Saturday, 21 February 2015


Col Bantariza is undergoing trial by the General Court Martial for alleged theft of 76 million shillings.  Prior to his arrest and trial Museveni had appointed him as the Deputy Director of Uganda Media Centre. In his  defence he has disclosed that his troubles arise from malicious concoctions orchestrated by Gen Aronda Nyakairima who was the Army Commander at the time Bantariza was the head of the NRM institute at Kyankwanzi.

Gen Aronda Nyakairima is Museveni's closest and most trusted Aide; much closer than even his own bother Gen Saleh and son Brig Muhoozi. For Col Bantariza to publicly allege that Gen Aronda masterminded his arrest and prosecution because of the trust that Museveni has in him (Bantariza), he has dug a grave for himself. While its true that Gen Aronda masterminded his current woes the same way he has done to dozens of others, it is unfortunate for Col Bantariza to dream that he has Museveni's confidence. Col Bantariza's misconception confirms how even Museveni's cohorts don't understand his manipulative ways. That is why you often hear of some Ugandans arguing that Museveni is not bad but the people around him are the ones who are bad. It is in the same regard that your hear that Museveni's Sarah Kagingo is undermined by Maj Edith Nakalema. We used to hear of how Gen Kaziini used to undermine some army officers!!!! During his tenure as Army Commander, Gen Aronda had the full blessing of Museveni to privatise the army - a mission he successfully accomplished and now as Minister of Internal Affairs he is about to accomplish the privatisation of the Police. What Bantariza calls masterminding by Aronda was part of the personalisation process.

Col Bantariza is a graduate of Kitabi Seminary who did not not come from Luwero bushes but joined the NRA in 1985 at a time Tadeo Kanyankole was accused of recruiting Catholic/Bairu and rejecting Protestants, Hima/Banyarwanda and working for the Democratic Party. Bantariza did not go to the battle frontline but remained in the NRA political school as a Political Education instructor from where he rose to become the NRA Spokesman. Around 2000 when Col (Rtd) Dr Besigye declared his intentions to contest for the Presidency, Bantariza is one of the many army officers who were quietly purged among them Capt Makoko who was killed by unknown gunmen at his residence in a Kampala suburb. Bantariza was replaced as the Army Spokesperson by Phenekas Katirima. After the elections, he was reappointed Army Spokesperson in November 2011 when Katirima was dropped for having disclosed that Gen JJ Odong had been dropped for leaking army secrets. As part of the rehabilitation package, the army extended to him a special medical scheme for his poor health condition at the time.

 Again in November 2005, he was again dropped as Army Spokesperson in a pre 2006 election clean up. In 2007 he attended a one year military course at Jinja and in 2008 he was appointed the army Deputy Chief Political Commissar. In 2009 he was appointed as the Commandant of the military camp at Kaweweta from where he was moved to head the National Leadership Institute (NALI) at Kyankwanzi. In 2011 he was suspended by the then Army Commander Gen. Aronda over alleged misconduct. An inquiry was set up headed by Brig Rwakitarate but its findings remained unknown though Bantariza remained on suspension. It was not until when Museveni appointed Col Bantariza  as Deputy Head of the Uganda Media Centre that he was arrested and charged with theft, abuse of office, and mismanagement.

Interestingly, during his defence Col Bantariza alleges that his troubles were masterminded by Gen Aronda over the annual one billion Shillings for the institute, his refusal to hand over 100 heads of cattle to Katirima and his direct access to Museveni. It is true that Gen Aronda is very sectarian and hates 'late comers' or non 'home boys' who get direct access to Museveni. He is also envious of his colleagues who access huge financial budgets because for him he has unlimited access to the National Treasury. Gen Aronda, is among the few people together with Museveni who own Uganda. He undermined Brig Jim Muhweezi and Brig Tumukunde before Museveni for their personal wealth. In terms of political clarity, Brig Katirima belongs to the same club with Aronda and it was a taboo for a mere Col Bantariza to hesitate a directive over loot sharing.

Therefore, if by making these revelations Col Bantariza intended to attract Museveni's sympathy then he is in for a big surprise of his life. Bantariza is going to pay heavily for using the wrong forum, spreading harmful propaganda, undermining the cohesion of the NRA among other charges. Intrigues and cliques in the NRA based on who steals what and how much are as old as the regime itself. Thousands of latecomer army officers have survived by keeping their mouths shut and either accepting to be used as agents of distribution or picking left overs from the sharing table. Col Bantariza spent much of his time preaching against the evils of stealing in his political education lectures and when he too tried to accumulate personal wealth like his bosses he was asked to produce the authorisation permit which takes the form of God fathers. His production of Gen Kahinda Otafiire as his surety in court makes matters worse as it invokes the .........

Col Bantariza belongs to the same category as the recently acquitted Maj. Muramagi of ISO who had been accused of plotting to assassinate top leaders including Museveni. The allegations arose from fighting over acquisition of land in the oil rich Bunyoro region. Muramagi was let off the hook because he opted to keep his mouth shut unlike Bantariza who has opted to open his. Remember, recently Museveni stated that "Gen Ssejusa will have to shut up" and indeed he did shut up. As for Col Shaban Bantariza, he has pressed the wrong button because Gen Aronda is a very strong personality in the Museveni regime. Gen Aronda can recommend any one to hold any office in the Museveni regime except the Presidency. Col Bantariza's trial in the court martial may stall or he will be maliciously convicted and sentenced until when he comes to his knees.



"We make it very clear to our soldiers that if they abuse any citizen, the punishment they will receive will teach them a lesson. As for killing people, if you kill a citizen you yourself will be killed. During our struggle we executed five soldiers of NRA for killing people"

Museveni's innagural speech after swearing in as President - 26th January 1986.  

