Monday, 22 June 2015


Former Coordinator of Intelligence Services, Gen. David Ssejusa is currently of of the the leading ardent critics of Museveni's dictatorship. In his criticism, he is not mincing words but is outrightly stating that Museveni is a military dictator whose dictatorship can not be addressed by mere opposition politicking. The Gen has repeatedly called for mass uprising to dislodge the dictator.

While in exile in London, Gen Ssejusa did not rule out the use of force of arms to dislodge Museveni from power. A number of security personnel are in detention facing treasonous charges linked to General's activities when he was still in the country. While in exile Museveni had anticipated that the Gen would mobilise external backing for an armed uprising. He had thought that the Gen would establish bases in a neighboring country for Ugandan armed dissidents and defecting soldiers. However, when he returned from exile in December 2014, Museveni breathed a huge sigh of relief for he knew that an armed uprising was impossible when the General in inside the country.

However, upon return Gen Ssejusa was not reprimanded and instead he continued to criticize the the regime's dictatorship. Museveni vowed that the Gen would have to stop the 'irresponsible utterances'
and falsehoods as Museveni is fond of calling such. This was before summoning him for a face toface discussion that was mediated by Gen. Tumwine. It is reported that during the meting, Gen Ssejusa requested to be retired and Museveni gave a green light. Since then the Gen has not been retired though he remains militarily redundant. Instead, the Gen is loosing patience and has resumed open criticism of the regime's dictatorship and making calls for mass action to dislodge Museveni's military dictatorship. It is not usual for Museveni to tolerate a serving military officer's criticism leave alone the law barring serving army officers from engaging in partician politics. For Museveni, this amounts to subversion and high treason.

The political climate in Uganda is getting heated by the day. The opposition forces are entering into strong alliances with the sole aim of dislodging Museveni's 29 years hold on power. However, Gen Ssejusa has lambasted such alliances arguing that they they wont achieve much other than dividing the opposition. The opposition alliance designed to front joint candidates for the 2016 general elections is good news for Museveni. He was initially worried of mass protests but the recent alliance seems to move away from that direction. For now it is only Gen Ssejusa who is single handedly pursuing that option. Museveni strongly believes that without other opposition forces, Gen Ssejusa alone cannot afford to rally Ugandans for that mass action. In his estimates, Museveni hopes that the more Gen Ssejusa is isolated by major opposition forces, the better thus the Gen may opt to return to him (Museveni).

Museveni assumes that he understands what Gen Ssejusa wants more than anybody else. He has resisted pressure from his aides and close confidants for action to curtail Gen Ssejusa. Museveni who so much beleives in sectarianism and ethnicity, hopes that Gen Ssejusa will be shunned by major opposition forces and Ugandans in general because of his ethnic background (Hima) - the recent WhatApp recordings alludes to this argument. That way, Museveni hopes to consolidate support of the minority Hima once they feel vulnerable to sectarian attacks thus Gen Ssejusa and group to compose a Hima protection team. Unfortunately, Gen Ssejusa is not known to tolerate sectarian tendencies; throughout his career he has not demonstrated such. Instead, it is Museveni now trying to pit him against other opposition forces who are being suppressed by the regime's security forces while Ssejusa is afforded preferential treatment.

Gen Ssejusa's recent brief detention by the Police was designed to assess if he has any serious public following the same way Dr. Besigye would attract if arrested. However, that brief detention also helped the security services to gain access to the General's communication gadgets for electronic bugging. That is why his Aide Moses Bigirwa was also detained. Museveni does not rule out the political situation exploding into mass action; a situation that will leave him with one option of using military force for which he will need a General of Ssejusa's calibre and resolve. It is estimated that because of the impending visit by the Pope to Uganda, Museveveni will exercise some level of restraint but once he had achieved international credibility out of that visit, he will unleash the worst terror on the road to the March 2016 general elections. In the past Gen Ssejusa has been at hand to rescue Museveni from worst similar scenario for which the Gen has publicly apologised - the Kayunga Kabaka fiasco, the High Court raid, the Dr. Besigye airport fiasco etc. He is banking on Gen Ssejusa's past record of straying and later coming back to him as a reformed man whenever the going gets tougher for the later. However, he forgets that not everyday is Sunday!!!


Thursday, 18 June 2015


Recently Museveni took to social media to react to recordings that have been circulating on social media which he describes as having been initiated by "irresponsible people to spread falsehood". He went ahead to call those people stupid, uninformed, enemies and criminal opportunists who who were using sectarianism to try and profit politically. The said recordings are featuring verbal attacks between ethnic Bahima to which Museveni claims to belong and the Bakiga to which Mbabazi belongs. In his rebuttal he went ahead to highlight the following:

1. "Freedom fighters who mobilised all Ugandan communities that we came across to create a powerful NRA and NRM can not disapprove any of our communities because they all helped us to build this strength."

His 1981 - 1985 so called Bush War was a sectarian war that moblised the southerners and westerners to dislodge the northern and eastern region domination of government and the military. He exaggerated Buganda's differences with Milton bote and he preached sectarianism in order to win Buganda's support. In the same regard, he deceived the Baganda by joining hands with Prof Lule and making him the Chairman of NRM while he at the same time undermined the Baganda dominated fighting groups like Kayira's UFM. He decieved all the fighters and civilian supporters that this was a national mass revolution. In 2011veteran politician Jaberi Bidandi Ssali wrote to Museveni reminding him of a scenario in 1980 after the later had miserably lost in a general election thus: "The UPM Executive Committee discussed two options that is going back to the people and build the UPM or going to the bush take up arms and fight the Obote regime. In anticipation of what would be the cost in human life that had to be paid by Ugandans, the Executive Committee resolved for the former option to which some of us stuck to. You stormed out of the meeting declaring that you had taken the armed option. Todate your decision is epitomized by a devastated Luwero Triangle scattered with monuments of human skulls, and a devastated northern region still wailing the massacre of more than one million Ugandans with more unaccounted for."  Mzei Bidandi Ssali may have forgotten tomention the carnage in Rwanda, Congo, CA, and Central Africa.

2. "In December 1978 I recruited 200 boys mainly Bakiga at Nyamiyaga Primary School in Tanzania. After we crossed into Uganda on 11th February 1979 I recruited a lot of Bakiga and Banyankole girls and boys till the fall of Iddi Amin." 

The so called Bakiga and Banyankole girls and boys were actually Rwandese refugees from refugee camps across the border in Uganda well knowing that they were refugees who were exempted from participating in the internal politics of the host country leave alone serving in the armed forces. That is how he came to personally reject to recruit now Maj (Rtd) John Kazoora after inquiring into his ethnic background. His actions automatically led to the creation of a force (RPF) that was later to spark off the 1994 Rwanda Genocide. He intended to build a personal army (FRONASA/Red Army) to counter the UPC Bairu in Ankole and the northern dominated main exile force of Kikosi Malum under the command of Oyite jok, Tito kello and Zed Maruru and others.

