  and banned the extension of tax holidays and exemptions to big companies.   He has cautioned urban law enforcement agencies against harassing hawkers and food vendors without giving them an alternative venue for their business. He has appealed to parliament to support him in strengthening the law of Public Procurement and criticized government's procurement of expensive vehicles.  He criticised the continued running of Tanzania Air with 200 staff members even when the company owns only one plane.  He has warned the energy sector against sabotaging power generation and supply in favor of businessmen who supply generators.

 -   He has promissed to form a small cabinet, resolve land conflicts between cultivators and cattle keepers, provide clean water, fight wildlife crime before accusing some government officials of conspiring with the perpetrators, warned the Police against placing false charges on victims, declared war on drug trafficking before vowing to go after the big fish, to reclaim all public spaces and reserved that had been grabbed - already demolition of posh private buildings is ongoing, to fight those holding dormant large chunks of land and double allocation of plots, irected public servants to display their name tags whenever they are on duty before warning them to 'either serve or go'.

 After his newly appointed Prime Minister made an impromptu visit to the port, the Commissioner General of the country's revenue body (TRA) together with his Deputy and some other four top officials were sacked pending investigation.  This followed a finding of the disappearance of 349 containers that had been imported by private businessmen but evaded payment of 80 billion shillings in taxes.  Police has been tasked to investigate the irregularity including their financial lifestyle, bank accounts, personal properties etc.  In the meantime they  have had their passports confiscated and a ban on all foreign travels by all employees of TRA.

JPM is not posturing but he means business. However, he needs to assemble a strong and determined team if he is to realise his dreams for a better Tanzania.  Its not an easy task and he is repeatedly asking wananchi to pray for him. The ruling CCM is still chaired by former President Jakaya Kikwete and JPM holds no office in the ruling party but is an ordinary party member.  If he succeeds in his plans, it will not only rejuvenate the strength of  his party and reassure ordinary Tanzanians of a better future but weaken the opposition.  The opposition's foundation is build on corruption, poor service delivery and abuse of office by some government officials.  What JPM is tackling is what the opposition has been pushinf for but because of their small numbers in parliament, they were often silenced and despised.  Therefore in JPM, the opposition finds an ally thus it is very rare in Africa for a President to push for an opposition agenda. JPM's success will be a pride for Africa whose people have lost all hope of getting such a leader.  If some leaders are selected by God, then JPM is one such leader.  Its anyone's guess as to who chose Museveni for Uganda; his 30 years hold on power has witnessed among other satanic deeds, the Presidential jet taking his married daughter to deliver in a German hospital at the expense of the tax payer whose wife and mother delivers on the floor at the national referral hopital. His wife is a cabinet Minister, the son and brother are in charge of the army leave alone the key positions held by his relatives and friends. We are yet to see JPM's first trip abroad using commercial flights. That is the Uganda that Museveni so much craves to politically and economically integrate with Tanzania!

The good news is that the Pole is on advanced team for God's vistt to Uganda come February 2016.  Ugandans should send their 'invitations' for his visit through the Pole.  God is visiting Tanzania and can as well visit Uganda.


Friday, 20 November 2015


Bush War in Uganda refers to the five years’ guerrilla war that culminated into a military take over in 1986 that brought Museveni to power.  Since then he has been and is still in power with his military regime characterised by rampant corruption, abuse of human rights, patronage, tribalism, outright theft of public resources, abuse of office, regional military aggression s etc.  His critics more especially his former comrades who have fallen out of his favour continue to repeatedly argue that Museveni deviated from the Bush War agenda, that he lost track; that he lost focus; that he departed from the original mission, that he abandoned the bush war agenda and much more of such.

During the bush war, Museveni had a ten-point program as the mission statement of his war against the UPC government at the time.  Among the ten points were: democracy, security, economy, fighting sectarianism, elimination of corruption etc. There is no doubt for the last 30 years Museveni had completely done the opposite.  He has instead continued to practice and thrive on the same vices that he had earlier on claimed to fight against.  In fact, vices like corruption, sectarianism, and nepotism have been institutionalised by his regime at a scale never witnessed before. His critics further claim that the so called Ten Point Program was a brainchild of their collective efforts with Museveni as their executive leader charged with implementing the same.