Walking the talk
For the next 15 years the NRA never killed any soldier; not because they were not killing civilians but because the other five killed earlier had been simply sacrificed. The year is 2002 and the NRA is conducting a brutal disarmament exercise in Karamoja region. The deadline for voluntary disarmament has expired and the army is conducting a forceful disarmament exercise. A Mill Hill Fathers Missionary Fr. Michael Delan O'Toole from Ireland is serving in Karamoja region. On 9th March 2002 he is assaulted by the army for his criticism of the army's brutality against locals. He had also authored reports of gun running by soldiers in Karamoja. The Irish Ambassador rises the issue of his assault with the Prime Minister. A few days later on 21st March 2003, Fr. O'Otoole is shot dead together with his two local assistants at Nakipelmoru, 3 km from the army camp of Kofasarich detach along the Moroto-Kotido road. Apart from life, nothing else is stolen from the victims by the assailants. On 22nd March 2002, the army arrests two of its own soldiers as suspects; Corporal James Amedio and Private Abdallah Muhammed of 'B' Company, 67th Battalion. The NRA 3rd Division Commander Col Sula Ssemakula said of the incident: "the UPDF court martial would try them expeditiously and execute them in Kotido town to show the community that the army is serious about soldiers who violate the law"  Indeed, on 25th March 2002 at 12:50 pm the two suspects were indicted before the army's Field Court Martial Chaired by Col. Sula Semakula. The suspects pleaded not guilty to killing Fr. O'Otoole. The trial proceeded since investigations had been complete, were found guilty, convicted of murder and sentenced to death by firing squad. Three hours later, the two convicts are put on firing Squad and shot dead amidst pleas from some quarters including the family of the slain missionary to accord them a fair trial. Three months later, the army put in place a cosmetic board of inquiry into the trial and execution which made a finding that the execution had been lawful and that the murder of the priest was having a negative impact on the momentum of the disarmament exercise. Who killed Fr. O'Toole and why?

Senior Officer (SO) Fred Mugisha aka Karampenge is one of the celebrated NRA fearless fighters. He deputised Pecos Kuteesa in Command of the NRA's 1st Battalion during the battle for control of Katonga bridge and the final assault on Kampala where his unit took over the army headquarters at Republic House (Bulange). In the small village of Mbogo, Kanoni Sub-county, Kazo county then under Mbarara district, SO Fred Mugisha Karampenge's biological father is murdered. The senior army officer sets off from Bombo barracks with a squad of soldiers and heads for his home village in Kazo. Upon reaching the village he embarks on rounding up all the suspects who were neighbors to the deceased. One by one, seven  male adult suspects are tortured to death by the soldiers under his direction. The families of the killed suspects were stopped from mourning while their widows were also rounded up and made to do the cooking of  meals for the mourners at the funeral of the army officer's father. For four days the village was smelling blood and death hang on the head of every adult male resident.
This incident was simply swept under the carpet and no single authority ever questioned SO Fred Mugisha's actions. When the formal ranks were introduced, SO Fred Mugisha Karampemge was made a Lt. Col but unfortunately he died shortly after. Museveni flew to that village to bury Lt. Col Fred Mugisha Karampenge and of course he must have praised the fallen soldier's patriotism. For the widows, orphans and relatives of Karampenge's victims they further suffered from Museveni's helicopter blowing away their grass thatched makeshift huts. Lt Col Fred Mugisha Karampenge's life is highly honored in the NRA such that a hall in Nakasero barracks is named after him. Maybe if Tadeo Kanyankole had rounded up and killed villagers in Buhweju he too would be honored like Lt Col Fred Mugisha Karampenge.

Each dog has its own tail
Major Rwamukaaga.
Celebrated NRA bush war fighter Maj. Peter Rwamukaga joined the army before Uganda became independent. He was part of the Independence Guard of Honor in 1962. He retired from the army during the regime of Iddi Amin in the 70s only to join Museveni's bush war during the early 80s. While in the bush fighting government, back home in Hoima his father was murdered. When the NRA took over power in 1986, he went and killed the person he suspected to have killed his father. He was arrested, tried for murder, and sentenced to imprisonment. Museveni saved him from the long prison sentence by pardoning him. Since then he lives the life of a destitute. Maj. Rwamukaaga thought he could enjoy the same privilege of immunity as Fred Mugisha Karampange.

Lt. Col Kaye
Another bush war hero Lt Col Kaye shot dead one stephen Kabuye in 2011. The deceased who was suspected to be in a love relationship with the wife of the accused had come to drop her at the accused's gate at 3.00a.m after a late night outing. The accused pleaded that he thought he was being attacked by robbers who were very rampant in the area thus the shooting. He was charged with murder before the court martial, denied bail and recently convicted and sentenced to 10 years imprisonment. His father together with a couple of Luwero War Veterans vowed to seek the intervention from higher authorities. The 'higher authorities' is Museveni but do the Luwero Veterans still matter to him?????

L/Cpl Rwakihembo
 In December 2013 L/Cpl Rwakihembo shot dead three people and injured one in Kmapala. Among the dead was his fiance whom he accused of having been unfaithful while he (Rwakihembo) was in Somalia when she had a kid with another man on top of misusing all his savings from the Somali mission. The army indicted the accused in a court martial and trial was conducted expeditiously and publicly.
The court martial handed him a 95 years imprisonment sentence and everyone appreciated the strictness of the NRA in dealing with killers. As usual, when we went to sleep, the family of the convict soldier who is a home boy approached higher authorities and the sentence was reduced to three years to run concurrently. Considering the period the convict spent on remand, he is soon matching home.

The list is endless, but what is clear is that Museveni used the firing squad during the bush war to gain cheap popularity. May the souls of the seven who were sacrificed on firing squad rest in peace.


Tuesday, 17 February 2015


Wooing Northern Uganda
Museveni is in the headlines once again trying to further consolidate his new-found alliance with Northern Uganda. He ordered the Army to take over the repatriation from Sudan and reburial of the remains of former army Commander (UN:LA) Gen Bazilio Okello. He also personally presided over the memorial celebrations for late Bishop Janan Luwuum who was killed during the reign of Iddi Amin. He decreed that January 16th be public holiday in memory of the late archbishop before directing a statue of him to be erected in Kampala.