3. "I utilized the skills of boys from Kaberamaido whom we had earlier trained in Mozambique to train the 200 at Nyamiyaga Primary School."

The boys from eastern region who had earlier been recruited by Jack Maumbe Mukwana and had undergone military training in Nachingweya in Souther Tanzania were later frustrated and ejected by Museveni from FRONASA in preference for his own home boys in the likes of Saleh, Rubereza, Rwigyema, Cheif Ali, Ivan Koreta and a few others. This was for purposes of forming his own Southern Bantu dominated army. He was later in his writings to describe those boys from the eastern region as having been city lumpens recruited from Nairobi.

4. Some of the Banyankole and Bakiga boys who qualified went for leadership training at Jinja and Monduli. Many of these are the ones that helped me to start and prosecute the resistance and and helped to train a large number of Baganda boys in the Luwero triangle."

The leadership training took place following a reorganisation of the new post Amin Uganda army (UNLF) - an exercise that saw the elimination of Rwandese refugees from the army but he retained them as his private army to be used later in the bush war. He divided the Cadet training at Monduli between the pro Museveni cadets under Sam Katabarwa and the the pro Obote cadets under Namiti Kagata. Upon graduation and return to Uganda, it is the bulk of these officers from mainly Nyabushozi that formed his first top command positions in the bush. The training of fighters in the bush was mainly done by soldiers who had served under Iddi Amin but he did not want to assign them field command positions leave alone acknowledging their role.

5.  "Later when we had the opportunity we recruited fighters from the whole country on the quota basis."

That opportunity came in 1986 when he took over power but its now 30 years and the army's top and strategic command positions are held and dominated by his 'home boys'!!!!! This phenomena is now being extended to the Police Force.

6.  "We don't look look at people's tribes, religion or sex when we are determining whether they are good or bad. We look at their capabilities, their ideology and loyalty. Sometimes we look at their discipline but the other three take precedence."

There is level of truth in this assertion more especially with regard to loyalty. In order to build a personal army as his political base, he has been emphasizing political clarity thus NRM cadreship to unsure personal loyalty to himself and of recent to his son, Birg Muhoozi. Like in number 5 above, there are some areas in the security forces that are ring fenced for certain communities only. It is very unfortunate for him to grade discipline as fourth in terms of parameters. That accounts for the record breaking phenomena of armed robberies by senior army officers and killing of civilians by his army in the history of Uganda.

7.   " When you hear somebody claiming to be a leader, talking about tribes, a yardstick for determining people's usefulness, you should know that he/she is a failure and a danger to Africa. He/she is a parasite. He /she is an opportunist."

Here he was referring to his political opponents i.e Mbabazi and Speaker Rebeca Kadaga. The later is implicated in another WhatApp message that hits at "Banyarwanda" and Banyakole domination of politics in Uganda for the last 30 years since Museveni took over power. "It is disheartening you the Basoga people are a vehicle being used by Banyankole and Banyarwanda to fight fellow Basoga........ Mbabazi, is he from Kanungu or Burundi............the Banyankole have been in power for 30 years, where is our stake as Busoga? .....................Busoga issues are not for Banyarwanda bur we are accepting to be undermined. Can you go to Kanungu and say don't vote for Mbabazi?Can you say it in Kazo that dont vote Sam Kutesa, Nasasira ....... where can you speak it from, they will kill you. We are tired of using us for 30 years and its enough." reads part of the recording that is linked to Speaker Kadaga. The Speaker of Parliament is among the first four top most government official and is a member of Musevenis's ruling party. Museveni has not directly reacted to this particular recording that has gone viral simply because it is attacking Mbabazi. Instead, he is now using the said Speaker Kadaga to facilitate the ammendments to the Anti-terrorism Act in order to use it against Mbabazi's financial muscle. Once he has achieved that, Speaker Kadaga will pay the price in her own

Because, he knew that his administration would be based on sectarianism, the first law he enacted after taking over power was the Sectarian Law in the Penal Code yet 30 years down the road nobody has ever been convicted of practicing sectarianism. The country is more divided along the lines of sectarian and economic deprivation than he found it in 1986 yet his Ten Point Program stipulates Unity as number one. He has created the right and wrong tribes, the right and wrong religions, the 'Tuli Mukintu' (we are economically in the eating) and the onlookers, thus the Wenyeinchi (owners of the state) and the Wanainchi (residents in the state). Museveni is only trying to use the Bahima to position himself among that community; otherwise they are generally good people who overwhelmingly rejected him in 1980 elections and slashed down his maizefield before even the rest of Ugandan communities had known much about his evils.  For Museveni
practicing sectarianism in managing public affairs is okay but his only concern is talking about it and pointing it out thus the aim of the 'Promotion of Sectarian' law.


Tuesday, 16 June 2015


"Rt Hon Mbabazi has been at the center of our system all these years. He was in the security services, parliament, Minister of Security for a long time, Secretary General of the party and eventually Prime Minister. ..........Nevertheless, am going to meet Rt Hon Mbabazi and talk about reactionary methods that are being used like the seditious documents that are being circulated and the false stories being told................he is the one who can tell us those weaknesses. He was Secretary General for 10 years. Monitoring government systems is job of the Prime Minister; Prime Minister, Secretary General, Security Minister, those positions one could use to monitor and rectify wrongs. Where we put the right people like in URA, KCCA performance has excelled."

                         Part of Museveni's reaction to Amama Mbabazi's declaration of presidential bid. 

Immediately upon return from South Africa, Museveni video recorded a short message that he circulated to counter Mbabazi's declaration of a bid for Presidentcy of the party and the country. Museveni sought to counter Mbabazi's arguments over poor performance by submitting that Mbabazi was given a chance to serve as Prime Minister and he did not effect those programmes.