Recently Museveni publicly dismissed Dr. Kiiza Besigye's repeated assertion that Museveni had deviated from the bush war principles thus: "Besigye joined in August 1982 and three years later we came to government.  He did not know the internal working of NRM."  Am tempted to agree with Museveni because he had a hidden agenda for the Bush War which was kept secret from the likes of Dr. Besigye and many others who are now lamenting that Museveni deviated from 5he bush war agenda.  He so skillfully concealed that secret agenda from many of his comrades that they mistakenly believed him as a God sent rescuer of Uganda yet he had an agenda different from what he pretended to pursue. In order to fully appreciate this argument, you need to examine the categories of Ugandans who joined hands with him during the Bush War.

These are:
-- The ambitious and self seeking individuals who were looking for a way of getting into power.

-  The Rwandese Tutsi refugees who were looking for an opportunity to militarily invade and reclaim Rwanda.

-  Criminals who were escaping justice and sought refuge in the bush.

-  Unsuspecting civilian hostages and internally displaced who were turned into fighters.

-  Unsuspecting Ugandans who genuinely believed that the security situation was so grave that it deserved changing through personal sacrifice but unknown to them its Museveni who had orchestrated that situation so that he could turn around and pretentious to rectify it in pursuit of his hidden agenda.

Therefore, it is the last two categories that are lamenting about Museveni having deviated from the bush war mission.  They did not know then but they now know that Museveni had a hidden agenda but they are only shy to admit that they had been duped. This is because some of them derive their much-cherished heroism from their having participated in the Bush War. However, some few individuals like Dr. Besigye have at least come out to publicly express regret for having brought Museveni to power and even promised to take personal responsibility in removing him from power.


Thursday, 19 November 2015


Uganda has two traditional political parties that were founded around the time of independence.  The Democratic Party (DP) was founded on the foundation of the Catholic church.  The Uganda People's Congress (UPC) was founded on the foundation of the Protestant church and the monarchy.  When the British colonialists were leaving Uganda at independence, they left the country under the governance of the UPC and its founding father Dr. Apollo Milton Obote as the Executive Prime Minister.  The UPC alliance with the Buganda monarchy saw king Sir Edward Muteesa become the first and last ceremonial President of Uganda.  The events of 1966 saw the fall out of the UPC/Buganda Kingdom alliance.  King Muteesa was attacked by central government troops, humiliated and forced to flee into exile where he died. Kingdoms were abolished and Uganda became a republic with Milton Obote as the first executive President.  These developments pitted monarchists and Baganda in general against the UPC and Milton Obote in particular.  It is for this reason that when Iddi Amin overthrew Obote and UPC, the Buganda monarchy, the catholic church and the Baganda in general had almost no trouble with the eight years of Iddi Amin's rule.  For the same reason, those who were fighting Iddi Amin were not comfortable with DP's founding President Ben Kiwanuka serving as the regime's Chief Justice.  He was mysteriously kidnapped and disappeared to this day thus tarnishing the regime's image.

When the forces that overthrew Iddi Amin were advancing, Museveni went on a disinformation campaign of how Buganda region and the Baganda in particular were hostile to UPC and Obote.  In order to win over Buganda, the first post Iddi Amin governments were headed by two consecutive cosmetic Baganda Presidents who only ruled for sixty-seven days and one year respectively. During the 1980 general elections, Museveni who had earlier been a member of both UPC and DP, catalysed the social and religious division by forming what he termed as a non sectarian 'Third Force' (UPM) and contested for the presidency.  Throughout the campaigns he highlighted the religious, social class, monarch/Republican divisions. At the time there was no serious ethnic divisions in Uganda; its Museveni who introduced them shortly after.  The so called 'Third Force' brought into play by the likes of Museveni and company could not make any impact on the political arena and he miserably lost the elections.

 The UPC won the elections and though the DP claimed that it had been robbed of victory, it went ahead to form an opposition in parliament.  Museveni who had been building a Bantu army within the new post Iddi Amin national army (UNLA) as a weapon to achieve his childhood Presidential ambition opted to wage a guerrilla war against the UPC government.  He rode on the DP ticket by claiming that he was fighting because the elections had been rigged.  He recruited Bantu fighters into his force and preached the gospel of UPC and northerners as being killers and enemies of the Baganda. He systematically manipulated some Baganda peasants and a few elites while he undermined other Buganda based fighting groups.  For the first time in the history of Uganda the seeds of ethnic division had been sowed, germinated, and tended. The government troops were dubbed Acholis and later Anyanya - a term used to refer to all people from the northern region.  To consolidate Buganda's backing, he involved the monarchs in the war and promised to restore Buganda Kingdom.