Delayed Recognition
It is now 30 years since Museveni came to power in 1986 after treacherously defeating the northern dominated army and government. Since coming to power northern Uganda rebelled against his rule giving rise to the over two decades insurgency. Both late Archbishop Janan Luwum and Gen Bazilio Olara Okello were northerners and Acholi in particular. Museveni has since time in memorial been trying to deceive the world that its his group FRONASA that fought and removed Iddi Amin from power. 30 years down the road, we are now hearing about the sacrifice and exceptional dedication by the two men (Luwum and Bazilio) who were not part of Museveni's FRONASA but were instead working with the then exiled former President Milton Obote. Museveni lied to the world during the memorial service when he said that at the time of the Archbishop's death, he was in Mozambique training young boys to fight Iddi Amin. The truth is that by 1977 activism by liberation movements had been banned in Tanzania. Anti-Amin efforts had faded tremendously and Museveni had resorted to teaching at the Moshi Cooperative college while his FRONASA squad was in disarray.
Bazilio Okello in particular rose through the military hierarchy dates from pre-independent Uganda. He escaped from Uganda after Iddi Amin embarked on purging Acholis and Langis in the army because of their links with the dissidents based in Tanzania at the time. Bazilio being a career military trainer, set up camp and trained anti-Amin group at Owiny Kibul in Southern Sudan. In 1972, the camp was closed down and Bazilio Okello led his over 1000 men to Tanzania via the Red Sea and the Indian Ocean. Immediately he set foot in Tanzania, his men were to for the bigger number of Ugandan exiled to were involved in a 1972 foiled invasion against Iddi Amin. He endured hardships with his men in Tabora till 1978 when he assembled them into Kikosi Malum (KM) that fought alongside the Tanzania Army to take over Kampala in April 1979.

On the other hand, early honoring of Archbishop Janan Luwum would have highlighted the role of  spiritual leaders in fighting bad governance. In particular the part that was played by the Anglican Church and its traditional allies; the UPC in fighting Iddi Amin. Museveni has always urged religious leaders to keep away from politics and majority have turned a blind ear to the regime's excesses in return for handouts of cash and posh cars. There is also the element of cover up of the untold part of late Archbishop's demise. Museveni has had to wait until the death of most of Iddi Amin's top henchmen who would have provided the other side of the story. Gen Idrisi Mustafa who was Amin's Vice President and the one who presided over the infamous press conference at Nile Mansions where the Archbishop was last publicly seen, died recently. A few years ago, the former Deputy head of State Research Mzee Yosa was detained and killed by the Museveni government in Luzira Prison.

Bazilio - Killer or Patriot??
As a brigade Commander in the UNLA, he was used by the DP and the Catholic Church to overthrow the UPC II government in July 1985. The coup weakened the UNLA thus rendering Museveni and his NRA to easily gain victory six months later. Bazilio fled to the Sudan from where he died in 1990. His family fled to exile as his private property was looted and vandalised by the Museveni government. For the last three decades Museveni has been telling Ugandans and the world how Bazilio Okello was a devil who killed thousands of Ugandans. The Baganda in particular were made to believe that its Bazilio Okello who killed thousands of their people. Every verse of the NRA patriotic (morale boosting) songs portrayed Bazilio Okello as a killer who deserved crushing to death.

Following the recent State  reburial of former Police Chief Erinayo Oryem who died alongside Archbishop Luwum, the family of Late Bazilio Okello made arrangements to return and accord a descent burial to his remains. When Museveni got wind of the plan, he as usual opportunistically stole the show by ordering the army to takeover the reburial arrangements. The remains were flown in from Sudan and accorded a full honours military burial characterised by a 15 gun salute. The Army representative Lt. Gen Gutti described Gen Bazilio as a gallant officer thus:  "He was a courageous and devoted peace lover, who dedicated his life and military career to the restoration of peace to Uganda by fighting dictatorial and colonial regimes" He went on to add that; "The UPDF commends his courageous personality. I call on the other officers to emulate him. His departure was a big loss to us."

Need for another Bazilio Okello
With Museveni's totalitarianism reaching crisis proportions, its only another Bazilio Okello who can rescue the country. Lt. Gen Andrew Guti called on the army officers to emulate the late Gen Bazilio by among other of his attributes overthrowing a dictatorial government. Controversial Gen Ssejusa had earlier on advised the opposition to woo the army if they are to dislodge Museveni from power. However, Museveni's hold on being a product of ethnic, religious and political intrigue, he has mastered the art of handling such scenarios. Cardinal Nsubuga played a vital role in the UFM, NRA, and FEDEMO war against the UPC II government. The Catholic church and the DP used the Gen Bazilio Okello to overthrow the UPC II government. Fort Portal Catholic Diocese Sarapio Magambo brokered a deal between the NRA and UNLA's 31st Battalion for the later to surrender without a fight. Museveni incercerarated Brig Tadeo Kanyankole for allegedly allying with DP/Catholic church/Bairu in Ankole to undermine the NRA. Until his death NRA's Major Nyansio Bamwanga was a subject of close intelligence scrutiny because of his closeness to the Catholic Church establishment at Rubaga and in particular Cardinal Nsubuga. Army Officers who have gone through Catholic Seminaries more especially Kitabi Seminary in Bushenyi are treated exceptionally.

Museveni has severally warned political and religious leaders to keep off his army. Former Vice President Gilbert Bukenya was accused of luring Col Sula Semakula and other Baganda Officers and conniving with the catholic church. In Museveni's NRA, open practice of any form of religious faith is not openly acceptable but the Born Again christian are accorded preferential treatment. Serving officers can not freely associate with their spiritual heads save for the Born Again where the likes of Gen Aronda, Gen Angina, Col Wakalo and others belong. Free association with political opposition and spiritual leaders as had been the case with Gen Bazilio Okello would have earned him charges of subversion under Museveni. Instead, former President Obote simply transferred him to the northern region of Gulu but still as a Brigade Commander. At the time, because of the strong entrenchment of the Catholic faith, the DP was deeply rooted in Gulu. From Gulu, Bazilio rolled his troops to Kampala while chanting DP slogans and overthrew Obote and his UPC government.

Yes, there may be a Bazilio is Gen. Ssejusa but where is his Brigade?????? The answer is simple; the Brigade is there but it is invisible because it has no Brigade Commander!!!!!


Monday, 16 February 2015


In November 2014 the Minister of Tourism sent on leave Dr. Andrew Sseguya - the Executive Director(ED) of Uganda Wildlife Authority (UWA) to pave way for investigations into theft of over a ton of ivory from UWA's strong rooms. Also suspended were other five junior employees of UWA. It was also reported that Museveni had tasked the Inspector General of Government (IGG) to investigate the matter. In the letter, the Minister of Tourism also asked the army to recall the two army senior officers who had been in charge of UWA's security and law enforcement unit who were suspects. This site gave an analysis of the saga in a piece titled: TON OF IVORY STOLEN IN UGANDA - FRUITS OF MILITARISATION!!!! dated 19/11/2014.