No doubt, Museveni made the above statements while in a panicky mood. The panic was so much that he even forgot to get angry - his usual anger characterised  by insults, threats and arrogance had  been frozen. This time he was in great pain and disappointment. His admission that he learnt about the development while on board from South Africa coupled by having landed and straight away embarked on recording a rebuttal instead of resting, further depicts the level of panic that engulfed him. Overall, Museveni had all along hoped that Mbabazi had been subdued enough to fear declaring his presidential ambitions; he had anticipated that Mbabazi would return to him. Museveni's immediate reaction before he even returned must have been a directive to place his power base (the security forces) on Standby Class I (highest level of alert). His directive to Prime Minister Rugunda to arrange a meeting between him and Mbabazi upon return must have been prompted by the intelligence brief that was sent to him while in South Africa that Mbabazi intended to launch his Presidential bid. That is how the Police issued an order on Sunday banning all pro-Mbabazi assemblies. They had anticipated that Mbabazi would have called a press conference and a number of  his supporters to launch his bid. That is why the Police goons were at his residence in order to block him from leaving and to stop outsiders from accessing it. This way, Museveni had hoped that Mbabazi would halt his launching of the presidential bid before he could meet him that afternoon so that he intimidates him. Unfortunately, Mbabazi got more smarter by launching his bid online thus the pain and panic in Museveni. The last shock he had experienced was when Dr Besigye declared his intention to run against him in presidential elections in 2001. However, at the time he still wore the 'mast' unlike now when the mast is in tatters and his real identity is known by Ugandans and the world. 

Museveni argues that Mbabazi is in early campaigns contrary to the Electoral Commission's laws and the party constitution but will he take action against other contenders like Mugisha Muntu, Gilbert Bukenya and Prof Baryamureba who have declared their intentions and are traversing the country? Even Museveni himself has declared intentions to contest as a sole candidate in his party and that is why he is disturbed by Mbabazi's candidature. His posters depicting his sole candidature scheme are hanging in every public place in the country while those of his opponents are being brought down by his police. The Police Spokesman gave this explanation: "The President is the Fountain of Honor  and he enjoys absolute immunity for whatever actions and enjoys structural advantages. You cannot just pull down his posters under whatever circumstances."

During the meeting at State House;

" You know where we came from and what we have gone through to be where we are you think we will accept the gains of the revolution to be wasted just like that? The President was on the brink of weeping. He was heart broken. He kept reminding Mbabazi that there is time for everything and that good people are weighed by the taste of their fruits but the former prime Minister looked unwavering."

                     - Museveni appealed to Mbabazi to drop presidential bid.

Otherwise the so called sectarian recording for which Museveni sought to quiz Mbabazi  are a subject of criminal investigations by the Police moreover according to him some of the suspected culprits have already been apprehended. Then why would a whole President bother to personally carry out a parallel investigations against an ordinary party member and a mere Member of Parliament for Kinkizi West. If it had been for the other recording that is attributed to the Speaker Rebeca Kadaga, then it would make sense. Instead he has been silent over that other recording simply because Speaker Kadaga is partly attacking Mbabazi. On the contrary, his current actions over the first recording - attempting to link it to Mbabazi may draw the attention of a prudent criminal investigator as to who intended to benefit from the recording thus motive.

In the early 1990 Museveni summoned the then Commanding Officer of his Mechanized Unit Col (Rtd) Dr Kiiza Besigye to State House. During the meting, he accused Besigye of undermining and plotting against his government. Dr. Besigye responded by informing Museveni that he had also been told by a one Margret Kibezibira - an aunt to Museveni that she had had of plots by Besigye and Col Serwanga Lwanga (RIP). Besigye went ahead to inform Museveni that he had also been told by Betty Bikangaga that he (Besigye) was conspiring with Gen Tinyefuza to tople the government. The two ladies were both insiders of the State House. Confronted with these revelations, Museveni is said to have frozen frozen and simply responded thus "you see sometimes some of my people give wrong information and as you know some of these young Bahima have a lot of intrigue."
Its over 20 years now, have these 'young Bahima' not stopped practicing intrigue?

Museveni has never had close associates, friends, or people he has closely worked with except he has had people he has used, misused and abused. For all those that he finds to be independent minded and he suspects them to be harboring political ambitions, he undermines their efficiency in performance while in his service. When such people fall out with him, he uses their so called failures and inefficiencies to undermine their plans. This was the case with the likes of Gen Saleh - whom he accused of being a drunkard; Gen Muntu - whom he accused of inefficiency after nine years as Army Commander; Gen Tinyefuza - whom he is attempting to link with the atrocities in northern Uganda; Gen JJ dong - accused of leaking information to the enemy when he was Army Commander; Gen Katumba Wamala - whom he accused of seeking cheap popularity when he was the IGP and he attempted to moblise resources through community policing; Augustine Ruzindana and Eria Kategaya whom he accused of not having fought under FRNASA; Dr Kiiza Besigye - whom he accused of having failed the army when he was the Chief of Logistics;  former Vice President Gilbert Bukenya who was accused of getting popular with his upland rice growing scheme and meeting army officers; and now Amama Mbabazi whom he is accusing of having failed to monitor and implement government programs. The list is endless as it includes the likes of Bidandi Sali and many others. He prefers to the politically dormant ones like his current Vice President Sekandi, permanent Deputy Prime Minister Moses Ali, Vice Chairman Kigongo, reformed boot leaker Gen Matayo Kyaligonza who would otherwise be facing charges of killings and cattle theft in Soroti.Museveni does not allow those who serve him to exercise any independent mindedness, innovation, and self initiative or else you will be accused of politically motivated cheap popularity or attempting to outsmart 'Mzei'. That is why he macro manages every government activity. However, because of sectarian tendencies, he allows a few individuals to initiate and innovate in execution of their assignments.

After 40 years of using Mbabazi, he is now branding him a failure and an incapable leader. All the 'vultures' like Opondo, Kasule Lumumba, Frank Tumwebaze, Karoro Okurut and others are out there trying to please Museveni by linking Mbabazi with corruption and the draconian Public Order Management Act (POMA). If it was a Mbabazi law, let Museveni move his majority in parliament to have that law repealed within the shortest possible time. It is a fact that the POMA is a brainchild of Museveni who stands to benefit from it. Unless Mbabazi gets more smarter, the future of his political ambitions are bleak. He is likely to be subjected to the party's disciplinary action and expelled from the party so that he does not qualify to vie for the position of flag bearer. If Mbabazi goes to court to challenge his expulsion, determination of his petition will be delayed thus sparking off a constitutional crisis that will see extension of the election schedule. Museveni does not mind whether the Mbabazi saga divides the party because his political power base lies in his personal control of the security forces. His only concern is fear of competition from within his party more especially by someone of his equal whom he wont describe as being 'disgruntled' and 'reactionary'. After 'handling' Eria Kategaya, he had comfortably believed that there was no other bull in the kral. The worst case scenario is for the desperate Museveni to sanction criminal proceedings against Amama Mbabazi as had been the case with Dr Besigye when he faced concocted treasonous and rape charges that were designed simply to keep him out of the presidential race. However, given the level of greed to retain power by Museveni and his inner circle who have been stealing public resources while suppressing dissent, you cant rule out Mbabazi being physical harmed. The likes of Gen Kalekyezi, Gen Kyaligonza and Gen Aronda who have been pestering Museveni to have the likes of Mbabazi and Gen Ssejusa arrested in order to curtail their political activities, are now saying: "we told you".
Going by the kind of wailing by Museveni, one can tell which body part of his is being squeezed by Mbabazi!!!!!!