When Museveni took over power in 1986, he embarked on an indoctrination scheme dubbed 'demystifying the gun' - which meant that Museveni had unmasked the myth pertaining to the gun being only in the hands of the people from northern Uganda.  The gospel was also dominated by how UPC, Obote and soldiers from northern Uganda were killers and enemies of Buganda.  This misconception led the way for the victorious NRA's advance into northern Uganda thus giving rise to the bloody insurgency that has lasted two decades.  In order to win over the nationwide DP support and Buganda in particular, his first government was dominated by DP.  Its only in the security forces where the Catholics like Brig. Tadeo Kanyankole, Brig. Julius Chihandae and other were purged on suspicion that they were plotting with DP to take over power.  In order to effectively demonise and erase the UPC from the history of Uganda, he systematically destroyed all the developmental programmes and ventures that had been initiated by the UPC. The different cooperative societies, Uganda Commercial Bank, Cooperative Bank, Uganda Railways, Uganda Airlines, Lint Marketing Board, Coffee Marketing Board, Uganda Transport Company, Uganda Cooperative Transport Union, and others were destroyed thus economic deprivation.

The over a decade long ban on political party activities gravely affected the UPC than it did with the DP.  While the DP enjoyed some alliance with the regime for some years, the UPC was a target of sectarian propaganda and political indoctrination where it was portrayed as a party of killers in the face of Ugandans from the southern and western regions. As a result, the word UPC is used by many people especially in Anklole to refer to evil.  Phrases like: "You have done me UPC" to mean an evil act done to someone.  When Museveni's life presidency project took shape, he totally abandoned reliance on the DP and Buganda alliance.  This was after he had satisfied himself that Buganda's capacity to militarily challenge his hold on power was no more.  He found new allies in UPC and northern Uganda.  He pardoned UPC's former Minister of Security, Chris Rwakasisi whom he had for many years painted as the Chief killer under UPC who had been on death raw and made him his Advisor.  Buganda's Hajji Musa Ssebirumbi had already been sacrifices by hanging over alleged UPC atrocities in Buganda during the Bush War on top of the many Baganda Youth Wingers who were summarily executed for being 'Bipingamizi'.

 Museveni knew very well UPC and Dr. Obote's potential to shake his hold on power and until his death in exile, the former had vowed never to allow the later to ever step on Uganda soil or else he would 'send him six feet deep'.  With Dr. Obote dead, Museveni knew that UPC was no longer a threat and would also never be the same.  With the UPC threat no longer out of sight, he fully shifted alliance from Buganda and DP to UPC and northern Uganda.  However, of recent owing to Buganda/DP's backing of Mbabazi and his Go Forward has worsened the situation in the Museveni camp.  In the past the DP has made alliances with the opposition but they did not substantially affect Museveni's hold on power because at the time he was still using the UPC scarecrow to blackmail Buganda and the DP.  When DP Paulo Ssemogerere contested against Museveni in 1996, the latter's propaganda machinery did concoct allegations that DP was in secret alliance with UPC and that it intended to bring back deposed President Milton Obote and it really worked against Ssemogere's candidature.

 Museveni very well knows that over the years he has successfully destroyed the UPC such that it is almost non existent in other regions save for Lango, Acholi and some small patches in Teso, Bugisu and Busoga regions.  Even in those regions, its membership is dominated by a few thousands in the over 55 years’ age bracket.  He also knows very well that he almost gains nothing from the so called alliance with UPC with an almost non existent UPC.  However, the historic and magnificent home of the UPC at the storied Uganda House in the center of Kampala city and managed by the Milton Obote Foundation is his target for destruction in the new found alliance.  Therefore, in allying with the Lango faction of UPC, Museveni's only interest is to torment the Baganda and DP thus the childish tit-for-tat; 'you go with Mbabazi, I also go with UPC'.


Monday, 16 November 2015


Uganda's military dictator, Museveni has just backed off a move to block the nominatio of Elias Lukwago for the Kampala City mayorship.  Let no one be deceived that the move was by the Minister; its Museveni who attempted to block the nomination and its only him who gave orders for the nomination.  Its the brutal arrest of Lukwago and the subsequent bloody scuffle between Lukwago's supporters and the regime Police compelled Museveni to make a tactical withdraw by allowing the nomination of Lukwago. He feared that the masses in Kampala could escalate the agitation in support of Lukwago yet the city is poised to host the Pope in two weeks time.