Dr. Andrew Seguya maintained his innocence saying that he was simply taking his leave to wait for the outcome of the investigations since he had been the one who initiated the audit that unearthed the missing ivory. From the start, the IGG was not comfortable with Dr. Seguya's suspension when she stated that she had not been so familiar with Dr. Seguya's exit and that she was yet to study the process through which Dr. Seguya was ordered out of office. The army defied the Minister's order to recall the two Senior army officers.

On 14th January 2015, the IGG wrote to the Minister of Tourism claiming that Dr. Seguya had been sent on leave without following the Human Resource Manuals of both the Ministry and the wildlife agency. She further argued that she she could not thoroughly carry out the investigations without Dr. Seguya being in office. The Minister of Tourism accordingly reinstated Dr. Seguya as the Executive Director. Given the vested interest Museveni has in UWA, he must have been the one who approved Dr. Seguya's reinstatement.

Just a week after Dr. Seguya had resumed office, 791kgs of ivory and 2029kgs of Pangolin scales were intercepted at Entebbe Airport. The consignment that had been declared as communication equipment belonging to MTN destined for Denmark for repairs. Out of the 136 pieces (791kgs) of ivory, three pieces bore the UWA markings implying that they had originated from the UWA stocks. Initially, an ENHAS cargo handler and the clearing agent were arrested by the Police. Shortly after the driver of the truck that transported the contraband wildlife trophies led the Police to warehouse in Kampala where the packaging had taken place. From that warehouse, a weighing scale and tools for cutting the ivory pieces into shape were recovered.


Behind the ivory saga is a sophisticated, well connected and dangerous gang of criminal syndicate that is determined to halt any efforts to get to the bottom of the matter. The syndicate is composed of the so called  UWA law enforcement (composed of army officers), the Police, the notorious Kireka based SIU. In May 2014 Custom authorities at Entebbe airport impounded 35 Rhino horns and 22 pieces of Elephant tusks. UWA law enforcement (Army and Rangers) connived with the Airport Police to steal two pieces of Rhino horns. They crafted fake rhino horns to put in place for the genuine ones. After selling them they disagreed on how to share the proceeds. Their colleague who had helped with the crafting of the fake rhino horns opted to spill the beans.

The thief turned whistle blower revealed how he had helped craft the two fake rhino horns and how he had procured duplicate keys for the UWA ivory strong room. He went ahead to reveal that in a syndicate composed of both the army officers and UWA Rangers, they had accessed the strong room past midnight and loaded ivory. That is was the top army officer who communicated to the guard on duty to allow the entry, removal and loading of ivory into a waiting NOAH van. Following these shocking revelations, a twenty page report was compiled and handed over to the ED on 22nd September 2014. The ED ordered for an audit of the stores that revealed a deficit of 1355kgs of ivory that was around November 2014 reported to have been stolen. It is on the basis of this audit report that Dr. Seguya maintains his innocence.

At the start of February 2014, a junior staff member of UWA Lance Corporal Evaristo Seete was shot dead by SIU personnel from his home in Kyebando, Kampala. The murder was to break the chain of evidence since the deceased had been one of the guards to the strong room. Police claimed that they had gone to arrest the deceased who had been one of the five they had been hunting for to help with investigations into ivory theft. The Police further confirmed that they had so far arrested seven other suspects who had revealed that the ivory had stollen with the connivance of both UWA and the army personnel. Had the deceased been on the run? If so, why hide at his residence? If he committed sucide, how did the gun end up at his private residence?

New Vision's celebrated CNN Award winning environmental Journalist Gerald Tenywa has for over a decade covered conservation related issues and in particular wildlife in Uganda. Since the ivory saga, he has consistently kept the public posted with developments surrounding the ivory saga. Following the murder of the witness Ranger, Geral Tenywa was next on the hit list. He faced direct and indirect threats from strangers and had to report to the Police. Indeed if the syndicate can succeed to either silence or compromise Gerald Tenywa, that will be the end of the Ivory saga in public domain.

There is no doubt the regime is providing a cover up in the whole ivory saga. No one has been arrested and produced in court in-spite of the available evidence and the 48 hours constitutional requirement. Museveni's choice of the IGG to handle the investigations was driven by her incapacity to handle the highly placed senior Army Officer involved in the theft of ivory. Col. Charles Tusiime is one of the original 27 who attacked Kabamba in 1981 to launch the bush war that brought Museveni to power. Implicating Col Tusiime has the negative effect of demonstrating how the army officers seconded to civilian institutions are a disaster.

To get a compromise for Col Tusiime being left off the hook, Dr. Seguya had to be reinstated. Conservation attracts huge chunks of donor funding, and Museveni wanted to be seen to be taking action lest he risked the much needed donor cash. It can be said that that there is no investigations going on over the ivory theft and with murders now taking the center stage, the beneficiaries can enjoy their multi-billion loot.  With the sophistication of such organised criminal syndicates that are enjoying state protection, the gold reserves in the central Bank of Uganda (BOU) are not safe.



Friday, 13 February 2015


First published February 13, 2013.

"In the case of countries like Uganda and Nigeria, it is very unforgivable how people mismanage our human resources by using sectarian and chavunistic ideologies;.........If any person promises friction in society, then that fellow is the biggest enemy. Indoctrination of youths by ideologically confused actors should be rejected"

Museveni's address during the lecture on "Education and National Development; An African Perspective" at the National Institute of Advanced Legal Studies in Abuja Nigeria - 4th Dec 2013.


Right from the inception of his treacherous journey to the Presidency, Museveni has used and abused the youths. During the 1970s he destroyed the lives of many youths whom he lured into fighting the Iddi

Amin regime using very shrewd methods for his personal gain. During the busg war (1981-86) thousands of youths either perished or their lives were destroyed beyond repair. From the male child soldiers commonly known as Kadogos and the female teenage sex slaves to the unwilling school drop outs who composed the bulk of his original NRA, lives of youths were destroyed.