Friday, 12 June 2015


Since attaining its independence in 1962, Uganda has had a turbulent history characterised by gross violation of human rights. All regimes (past and present) have thrived on violence and rights violations in order to not only gain political power but to retain their hold on power. The bloody events of 1966 that led to the Kabaka (king of Buganda) who was also the first  President of Uganda escaped the bloody confrontation into exile. The 1971 military take over by Iddi Amin and the 1972 public executions following the aborted invasion by Ugandan exiles from Tanzania. The arbitrary arrests, kidnap, murders, torture, detention without trial and forced disappearances during the Iddi Amin regime. The violence during the 1979 liberation war to oust Iddi Amin and in particular the systematic killings of Muslims in Western Uganda. The violence and gruesome human rights violations during the 1981 - 86 guerrilla war by Museveni. The worst human rights violations during the northern Uganda counter insurgency operations of the late 1980s, 90s and onwards including the violent military-led disarmament operation in Karamoja region. The constant harassment, beatings, arbitrary arrests, kidnap, detention, torture and killing ofMuseveni's political opponents for the last 29 years. The first UPC government lasted from 1962 - 1971, the Iddi Amin government lasted from 1971 - 1979, the UNLF led government lasted only 1979 - 1980, the Military Commission led government lasted a few months during 1980, the 2nd UPC led government lasted 1981 - 1985, the Tito Okello led military Junta lasted July 1985 - Jan 1986, the Museveni led military dictatorship has been in power since January 1986 to this day (29 years). Each of the above governments have had their share of human rights violation and some instances it would look as if they were competing for the highest score in terms of rights violations.

In June 1974, Iddi Amin instituted a Commission of Inquiry into the rampant kidnap and forced disappearances of prominent Ugandans at the time. The Commission headed by a Pakistan Judge was mandated to inquire into the disappearances between Jan 25th 1971 - June 1974. The Commission heard 308 cases/complaints and interviewed 545 witnesses in a period of one year. The Commission's report found the exiled militant groups who ran clandestine hit squads inside Uganda and the regime's intelligence services responsible for the killings, kidnap and forced disappearances. It made specific recommendations concerning reforming the Police and intelligence services. The situation did not improve at all since the violence was externally instigated (exiled militants including Yoweri Museveni).

When Museveni took over power in 1986 he instituted a Commission of Inquiry into violation of all forms human rights in Uganda since Independence on 9th October 1962 to 25th January 1986 (a day before he tooke over power). The commission specifically focused on detentions and killings. The commission headed by Justice Oder took eight years to complete its work in 1994 when a 720 page report was produced. The inquiries had been deliberately delayed so as to serve the political purpose for which it had been set up. The inquiry was meant to discredit the past regimes while at the same time serving as a political strategy to legitimize Museveni's military regime. It is only when the commission had completed its work that some of his top aides like Generals tafire and Pecos Kuteesa came out openly to reveal how some of the atrocities earlier attributed to government forces (2nd Obote government) were actually carried out by Museveni's NRA fighters.

The next independent commission of inquiry will reveal gruesome human rights violations ever witnessed in Uganda. It will take the form of a Truth and Reconciliation Commission once Museveni has left power.  Unfortunately, the venues and modus operandi remain the same i.e Makindye Military barracks, Kireka barracks, Naguru, Nakasero intelligence headquarters etc and kidnap, beatings, electric shock, detention without trial, extortion etc respectively. However, Museveni has excelled by going an extra mile in introducing torture and detention in Safe Houses (secret illegal torture facilities), detaining in pits, containers, train wagons and water 'boarding', 'sauna', and removal of 'quarter pin', armed raids on courts of law so as to reverse court decisions, etc. For that matter, he is now seeking another five year term so that he prepares his son to take over the presidency such that by the time such an independent Commission of Inquiry will take place to find him culpable, he will be in his last days on earth - the Agusto Pinochet style.


Monday, 8 June 2015


About 3000 years ago,  the Indian ocean was busy with wooden boats carrying traders from Arabia, Persia, and north-western India to the east African coast for trade in ivory, slaves, spices, etc. Later the Phonicians, Romans and Greeks also joined the trade. Its the Arabs who opted to settle on the East African coast. After the death of Prophet Mohamed in 632 AD, the spread of Islam coupled by internal wars led to Arab Muslims to settle on the East African cost. Many indigenous African people of the East African Coast (Somalia to northern Mozambique) adopted Islam. Islam coupled by intermarriages between Arabs and the indigenous people of the East African cost gave rise to the Swahili people. Swahili comes from the Arabic word word Swahil which means boundary, coast thus coastal dwellers. The prefix Ki - is attached to make it Kiswahili (coastal language). 30% of the words in Kiswahili are of Arabic origin, 30% of its vocabulary is derived from other Bantu languages in East, Central and Southern Africa. Due to contact with traders, slave dealers and colonial officials, the language was further developed to include words of English, German, French, Portuguese, and Hindi. Kiswahili has many dialects spread along the east African Coast, the islands of Unguja and Pemba (Zanzibar), Comoro, Secyles and Congo. For example, the Kiswahili spoken in Congo is of the Kingwana dialect; there is the Kikeya dialect derived from the soldiers who served under the KAR during colonial era. In June 1928 an international conference took place at Mombasa at which the Zanzibar dialect - Kiunguja was chosen to be the basis for standardizing Kiswahili.  Because of the spread of Islam and trade, Kiswahili spread to the interior of east Africa. About 40,000 are found in Oman following the migration of Zanzibaris to Omanis after the 1964 Zanzibar revolution, in South Africa at Chartworth around Durban there are about 3000 Kiswahili speakers who are descendants of people taken from Zanzibar and northern Mozambique between 1873 - 1878 to work as gardeners and they retained their Muslim faith. Maritime trade, caravan trade into the interior from the coast, urbanization, migrant wage labor (plantation economy), and infrastructure (roads and railway) helped to spread Kiswahili.A good number of people in Malawi, Mozambique and Zambia also speak Kiswahili.