Eriasi Lukwago won the Kampala Mayorship after a repeat of the elections following the daylight rigging by the regime.  Museven vowed never to allow Lukwago to access the Mayoral office and indeed security forces mounted a permanent seal off of the  Mayor's office.   He created and filled the position of Executive Director for Kampala City Authority who assumed the powers of the Lord Mayor.  He created a Ministry and appointed a Minister for Kampala City who together with the ED coordinated Museveni's scheme to deny the  elected Lord Mayor access to his office.

Now that his term of office is coming to an end without ever accessing his office, Lukwago's popularity has doubled.  To avoid another defiant election victory by Lukwago, Museveni had thought to amend the law so that the Mayor of Kampala is not directly elected by residents of Kampala through adult suffrage but by an electoral college of a few City Council Councilors who are easy to manipulate, blackmail, intimidate and bribe.  The regime's Electoral Commission issued an unfortunate statement cancelling the nomination of the Kampla City Mayoral positionp pending directives of the Minister In-charge of Kampala. Unfortunately, the scheme had been hastily plotted when aspirant Lukwago had already returned his nomination papers to the Electoral Commission and had been afforded a nomination appointment that was scheduled for 16th Nov, 2015. He vowed to defiantly ignore the irregular cancellation to proceed to the Electoral Commission offices for nomination as earlier scheduled.  He went ahead to invite his supporters to turn up in big numbers for the occasion.

 Musevrni who considers Erias Lukwago to be the Kampala Zonal Commander of Team Defiance whose overall Commander is the opposition leader Dr. Besigye, as usual issued a hoax terror alert as a smoke screen to for security forces to block him and  his supporters from proceeding to the Electoral Commission offices as planned.  They feared that such a procession if allowed could escalate and trigger off the much anticipated civil disobedience at a time the city is preparing to host the Pope.  Lukwago and his supporters were not deterred by the empty threats thus the brutal arrest and confrontation with the regime Police that left several injured. It is reported that later on the regime rescinded its earlier decision and allowed Eriasi Lukwago to be nominated.

Lukwago's last hour nomination is a loss of a battle and not the war on Museveni's part.  It was a mere tactical withdraw and once the Pope's visit is over, Museveni will attack again and deal a decicive blow on Lukwago unless the later remains in the trenches while maintaining a high level of combat readiness (standby class one).   The illegalities  don't matter because under Museveni, the rule of law is non existent.  On the other hand, Lukwago's insistence and the backing down by the regime is a test of the campaign of defiance as advocated for by Dr. Besigye and group.


Saturday, 14 November 2015


Being a war monger, Museveni has prioritized repairin and construction of highway roads more especially those that not only link major urban centres but also link us to neighboring countries so as to ease mobility of troops and war materials.

 Mobility in military terms refers to the ability of a weapon system, combat unit or armed force to move towards a military objective.  Combat forces with a higher mobility are able to move quickly around and across more hostile terrain then forces with a lower mobility.  Mobility is a vital cmponent of modern battlefield; as the ability to deliver weapon systems or combat units to their objective quickly can often mean the difference between victory and defeat.  During World I, combat units could only move on the as far as a soldier could walk, resulting in a stalemate and inability to outmanoeuvre the enemy.  By World War II the development of tanks improved mobility.  Tracked and other mechanised vehicles eased movement of troops to and from the battle front.

Since the of World War II, armies have continued to develop their mobility.  By 1980s, intercontinental travel shifted from sea to air transport enabling military forces to move from one part of the world to another  within hours or a few days instead of weeks.  Mobility is also referred to as a combat multiplier  - a highly mobile unit can use its own combat strength of less mobile units.  This was the case with the German Panzer Divisions during World War II when they were considered the equivalent of of two or three infantry divisions partly due to their superior mobility and partly due to inherently greater fire power.  Mobility has also been defined in terms of three generally recognized levels of warfare; tactical, operational and strategic.

Tactical mobility is usually defined as the ability to move under fire during a combat angagement.  Operational mobility is the ability to move men and materials to the decisive point of battle.  Strategic mobility is the ability to move an army to the area of operations.  In World War I most armies lacked tactical mobility but enjoyed good strategic mobility through the use of railroads thus leading to a situation where armies could be deployed to the front with ease and rapidty; but once they reached they became bogged down by their inability to move under fire.  Operational mobility is a concept that begun during the period of the mechanisation of armed forces.  It became a method of managing the movement of forces by strategic commanders from the staging area (place where troops or equipments in transit are assembled or processed) to their tactical area of responsibility ahead of an attack or invasion.  Museveni has put in place roads that enable his troops and their war materials to reach the furthest urban/commercial centers in every corner of the country save for the politically inactive inactive Karamoja region. These centres are the staging areas in strategic mobility from where foot soldiers and light combat vehicles can penetrate the rural areas in order to suppress and down any uprising.  In both  Kanungu and Kisoro, Team Besigye delved into operational  and tactical mobility and were bogged down by poor rural road network.