Throughout the insurgency in the northern and north eastern regions of Uganda, it is the youths who bore the brunt of that conflict. Both the rebels and the government targeted the youths to swell their ranks. While the rebels would either lure or kidnap youths into rebellion, the government took advantage of the social and economic breakdown to recruit the youths from the insurgency affected regions first directly into the army and later into militia groups to fight off the insurgents in return for a small pay. Museveni's mlitary expeditions into the Congo, CAR, Sudan, Somalia etc had the youths from the insurgency affected areas at hand to fill in the required numerical strength. This is how the northern region has once again had to dominate the army though for strategic reasons this time round Museveni has restricted their access to top command positions.


Under Museveni economic emancipation is a privilege of the few who access opportunities through patronage and sectarian avenues. With high levels of institutionalized nepotism and corruption, the majority of the youths are left with no means of livelihood. Uganda has the world's youngest population where over 78% of this population is below 30 years and about 12 million are aged between 15 - 30 years. The country also boosts of having one of the highest youth unemployment rate South of the Sahara yet its population is growing at an alarming rate annually.

In 1993 the government enacted a National Youth Council Act 1993 that gave rise to the National Youth Council as an autonomous and leading organisation in empowering youths and to act as an umbrella for the young people and all youth organisations in Uganda. It was charged with mobilising and engaging youths in development activities. The 1995 constitution Article 78 (1) (c) recognises the youths as part of the special interest groups under affirmative action framework to have representation in Parliament. Currently there are four youth members of parliament representing the youth from the four regions of Uganda. That constitutional provision was reinforced by the Children's Act 1997 and in 2001 a National Youth Policy was put in place as a strategic policy guideline for youth engagement in governance and development process. It defines the youth as young persons male or female aged between 12 - 30 years. It represented a declaration and commitment of the priorities and support the country was to provide for the youth development in order to put them at the center of national development and governance.

Under the Ministry of Labour and social Development there is a department of Children and Youth Affairs headed by a Minister of State for Children and Youth Affairs. The department is charged with ensuring care, protection and empowerment of children and youths. Uganda a has a good number of community based organisations that provide training, counselling, support programmes to the young people. Because of political conflicts, AIDS, social and economic enequalities many young people have been out of school, internally displaced, orphaned, and lack job skills. Therefore, poverty, gender based inequalities and location based disparities have become an accepted way of life. Rural to urban migration due to high levels of unemployment has bread extreme poverty amongst the youth who are the majority amongst Uganda's population. Consequently, the situation leads to increased organised crime, lawlessness, political and social conflict.

There has been a number of cosmetic government interventions aimed at addressing the plight of youths but due to lack of political will to empower the youths coupled by high levels of institutionalized corruption, patronage, nepotism, abuse of office, outright theft of public resources etc nothing much has been achieved. Under the peace, recovery and development plans for northern Uganda, the youth had been planned for as core beneficiaries inspecific actions through Northern Uganda Social Action Fund (NUSAF) and others but they were deliberately mismanaged by the regime. Other previous intervention schemes like Entandikwa, Enterprise scheme, Skying Uganda, Youth Venture Capital Fund etc were all mismanaged by government due to lack of political will because Museveni prefers reigning over an impoverished society.

In another gamble, the government hastily put in place an Employment and Recruitment of Ugandan Migrant Workers Abroad Regulations 2005 using statutory instrument No. 62 of 2005. The scheme aimed at promoting full and equality employment opportunities for Ugandan migrant workers abroad. Government was to regulate by overseeing deployment of migrant workers to countries that had labor and securing better terms and conditions of service for them. At the time opportunities were available in Iraq for civilian security guards and its mostly youths from certain regions who dominantly benefited because the pioneer recruitment companies were owned by powerful politically connected individuals from the same region. Since then the government has registered over 24 private recruitment companies who export migrant workers to mainly the Middle East and Asia. The level of abuse and unfair exploitation of these migrant workers especially the female youths has been alarming. At one time 79 youths irregularly destined for Syria were intercepted at Nairobi Airport. Organised international criminal syndicates have taken advantage of their disparity by luring them into human and drug trafficking whereby some have been arrested, convicted and killed while others are on death row in those countries.

Despite all the above discussed cosmetic intervention measures by government, Museveni who prefers to reign over an impoverished society always had one message for the educated unemployed youths: "Join the security forces". But since the advent of his son and other cadres on the security arena, even the job slots in the security forces have been ring fenced for certain categories of Ugandans. In an effort to personalise the security forces as a custodian of his life presidency project, it is his son and close military cadres who have taken the center stage in forging 'an army (SFC) within the army'. It is this SFC that is the custodian of his life presidency project.

For the uneducated youths who had been left to forge their own destiny, the advent of the Arab Spring was handy. Following the 2011 rigged elections, the opposition attempted to rally these youths for street demonstrations thus drawing Museveni's attention to their potential to challenge his dictatorship. Much earlier even before the Arab Spring, former Kampala Mayor Nasser Ssebagala had threatened to rally unemployed urban youth to storm Museveni's palace and force him out only to be averted by the last minute intervention that was coordinated by Gen Ssejusa. The traditional DP youth platform under the Uganda Young Democrats (UYD) had been neutralised by branding them Baganda subversives and were subjected to intimidation, harassment, arrests, detentions and outright bribery. Since then Museveni embarked on hoodwinking the urban youthsand that is why most of the cosmetic interventions have been urban focused.

Security motivated measures to secure Kampala city involved the taking over of its running by denying the opposition Lord Mayor from accessing his office. More to that removal of youths from the central business district who are engaged in public transport, market vending, street vending, bodabodas, etc in order to make it suffocate ease of mobility in case the oppositions plans to rally them for an Arab Spring type of scenario. Further city law enforcement was taken over by state security operatives who maintain a 24/7 surveillance on each and every corner of the city for a possible uprising thus the idea behind violent conduct by these purported city law enforcement personnel.

To counter the growing pressure from youths, Museveni embarked on promoting his party's NRM Youth League which has structures up to the grass root level. It is under the National Chairperson Mr. Denis Namara who also doubles as Museveni's Senior Presidential Adviser on Children and Youth Affairs. Parallel to the Chairman of the NRM Youth League there is the Minister of Children and Youth Affairs Ronald Kibuule. At each regional level there are powerful NRM Youth League executives. Out of the four youth representatives in parliament, three of them belong to Museveni's pary. Its the youth MP for northern Uganda Miss Anitte who knelt down during a retreat to present a petition to Museveni for his life presidency project dubbed Sole Candidacy. Therefore, by taking the center stage the NRM Youth League overshadows the earlier formed National Youth Council.