In Uganda, Kiswahili was brought by the early Arab traders and their Swahili associates who wanted to spread Islam. Religious wars and rivalry that saw Christianity triumph hindered the development of Kiswahili language in Uganda. The British colonialists favored the spread of Kiswahili language because they were aiming at an East African federation. In 1927 Governor Sir WF Gowers recommended thus: "Kiswahili whould be adopted as the lingua franca throughout a considerable part of the protectorate....for purposes of education in elementary schools and on the lines adopted in Tanganyika.......Kiswahili is the only vernacular language in East Africa which can provide in the long run anything but an educational cul-de-sac, in Uganda, Kenya, and Tanganyika." Consequently, it was taught and imposed as the lingua franca in vast parts of eastern, northern and West Nile regions. However, the Kabaka (King of Buganda) and the church feared the spread of Kiswahili because of its association with Islam. The schools that were supposed to teach Kiswahili were controlled by the Church. By 1953 when the British colonialists abandoned the push for the Kiswahili language, it had become the language for the armed forces because the whole of East Africa had one army - Kings African Rifles (KAR).

After independence the Kiswahili campaign was resurrected; in 1967 President Milton Obote gave a speech on Language and Nation Building at a conference on national Unity at Makerere University. He stated thus: " .....and yet I consider that Uganda's policy to teach more and more English should be matched with the teaching of some other African language. Currently, we are thinking of what that language should be.  So the adoption of of any of our present languages in Uganda may just go to endorse our isolation.  We cannot afford any kind of isolation. We are surrounded by five countries. We can easily talk with them, and as they say here, walk across Rwanda village, walk across Congo village,walk across Sudan, Kenya and Tanzania and drink water by the simple words "mpa maji" "give me water". It is possible today for people of Uganda to communicate with the neighboring countries in broken Kiswahili but it is impossible to communicate with neighboring countries in broken Luganda."

In 1973 under President Iddi Amin a vote was carried out whereby 12 districts voted for Kiswahili as a national language as opposed to only eight which voted for Luganda. Iddi Amin declared Kiswahili as the national language on 7th September 1973. Though he did not enforce it, the Decree still stands because it was not repealed. The 1995 Uganda Constitution Article 6 stipulates thus: "The official language of Uganda is English. Subject to Clause (1) of this article, any other language maybe used a sa medium of instructions or for legal, administrative or judicial purposes as may be prescribed by law." A 1992 government white paper on education policy review recommended both Kiswahili and English to be compulsory throughout the primary school cycle. In 1997 Universal Primary Education (UPE) was launched and it aimed to enroll 5.4 children. As of now, UPE is proving to be a failure as the gap between the few rich and the majority poor continues to widen. Better primary schools (both public and private) tend to be attended by elite children from privileged backgrounds. For most of the rural public primary schools, use of the indigenous language for the first four years is a must. A Kiswahili Commission meant to facilitate the enforcement of Kiswahili lessons in schools and to facilitate the teaching,learning and speaking of Kiswahili was initiated.

In Tanzania, there are 120 different indigenous languages. For centuries Kiswahili had been a language of the people of the coast and the Island of Zanzibar. After independence, President Nyerere declared Kiswahili a national language. With the introduction of Ujamaa (African Socialism) and Self Reliance in 1967, Kiswahili was adopted as the official language. The policy included creation of factories, state farms and Ujamaa villages which brought together people of different linguistic backgrounds hence enhancing the use of Kiswahili. The government made it compulsory that all subjects in Primary School were to be taught in Kiswahili. It became a national language through popular proclamations and practice but not legally. There is no law that was passed by parliament declaring Kiswahili a national language. The constitution of Tanzania 1977 written in Kiswahili does not even mention it as the national language. Currently both the Draft and the Proposed constitution documents have slightly and lightly mentioned English as one of the international languages that may formally put in use when circumstances demand.  Tanzania's new proposed constitution Article Four clearly makes Kiswahili as the national language and one of the core national values under Article 5(a). English is fairly used in Tanzania albeit as a medium of instruction in and it the official language of the Judiciary - law courts still conduct business in English for records but Kiswahili is used by litigants. Almost 95% of Tanzanians speak Kiswahili. It is one of the compulsory subjects at "O" level and it forms some of the combinations at "A" level. Six out of the seven public universities offer it as one of the study disciplines. In Tanzania English is a medium of instruction from Secondary school upwards. With economic liberalization came the very expensive private schools whose medium of instruction is English right from Primary One thus the gap in terms of standard between the public schools and those so called English Medium schools.

70% of Kenyans understand Kiswahili more than English. It has spread over the centuries due to the interaction of the Swahili people from the Coast with the inland. The 2010 Kenya Constitution made it a national language under Article 7(1). Article 7(2) stipulates that the official language of Kenya shall be Kiswahili and English. Kenyans speak Kiswahili but officially write in English only. It is taught in both Primary and secondary school.

Back in Uganda, the National Curriculum Development Center run a pilot program on the Kiswahili syllabus in Primary Schools and recommended it to start at Primary Four. Teacher Training Colleges' syllabus was revised to include teaching of Kiswahili to all Pre-service teachers. At some few Teacher Colleges like Kakoba, Gaba, and Kabale teaching of Kiswahili was started. Kyambogo University was to train teachers in batches of 35 for a two years course and the first batch was supposed to have been disseminated in 2007. An estimated 100 Kiswahili teachers were to be produced per year. In 2008 the government developed a Kiswahili curriculum  for "O" level. In 2009 it hired a Kiswahili specialist for NCDC.  Gayaza Cambridge  School offered Kiswahili when they had about 50 students from Tanzania but when they left it was abandoned. In 2009 Ministry of Education discussed ten subjects including Kiswahili to be dropped from the list of compulsory subjects starting with Senior One. Those pro argued that the potential for Kiswahili to promote the desired national unity, patriotism and Pan Africanism was far greater than that of any other Uganda language. In 2012 government hired a Kiswahili specialist for the Uganda National Examination Board (UNEB). In 2013 government developed a Kiswahili curriculum for "A" level. Since Kiswahili is optional, UNEB examines it in about 5000 schools out of 50,000 secondary schools. It 2012 government had intended to make Kiswahili a compulsory subject in Primary and secondary schools as a way of enhancing integration within East African Community partner states. In September 2013 the Minister for EAC Affairs Mr. Shem Bageine announced that educational institutions from primary to secondary would be required to start offering Kiswahili lessons the following year. During the same year, Members of Parliament on the Education Committee while meeting the NCDC opposed the introduction of Kiswahili in Primary schools against the government directive for teaching Kiswahili.