 These military/security roads have been built and used in several countries for purposes of strategic mobilility by the military and later developed into public roads. Gen. Wade spearheaded the construction of a wide network of security roads in Scotland during the Jacobite unrest in the 18th century to facilitate movement of troops as part of the overall military strategy for controlling the highlands by linking the different forts.  The imperial Russian authorities in the Caucasus constructed military roads  that linked the northern Caucasus to the Black Sea via Klukhorski.  A modern road was also built in the second half of the 19th century during Russo-Turkish war and campaigns to conquer the mountain tribes of the Caucasus. antiwar.com/US army building roads in eastern Europe , citing Russian aggression.  The Roman Empire built roads that were used to suppress and exert control on over local populations.  In Israel, the Jewish National Fund (JNF) together with the Ministry of Defense, Agriculture, and regional councils builds security and agricultural roads for easy passage of Israel Defence Forces (IDF).

Museveni pumps 3000 billion shillings from loans and tax payer money into the road sector annually.  The military being his power base, he has prioritized road  construction as a component of his strategic regime security plan.  He is basing his prioritization on personal experience during the Tanzania/Iddi Amin war in 1979 wheen the Tanzanian troops got bogged down by poor road infrastructure in the Kagera region.  During his Congo expedition, the troops advance was undermined by the allmost non existence of roads in eastern Congo. However, this was an advantage to the Congo government as the non existence of roads halted the swift advance by the invading Uganda and Rwanda forces.  During the  northern Uganda insurgency, his troops had trouble moving heavy military material through the border area into southern Sudan. He spent billions of tax payer's money on construction of what he termed as security roads linking Kit gum to Ngomorom at the far end. Because of superb roads, the Hutu government in Rwanda was able to swiftly move to the border with Uganda and halt the Tutsi invasion and constant supply kept the invaders around the border area for the next four years.  In the mid 1990s, rebels overran and occupied Kisoro and its the Rwanda army using good roads in Rwanda that came in to dislodge them because the poor road to Kisoro at the time could not help his army to easily reach Kisoro.

 The road construction project is also used as conduit to siphon tax payer's money as already evidenced by the financial scandals that have rocked the roads sector.  The commission of inquiry that was appointed to look into the mismanagement of the sector was meant to hoodwink Ugandans during this election season. That is why even before it could finalise it work, the Museveni appointed ED of the roads authority (UNRA), Allen Kagina dismissed the entire workforce.  This arbitrary dismissal was designed to pave way fort the 'home boys' and other regime cadres to access these huge funds in form of employment as has been the case with other sectors that attract huge funding.  That the reason why it was nobody else other than Allen Kagina after she successfully accomplished a similar task in the country's tax body (URA).  In the near future, road construction and maintenance will be managed by the army's construction/Engeering Corps.

Ever since Museveni came to power 30 years ago, he has successfully his deliberate design to impoverish majority Ugandans. He deliberately suffocated farmer's cooperative movement, farmers banks (UCB and Cooperative Bank),  undermined the traditional cash crops like coffee and cotton in favor of promoting traditional cattle keepers, he killed the railway lines that connected the western region through region and the northern region through eastern region to the Kenya seaport of Mombasa.  That is why there is almost no serious product that Ugandans can transport using these roads apart from a few bunches of Bananas, some milk and beef cattle from Ankle and the cattle corridor.  In some areas the locals use some sections of the tarmac highway to dry their cassava for local consumption - since that is the only use they have for the road.

Therefore, the selective road network being put in place by the regime is all designed to ease strategic mobility of his security forces in their schemes to suppress and subdue Ugandans.  That is why the roads in Kampala city are in appealing state - their current state can enable the mobility of foot soldiers and military vehicles with ease.  Again, Kampala city is already cated for by the regulàr anti-riot security forces with their street battle vehicles (Mambas), water canon vehicles and teargass canisters.  Luwero was left out in the roads construction simply because its rough murram roads are suitable for motorracing racing.  Therefore, Museveni's roads project are not for economic development but rather for strategic mobility of his security forces.