Following the power struggle between Museveni and his former Prime Minister Amama Mbabazi over the later's perceived intentions to vie for the party leadership position, the NRM Youth league took a center stage but was split. Initially it was clear that the youths were for Amama Mbabazi and opposed to Museveni's sole candidature. Museveni embarked on dishing out millions of tax payer's money to individual youth leaders and groups to buy their loyalty. Consequently, a splinter group of the NRM Youth League calling itself the NRM Poor Youth and allied to Amama Mbabazi came up thus increasing the bargain price. The two camps within the NRM Youth league (Museveni and Amama) have used their financial muscles to further exploit the youth. The opposition allied National Association for Unemployed Youths (NAUY) has also been pushing for its recognition through demonstrations.

It is in the midst of this panic that Museveni rolled out a fully fledged cash bonanza for youths by throwing out money to them any how without sustainably addressing their challenges. In early 2014 he personally carried and delivered 250 million shilling sack of cash, a truck, van and 15 motorcycles to a youth group in Busoga region. It had to take the police intervention to entangle the youths who immediately after started fighting over this bounty. In September 2014 Minister Namayanja ordered for the recovery of 12 of the 16 heifers that had been given to them by Museveni as part of the 126 billion shillings 438 heifers that were meant for youth groups of central Uganda. You can guess the supply chain and beneficiaries of these billions of shillings for procuring heifers because they are not imported from Denmark. Currently the youths in Lango subregion are at each others throats over unfair distribution of 290 million shillings donated by Museveni to a youth group called NRM Moblisers for NRM all the time. The list of uncoordinated and unaccounted for dishing out of public money to youth groups by Museveni is endless. By implication every youth is presupposed to belong to the the NRM under the NRM Youth League.

In 2003 Museveni came up with a a five years 265 billion shilling anti poverty project targeting the jobless youths. Under the Labor Ministry, the scheme is meant to purchase assets and provide capital to youth groups whose membership is 10 - 15. Each interest group will access 12.5million shillings interest free loans that require no collateral and each year 53 billion shillings will be budgeted for. No doubt, the scheme is another of the Museveni tricks to hoodwink the youth and a campaign tool for 2016 against a background of growing discontent in the country.

Previous attempts to brainwash and indoctrinate the youths by Museveni through quash military/political education programs could not take root. Later he came up with patriotism clubs in schools under the the office of the President where unsuspecting youths are compelled to undergo political and military indoctrination. Students in institutions of higher learning are hoarded into police and military camps for quash military training and ideological indoctrination. Some other youths in general are being conscripted into quash paramilitary training and political indoctrinations under the guise of Crime Preventers. Recently the Inspector General of Police announced a plan to recruit another two million Crime Preventers ahead of the 2016 general elections. These youths are being lured into the equivalency of Gestapo - NAZI's secret Police.

To further cement the ideological indoctrination along the Chinese, Russia, North Korea, Cuba and other communist states, Museveni has now announced a compulsory National Service as a component of the National Development Plan. Senior Six leavers will be required to undergo nine months of military training and another twelve months of practical skills in military farms, factories, industries, and workshops that will have been commenced by the army officers under the current NAADS scheme. The spirit in which the National Service scheme is being introduced is suspect and no doubt its the final blow to disaster against the youth and future of Uganda. Announcing the scheme, the government issued this statement: "National Service will be a massive program to overhaul our civil service through inculcating national values,practical skills and patriotism to young people.................... It will also mean the country can have a small full time national army with majority being members in the reserve force."

The scheme is a ploy by Museveni to conscript all the educated youth into the movement ideology such that in the near future even access to a public service job will require the presentation of having successfully attended National Service as the old guards will be phased out. By the time Museveni's son takes over from him, the public service sector will be dominated by these national service cadres and the country will have gone back to a one party state. Donning a military fatigue and undergoing quash paramilitary drill can be exciting to young men but the intellectual and ideological damage will have generational lasting consequences.



In this context am referring to the leaders of the recognised opposition opposition groups and pressure groups in Uganda like JEMA, UPC, DP, CP, FDC, 4GC, IPC, UFA, Walk to Work etc because it is these entities that the oppressed Ugandans are looking upon to rescue them from the totalitarian jaws of the Museveni dictatorship. The same applies to other forces like the former Vice President Gilbert Bukenya, former Prime Minister Amama Mbabazi and former Intelligence Coordinator Gen Ssejusa who are operating from the fence that is erected between the regime and the oppressed masses.

While there is no doubt that the formal opposition entities have persistently played a crucial role in keeping the candle burning under very harsh conditions, recent developments seem to suggest an answer to the above mentioned subject matter.

The opposition leaning Major Erias Lukwago was democratically elected by the residents of Kampala city. Museveni blocked him from accessing his office. Courts of law have given the Lord Mayor a green light to resume his office but Museveni continued to block him. Currently the leader of the opposition is involved in negotiations with government to let the Lord Mayor access his office. The question of whether the democratically elected Lord Mayor should assume his office or not should not be subjected to any negotiations. Otherwise, both the Mayor and the opposition would be undermining the voters who exercised their democratic right and the courts of law who pronounced themselves over the matter. Doing so is playing into the dictators traps and hence setting a dangerous precedent.

The opposition has been pushing for electoral reforms as a condition for participating in the 2016 general elections. Recently they convened a landmark conference from which they came up with excellent proposals on the desired electoral reforms. Obviously some of the reformists must be very much aware that someof the proposed reforms are totally unacceptable to Museveni. That is why he recently made it clear that he can not hand over power to the opposition whom he called WOLVES. He categorically made it clear that he has the army to keep him in power before adding that he has the money to buy loyalty. Despite this crystal clear message from Mr. Museveni, the opposition is still pushing for electoral reforms and debating on whether or not to participate or boycott the 2016 elections. Public statements like: "we need to come up with a united front to defeat Museveni and thereafter we form a coalition government once he is out of power" by Prof Gilbert Bukenya sound outdated given the situation on the ground.