In May 2015, during the marking of the world Heritage day, the Ministry of Gender, Labor and Social Development announced that government was in the process of tabling a law that would compel Ugandans to speak Kiswahili. The Commissioner Culture Eunice Tumwebaze said that the said legislation was aimed at easing trade, employment, and wealth creation among Ugandans in line with the regional integration road map. The line Minister Muruli Mukasa said that government planned to reactivate a National Kiswahili Council charged with effecting policies regarding Kiswahili.  English is the official language of the East African Community (EAC) but Kiswahili is recognized in the treaty as the lingua franca. Burundi and Tanzania proposed an ammendment of Article 137 (1) to provide for French and Kiswahili as official languages. English is the doorway to science and technology. Former President Nyerere who so much advocated for the development of Kiswahili contended that: "If we change the medium of instruction in secondary schools from English to Kiswahili, English would die, since there would be no incentive to learn it."  In Poverty of the Nation - A sustainable solution, Wyne Grudem and Barry Asnus: 2013 wrote: "By contrast, nations that fail to acquire fluency in English in their educational systems guarantee that each succeeding generation of children grows up to find itself linguistically incapable of participating easily with the commercial, technological, and scientific interractions that occur each day in the most economically advanced countries of the world." Intra Africa trade and interaction is low not because of language barrier but because of poor infrastructure.  That is why the volume of trade between Uganda and Japan or China is higher than the neighboring countries.

A national language tends to spread more easily on its own rather than through a legislation because of its usage in a country. A national language is a language widely spoken, understood and accepted by a given national community as constituting their common heritage, serving as their collective cultural and political symbol and identity, and expressing their common ideals and aspirations. It should not be imposed to the detriment of local languages in order to preserve identity. Luganda has spread to almost all corners of Uganda not by legislation but because of factors beyond anyone's control and direction. Initially it was due to religious wars that dispersed some Muslim Baganda to parts of Ankole and also the Buganda model of administration and the Baganda chiefs that were used by the colonialists to extend their administration. The Luo speaking people of northern and eastern Uganda have been able to speak some level of Kiswahili yet it does not contain Luo words unlike their Bantu counterparts whose languages contribute greatly to Kiswahili language. Tanzania succeeded because it does not practice religious discrimination - Islam which has alot of Swahili words was allowed to flourish. For Museveni, Islam is associated with terrorism and Madarasas for children are being labeled breeding grounds for Islamic fundamentalism and closed down.

In 1977 the EAC did not collapse because of lack of a common language. Kiswahili language could not help avert the recent ethnic killings in Kenya. In Somalia, they use the same language; same applies to the chaotic Middle East. In Rwanda and Burundi they all speak only one indigenous language but they are as divided as heaven and earth. In Canada, there are two languages and geographical locations i.e English and French speaking but they live in total peace. The two antagonistic Koreans speak Korean. The Congolese have had Kiswahili and Lingala for centuries but they are divided along tribal lines. The European Union is comprised of English, German, Spanish, Italiano, Spanish, Dutch Swedish etc. Rwanda disbanded French in favor of English thus did it lose uniting with the bigger French speaking neighboring Congolese and their Burundian cousins? Traditionally Kiswahili in Uganda is prevalent in the army, mines like Kilembe, Hima, Tororo, plantations like Kinyara, Lugazi, and Kakira, industrial and commercial centers like Jinja and Kampala and among Muslims not because of legislation but natural interaction, need and convenience.

Ugandans need to learn Kiswahili as soon as possible. With either regional peace or instability, Swahili will spread to Uganda from Kenya, South Sudan, Rwanda and Congo, The returning West Nilers from refuge in Congo brought with them a good amount of Kiswahili. The current refugee figures in Uganda - 460,000 people from Sudan, Somalia, Congo, Rwanda and Burundi coupled with the 721 urban refugee households in Kampala alone carry with them a lot of Kiswahili.With the development of infrastructure like roads and railway to ease trade and free movement of people Kiswahili will have to come to Uganda automatically. The current high volume of trade between Ugandans and South Sudanese is conducted in both English and Kiswahili. Museveni's rush to enact a law for using Kiswahili is ill motivated. He is aiming at forcefully assimilate certain migrant communities who are currently identifiable by their native languages. Secondly, it part of the final nails on the coffin for education which he has killed and it is just awaiting burial. He is also trying to contain the Buganda and Luganda influence as a supplement to the larger scheme of finishing off Buganda Kingdom first through land grabbing. Giving Kiswahili priority over the English language has the potential of undermining the development of the English language. Maybe Ugandans who are in the know should ask themselves why our neighbors are sending thousands of their children to Uganda for primary and secondary education some as young as 12 year old. Ugandans should resist his machinations to introduce it in schools but should welcome any efforts to disseminate it through adult literacy. For example AZAM TV based in Tanzania has extended its operations to the  Ugandan audience and with several of its stations broadcasting in Kiswahili, Ugandans who are interested will automatically learn the language.


Friday, 5 June 2015


Who is Jamil Mukulu?
Jamil Mukulu is a Ugandan, Muganda by tribe and a Muslim. He came to prominence in the early  1990s when as a member of the Tabliq sect became one of the outspoken Muslims over the role of Museveni in the killing of Muslims in Mbarara in 1979 and Butambala in 1983. In 1991 the Tabliq sect had had a bloody confrontation with Museveni's security forces commanded by James Kaziini around the Old Kampala Mosque over Muslim leadership wrangles. Jamil Mukulu went into hiding until in 1996 when the ADF rebels struck western Uganda and Jamil Mukulu was alleged to be the leader of the group. With bases in eastern Congo, the ADF managed to survive and in the late 90s, it was about getting accepted in some parts of Bunyoro, Rwenzori and Ankole regions. The rebel outfit is an alliance of a couple of rebel groups fighting the Museveni dictatorship notably NALU hence tagging it to Islamic fundamentalism is a wrong diagnosis. ADF is alleged to have carried out massacre of innocent civilians in both Congo and Uganda notably the alleged massacre of students of Kichwamba Technical Institute in western Uganda. Recently, it was linked to the spate of assassinations of Muslim Clerics in Uganda in which he is accused with others including the Australian based Cardiologist Dr Agrey Kiyingi who is intending to run for the Presidency against Museveni.

Uganda had initiated an Interpol arrest warrant for Jamil Mukulu and the USA had placed him on a sanctions list. Around April 2015 Jamil Mukulu was arrested in Tanzania by the Tanzanian authorities on other grounds since it had not identified him as Jamil Mukulu.

Extraction is a formal legal process by which persons accused or convicted of crime are surrendered from one state to another for trial or punishment. It takes place in accordance with bilateral treaties or multilateral conventions entered into by sovereign states. It is a form of international cooperation in criminal matters intended to promote cooperation in enforcement of criminal justice. However, any extradition law must contain appropriate safeguards for individuals where they would in the event of extradition suffer manifest injustice and oppression.