All this arrogance by Museveni is out of his conviction that the opposition is totally incapable to provide an alternative to the sham election exercise. Museveni can even choose to accept all their reform proposals and still rig the elections, or postpone elections and there is nothing significant the opposition can do. He is even laughing at the opposition failure to exploit the current serious split withing the regime. The much talked about mass action or 'people power' can only bear fruits if the opposition seriously considered it as far from being just mere street protests. Street protests will only give Museveni an opportunity to unleash his terror machine and destroy any current semblance of opposition thus it will take them another decade to re-organise. However, should the masses loose hope in the opposition leaders capacity to steer them to regaining their country, they will not hesitate to take you hostage before getting other "wheels" to steer them to victory. It is understandable that the regime has highly infiltrated the opposition to the extent that there is a wave of suspicion among themselves. This can only be overcome by reaching out to 'experts' for guidance on the best way forward. The opposition seem to be facing a more serious challenge of how to gain power from the shaky regime who are equally facing the challenge of retaining it. The only difference is that the regime has no one to loose power to.



Thursday, 5 February 2015


"I have never invited the UN to guard our security. Me Yoweri Museveni to say that I have failed to protect my people and I call in the UN ...... I would rather hang myself. We prioritized national security by developing a strong army, otherwise our Uganda would be like DRC, South Sudan, Somalia or Nigeria where militias have disappeared with school children. It will be a vote of no confidence in our country and our citizens if we cant guarantee our security. What kind of person would we be?"

The New Vision, May 2014 - Museveni mocking Nigeria's President Goodluck Johnson during a campaign rally in Luwero for the Woman MP bye-election. He was trying to hoodwink and intimidate the voters into supporting his choice of candidate by bragging that he is a security expert. No wonder, the candidate of his choice terribly lost amidst heavy intimidation and vote rigging.

It is hardly a year since he made that unfortunate and reckless statement. However, it is reported that he is now preparing to send two battalions of his personal army to Nigeria as part of the AU peace keeping force. That during the recently concluded AU summit the President of Nigeria made an appeal for help to fight Boko Harram and the leaders accepted to send 7,500 troops.

It is unfortunate that such an obnoxious statement came from a man who claims to have dedicated his life to promoting African brotherhood or Pan African ideals. For Ugandans who have been and continue to endure the 29 years of a brutal military dictatorship, his outbursts and opportunistic intent to deploy troops in Nigeria not a surprise. For the struggling masses of the Great Lakes region and South Sudan who have endured Museveni's military arrogance either directly or through proxies, that development is viewed as an opportunistic scheme to further hold the West at ransom.

To demean an Independent state of Nigeria, Africa's second largest economy, a population of over 100 million, governed by democratically elected leaders, is the worst form of betrayal by a fellow black African Head of State. It is more aggravating for the same 'Pan Africanist' to turn around and send his personal army as part of the peace keeping force in the same country whose people and leaders he earlier described as 'bogus'.

When Museveni was fighting his senseless bush war (1981-85) he solicited for and received financial help from Nigeria's Chief Abiola. When he took over power in 1986, his first batch of Officer Cadets were trained in Nigeria and among them is now Chief of the Rwanda army Gen Patrick Nyamvumba when he was still in Museveni's army. Over the years, a number of his army officers have had professional training in Nigeria including his one time Army Chief Gen Kaziini.

Dictator Museveni has over the last 29 years managed to build a personal army that he has placed under the command of his brother and son. It is this personal army that he has been manipulating to keep him in power and just last month he told Ugandans point blank that he wont leave power because he has the cash and the army. Unfortunately, its this same army that he has misused in his military adventures in Rwanda that resulted into the 1994 genocide, DRC resulting into killing and plunder of resources, Sudan, CAR and Somalia where its human rights record is appalling.

I appeal to the government, the people and friends of Nigeria to vehemently reject the deployment of the Museveni contingent of the AU peace force to Nigeria. Despite the challenges posed by Boko Haram, you will overcome without the evil and demeaning hypocritical contribution from Museveni. By rejecting the deployment of his personal army on Nigeria's soil, you will have not only demonstrated your superior economic and military independence but acted in solidarity with Ugandan masses who are struggling against Museveni's military dictatorship. Within Uganda, all the supposedly independent institutions of the state have been trampled upon by Museveni such that his actions can not be reasonably questioned thus deployment of his personal army outside the country needs no constitutional approval of parliament.

Therefore it is logically fatal for a head of state to sanction deployment of his army to a country whose leadership and people he has demeaned. In the circumstances, it would not be a brotherly act of peace restoring and keeping but a further mockery.


Monday, 2 February 2015


The word PINGAMIZI is a Kiswahili word that arises from the word PINGA which means OPPOSE. Therefore, the word Pingamizi may mean an injunction or any thing that hinders or opposes the progress and success of an undertaking. Museveni's NRA adopted the word Pingamizi during the bush war by modifying it into KIPINGA as a short form for KIPINGAMIZI. The word was used to refer to the ENEMY. Kipinga or Kipingamizi is the singular whose plural is BIPINGAMIZI. The word was adopted as a term used to refer to anyone who not only opposed the NRA from outside but even from amongst the NRAs who would dare to question or challenge Muzei's (Museveni) leadership. The different interpretations that have been attached to this BIPINGAMIZI phenomena include; counter reactionaries, anti-people, negative elements, negative forces etc.

During the bush war in Luwero triangle the most common Bipingamizi were the local UPC leaders and Youth Wingers. Once got by the NRA they would automatically be gruesomely killed by smashing their heads (Kafuuni). The only UPC leader who was captured by the NRA and he survived being killed was Nathan Kalema the former District Commissioner of Luwero; just because he is a Munyarwanda. Their skulls are part of the thousands on display in different parts of Luwero. The captured UNLA soldiers though were Bipingamizi, they were treated as moderates and that is why those defecting would be welcomed while some of those captured would be released back to government if they were Luos. Outside the Luwero triangle its only the then Bushenyi district where the NRA treated almost everyone as a Kipingamizi. This was because of the area's strong UPC connections coupled by the traditional Hima/Bairu ethnic differences. The UPC strongmen from Bushenyi like Rurangaranga, Rwakasisi and others had right fro the time of the 1979 liberation war successfully dissuaded local from being manipulated by the self seeking Museveni. For the same reasons, during the early days of the bush war some Bairu recruits hailing from those areas were suspected to be Bipingamizi and subjected to prolonged surveillance. Gen Mugisha Muntu, Capt Moses Kabusenene and others narrowly survived being subjected to Kafuuni over their suspected UPC linkage. On the contrary, its only the Hima and Rwandese who would be recruited into the bush without any scrutiny hence their historical dominance of key command positions. When the NRA took over control of the western region in 1985, the historical UPC Bushenyi factor was replaced by the Bushenyi Bairu/Catholic/DP factor that accounts for the woes that were to befall Senior NRAs like Tadeo Kanyankole, Chihandae and others.