Many countries have domestic laws governing matters of extradition. In Uganda it is the Extradition Act of 1964 that provides for matters of extradition. In Tanzania, there are three pieces of legislation that deal with matters of extradition thus:
-  The Extradition Act Cap 368
It applies only where there is extradition agreement with the requesting country. It lists extraditable crimes i.e Murder and the related offences, injury to person amounting to homicide, abduction, rape and similar offences, narcotics and drugs, damage to property, falsification of currency and similar offences, forgery, misappropriation, fraud, piracy, slave dealing etc. However, it gives exception if the extradition fugitive has committed crimes in Tanzania or is serving a sentence. The Act strictly prohibits the extradition of political offenders.  The request for surrender of the fugitive criminal is made to the Minister by a diplomatic representative or by a Consular officer of the requesting country. The Minister may signify a Magistrate that a request has been made and require him/her to issue a warrant of arrest  and detention in respect of the fugitive criminal. However if the offence is of a political nature the Minister may refuse and in the same regard, the Magistrate must adjourn the case and  refer the proceedings to the Minister pending his decision.

-   The Fugitive Offenders (Pursuit) Act 57
This Act arises from the East African Community (EAC). The Act enables Police officers of contracting states to pursue within Tanzania fugitive offenders from such countries. In this Act extraditable crimes are those identified under the Extradition Act Cap 368. The requesting country must have resspirocal provision for it to exercise that right. Under the EAC treaty Article 124 (5), member states agree to enhance cooperation in handling of cross border crime and provision of mutual assistance in criminal matters, including the arrest and extradition of fugitive offenders.

-   Mutual Assistance on Criminal Matters Act Cap 254
This Act arises from the Commonwealth member states. It provides for mutual assistance in criminal matters between Tanzania and any Commonwealth member state. There must be an existence of an extradition pact that binds them in the commonwealth family together with an arrest warrant from Interpol or from the requesting country.

In all the Acts, there must be a functional extradition treaty and the fugitive criminal offender is protected from extradition if the offences are of a political nature and not of criminal act. The criminal fugitive suspect has a right of appeal.

Uganda pushes for extradition
During May 2015 Uganda government lodged an extradition request for Jamil Mukulu through the Attorney General of Tanzania. The application seks to have Jamil Mukulu extradited to Uganda to face charges of murder and aggravated terrorism. Attached to the application were indictment and affidavit of Uganda's Senior Police Officer SSP Oludu Francis, the Uganda Criminal Procedure Act, a copy of Mukulu's passport with picture and in names of Thomas Rwanga Musisi, arrest warrant issued by Jinja Magistrate court, Interpol arrest warrant, etc. The matter is being heard by the Magistrates Court in DarEssalaam where the Attorney General of Tanzania is leading the petition. After a short delay for the Commissioner of Prisons to grant permission for Jamil Mukulu's Lawyers to access him for an interview, his affidavit countering the extradition application is submitted. In his affidavit, among other arguments, he is supposed to argue that he will not get a fair trial in Uganda if extradited.

Uganda's criminal justice system is incompetent
A recent report by World Justice Project (WJP) ranked Uganda amongst the worst performing contries when it comes to observance and upholding of the rule of law. It is the 95th out of 102 countries; 15th out of the 18 countries sampled in Sub-Saharan Africa and 12th of the 15 low income countries. Scores and ranking was across eight categories among which is fundamental rights, government powers, regulatory enforcement and government powers. Launching the report, the Founder and CEO of WJP Mr. William Neukon said: "Effective rule of law helps reduce corruption, alleviate poverty, improve public health and education, and protect people from injustices and dangers - large and small."

The government's Human Rights Commission recently released its annual report in which the Army and Police were topping the rights violations. Illegal detention, torture, killing and maiming, and forced disappearances are the order of the day in Uganda under Museveni. In particular, illegal arrest and detention of Muslims of the Salaaf Sect to which Jamil Mukulu belongs for alleged links to rebel ADF is a decade old practice. Victims are moved to various detention places where their families can not locate them. They are sometimes released without charges and Police often denies knowledge of their arrests. During a recent retreat of local government and intelligence officers at Kyankwanzi, Museveni expressed his disappointment with Police's poor investigation methods accusing them of "not doing enough to interrogate suspects in the murder of Muslim clerics." It has been widely reported in the local Uganda media houses that Museveni is irking to personally interrogate Jamil Mukulu once he is extradited to Uganda! Since when did a head of State interrogate suspects or he wants to hold talks with him as earlier advised by Tanzania's Jakaya Kikwete? Since government has not come out to deny it, it can be taken as the true. A case in point is the recent escape from illegal detention of five victims four of whom were linked to terrorism related charges. They had been held in the notorious Kireka based Special Investigations Unit (SIU) since 2012. The four Ugandan victims had been arrested from the Rwenzori and Bukwo region on suspicion of being linked to rebel ADF. The fifth victim was a Rwandese senior army officer Brigadier Rutinywa who had been held for over two years without trial on suspicion of having illegally entered the country with the intention of destablising Rwanda. In spite of the existence of an extradition agreement with Rwanda, the Brigadier was not handed over; leave alone his anti-Rwanda political activities for which he deserves protection.

Brigadier Tomas Kwoyelo
Is a former commander in the LRA rebel group who was captured in 2008. Like others before him who were even more senior, he applied for amnesty under the Amnesty Act. In 2010 the Amnesty Commission forwarded his application to the DPP for consideration. The DPP did not respond but instead charged him with murder. Kwoyelo petitioned the Constitutional Court seeking a declaration that he was being discriminated since his colleagues like Brig Keneth Banya and others had earlier been granted amnesty. The Constitutional Court ruled that he had indeed been discriminated contrary to Article 21 of the constitution. The AG appealed to the Supreme Court which in April 2015 ruled that Brig Tomas Kwoyelo should stand trial in the Internal Criminal Division (ICD) of the High Court arguing thus: "it is immaterial that other persons with similar circumstances to the application have been granted amnesty because each case is decided on its own merits."

 James Katabazi Vs Secretary General of EAC and AG of Uganda - 119 (EAC 2007)
The above ground breaking case highlights the sad picture of Uganda's criminal justice system with regard to political opposition to Museveni's military dictatorship. Katabazi was arrested in 2004 with others over allegations that they were members of the rebel PRA that had been linked to opposition leader Dr. Besigye. As usual they were detained without trial till 06 November 2006 when the High Court granted them bail but before they could get their freedom the regime unleashed armed commandos who surrounded the High Court, threatened the Judges before re-arresting the suspects and remanding them again. On 11th November the same suspects were taken to the Court Martial and charged with terrorism and illegal possession of firearms. The Uganda Law Society petitioned the Constitutional Court seeking a declaration that the act of rearresting and charging the suspects before the Court Martial was unconstitutional. The court madea ruling in favor of the petitioners but the regime refused to comply thus the detainees petitioned the East African Court of Justice.