During the bush war another worst category of Bipingamizi was comprised of those combatants and civilians within the NRA. Olive Zizinga being suspected of poisoning Mzei,  Muntu and Mondo planning to break away from NRA, Moses Kigongo planning to escape from the bush, Sam Magara plotting to take over leadership from Museveni, Baganda fighters threatening a mutiny for being sidelined, Besigye drawing the attention of leaders to a potential Animal Farm situation, etc; all amounted to subversion and hence Bipingamizi most of whom had to pay with their blood.

When the NRA took over power in 1986, its the Baganda fighters from UPM and FEDEMO who had now been incorporated into the NRA that became the worst Bipingamizi. At the time the term had now been sold to the general population in western and central region who in turn used it to refer to the people of northern region as such. To some extent it was mainly used by self seeking individuals who were witch hunting certain public office bearers that were hailing from the northern region. As a survival measure some elites from northern Uganda embraced political indoctrination sessions so early and became NRM/A cadres thus ceasing to be Bipingamizi.

 For the last 30 years of Museveni's hold on power, all the politicians who have persistently held divergent political views and have consistently resisted Museveni's coersion are Bipingamizi. Those who have abandoned his NRM/A and joined the opposition like Dr. Besigye, Mugisha Muntu, Miria Matembe, Kazoora, Mushega, Butime and others became Bipingamizi. Prominent Bipingamizi Journalists included Charles Onyango Obbo, Wafula Ogutu, Lawrence Kiwanuka, Ssemuju Nganda, Njuki and a few others. The list of Bipingamizi is endless but the most recent entrant is the former Prime Minister and Party Secretary General Amama Mbabazi and all those who are supporting his alleged presidential bid. Activists like Bishop Niringiye, Fr. Batanyendera, Ingrid Turinawe and others are Bipingamizi. The elected Kampala Mayor Elias Lukwago was blocked from accessing his office because he is a Kipingamizi.

Generally, the phenomena of Bipingamizi has engulfed all corners of the Uganda society but it has dodged Hima ethnic community. Museveni is from the Hima ethnic group who as a matter of fact have been accorded preferential treatment by Museveni because they are presumed to unquestioningly back his reign. It is the Hima who dominate Museveni's elite SFG presidential guard unit under the command of his son. When Winnie Byanyima wife to opposition leader Dr Besigye became the first Hima to openly question Museveni's dictatorship, the Hima community viewed her as if she had been possessed by the devil. No wonder she has since then kept silent. When Gen Ssejusa was seeking pardon from Museveni to be allowed back into his good books, he claimed that it  had been the devil that had dictated his earlier decision to defy Mzei. However, at that time Gen Ssejusa had his good reasons for claiming so.

We have overtime witnessed some of Museveni's original bush war comrades being purged, sidelined etc but other than Mathew Rukikaire who has kept a low profile, other than Gen Ssejusa no Hima has given Mzei political headache that amounts to Kipingamizi. During the mid 90s, a umber of Hima senior army officers like Ikondere, Sikaji, Muheesi, the Kyatukas etc were grounded by Museveni on grounds that they had been Gen Ssejusa' loyalists in his (Ssejusa) alleged subversive activities against Mzei. Since the attempt was neutralized by Mzei's shifting of reliance to the Bahororo sub-ethinic Hima, the main stream Hima were tamed again.

It was not until May 2003 that Gen Ssejusa was back in public domain with opposition to Mzei. This time as Museveni's Coordinator of Intelligence Services he alleged that there had been a plot to assassinate top government officials who are opposed to the Muhoozi project (succession by Museveni's son). The media houses who publicised this controversy were arbitrary shut down by government before the General's office was searched and shut down by the Police. His six aides were arrested and charged with treason before the General Court Martial. The General himself was threatened with arrest if he had dared to return from London at the time. All his six aides were ethnic Hima with four of them being soldiers from the elite SFG. During the trial it was revealed by the investigating Police that one of the accused soldiers Pte Ninsiima Frank had confessed to having been tasked by Gen. Ssejusa to recruit other conspirators from SFG into alleged subversive activities. Gen Ssejusa was pronounced absent without official leave (AWOL) and replaced by Col Oula as army Member of Parliament. In the meantime CMI is reported to have expanded its scope of investigation to establish other collaborators and possible link with rebel ADF. In the process one businessman Matovu Bhuto was arrested and interrogated by CMI after Col Kyanda had assisted in having security install secret surveillance gadgets in his car. He is now suing for damages.

Museveni's security machinery is reknown for gruesome torture of suspects in order to extract information. However, for obvious reasons this particular group of suspects was not subjected to physical torture. In another incident involving a group of mainly ethnic Baganda suspected of plotting an armed attack on Kabamba military barracks, one of the suspects Capt Lutwama was gruesomely tortured to death by CMI.

In December 2014 Gen Ssejusa returned to Uganda in an arrangement that was approved by Museveni. Since the General's return, Museveni has unusually accorded him a VIP treatment. On 8th Jan 2015 the Gen stated that he was in talks with Museveni to have the treason charges against his former aides dropped. As the General awaits for his retirement from the army, the court martial is playing games with the bail application lodged by his accused former aides. At every court hearing prosecution rises flimsy excuses just as a way of buying time in the same way the Gen's retirement bid is being handled. You can guess how and where the bail and retirement game will end.
 What  is crystal clear is that Gen. Ssejusa becomes the first formal Hima Kipinga thus threatening the cohesion of Hima loyalty to Mzei. Are we about to see a repeat of the 1980 election scenario where Himas rejected Museveni in favour of their own Sam Kuteesa or does Mzei tolerate Bipingamizi!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!