The respondents conceded the facts as pleaded by the petitioners but pleaded that the deployment of security at the High Court was meant to prevent them from escaping to resume rebellion and that their rearrest was for purposes of ensuring that they answer to charges of terrorism and illegal possession of firearms before the court martial. The EAC Secretary General initially claimed ignorance about the incarceration of the claimants but was reminded by the claimants' Legal team that under Article 71(1) (d) of the EAC treaty one of the functions of the Secretariat of which the SG is the head is to undertake either on his own initiative or otherwise of such investigations, collection of information, or verification of matters relating to any matter affecting the community that appears to it to merit examination.Court ruled thus: "....if is immaterial how that information comes to the attention of the Secretary General. As far as we are concerned, it would have sufficed if the complainants had shown that the events in Uganda concerning the claimants were so notorious that the 1st respondent (Secretary General) could not but be aware of them."

The EAC had not concluded the necessary protocol giving the court jurisdiction to entertain matters of human rights. However, court reflected a bit on the objectives of the EAC as set out in Article 5(1) (2) and (3) on legal and judicial objectives. Article 6(d) rule of law - promotion and protection of human and peoples rights in accordance with the provisions of the African Charter on Human and peoples' rights. Article 7 on rule of law, social justice and and the maintenance of universally accepted standards of human rights. The court concluded that it would not assume jurisdiction but would not also abdicate from exercising its jurisdiction of interpretation under Article 27(1).

It ruled thus: "We on our part are alarmed by the line of defense offered on behalf of the government of Uganda which if endorsed by this court would lead to an unacceptable and dangerous precedent, which would undermine the rule of law."

The petition succeeded but the regime in Uganda refused to comply and continued to hold the victims in illegal detention until some of them died in detention (Kifefe - bother of Dr Besigye) and others sought Amnesty. Capt James Katabazi - the lead petitioner died last week in a motor accident.

Jamil Mukulu if it is true that he was the leader of the ADF rebels was pursuing a political goal of dislodging the Museveni dictatorship. Therefore, he can not only be extradited but qualifies for Amnesty under the Amnesty Act like many others who have benefited after committing worst crimes in pursuance of a political goal. If Museveni manages to have Jamil Mukulu extradited from Tanzania by whatever means, it will set a very dangerous precedent for Ugandans who are struggling to free themselves from his 30 years of military dictatorship. Unfortunately, because of the terror link, Ugandans have shied away from decampaigning the impending extradition of Jamil Mukulu yet they strongly believe he like other Ugandans can not get justice because of his political belief. This is not to tolerate impunity; and there is a high possibility that Jamil Mukulu may have committed the alleged crimes but he remains innocent until proved guilty by a competent and impartial court of law which is not present in Uganda under Museveni.



The church in Uganda has come out to join hands with grieving Ugandans in pushing for democratic reforms. However, the military dictator has also come out strongly to nub them in the bud thus the anticipated showdown. In the past he has always warned church leaders, cultural leaders and other non-political leaders to keep out of politics in his infamous "lubimbi" theory. He has bribed them with financial and material gifts in order to keep them silent about his excesses. He has sought to further weaken the mainstream churches by allying with the breakaway born again church movement. He is mindful of the role the church played in opposing the Iddi Amin dictatorship during the 1970s.

On June 1st, the Uganda Joint Christian Council General Assembly convened in Kampala and was attended by among others Ntagali - the Archbishop of the Anglican Church, Kizito Lwanga - of the Catholic Church and Metropolitan Jonah Lwanga of the Orthodox church. They urged government to work on electoral reforms before the general elections slated for next year thus: "We therefore urge government to take a fresh look at electoral reforms. We shall be part of the process of shaping the way the country is governed which in a way affects how Christians practice their faith."  They went ahead to condemn attempts by anyone in position of authority to suppress the voice of opposition political parties by interfering with their right to canvas for support. They promised to write a Pastoral Letter to the government, in which they will detail recommendations on what should be done before, during and after the polls.

On 3rd June, Museveni officiated at the Uganda Martyr's Day celebration in Namugongi, Kampala. At the Catholic shrine, they were compelled to change their program in order to provide for his speech before mass where he donated 100 million shillings towards the construction of the shrine. He is so much anticipating to gain political capital from the Pope's impending visit late this year. Midway, he left for the nearby Protestant shrine where he arrived in the middle of preaching and he was simply welcomed and the preaching continued. After he was made to listen to the preaching, he was invited to address the congregation. In his address, he blamed the Anglican church leadership in Uganda for failing to popularise the Protestant Martyrs  and urged them to emulate their Catholic counterparts. He hypocritically claimed that he had learned about the existence of the Protestant Martyrs just recently from Bishop Nkoyoyo thus: "its Nkoyoyo who told me that you man we are also here (at Nakiyanja)." Yet, in Uganda's primary schools, both the Catholic and Protestant martyrs is a must teach. He urged the Protestant shrine to move from being local to international thus: "I want you to be international. Where I have been (Catholic shrine), its more exciting and I used three languages because they made theirs international."  Obviously and for selfish interests he was referring specifically to the presence of former President Nyerere's wife - since he has been at the forefront of pushing for Nyerere's sainthood. Moreover, the Anglican church had invited Archbishop Benjamin of Jos State in Nigeria as the main preacher of the day.

On 4th June during the State of the Nation address, he warned some leaders against "concentrating on peripheral issues" and neglecting fundamental issues." He cited Mathew 23:23 and added that such people had left what they were supposed to do and were doing what they are not supposed to do. Of course he was referring to the church leaders' recent stand on democratic path for the country. Mathew 23:23-28 is about Pharisees and Teachers of the Law who are terrible, hypocrites, and blind guides who strain a fly out of their drink but swallow a camel; who clean the outside of their cup and plate while inside is full of what they have acquired by selfishness; it cautions them to clean what is inside the cup first and then the outside will be clean too; it compares them to whitewashed tombs which look fine on the outside but are full of bones and decaying corpses on the inside. Verse 28: "In the same way you appear good to everybody but inside you are full of hypocrisy and sins." Here, the 'swallowed camels' are the monetary and material gifts that he has been dishing out to them.

The show down will be fueled by the Kabaka (Buganda King)'s recent statement in the same direction.


Tuesday, 2 June 2015


In 1966 Captain Mucombero a Tutsi of the Bahima sub-division from Bururi province took over government through a military coup. He abolished the monarchy, declared Burundi a republic and went on to build a Hima higemony that was to run Burundi for the next three decades. During that period all the three successive presidents were Bahima from Bururi province, the military commanded by exclusively Hima from Bururi province took central role in running the affairs of state, all Hutu and to some extent Tutsi of the Banyaruguru sub-class were excluded from the affairs of state more especially the military. Any form of dissent by the Hutu and moderate Tutsi was met with brutal force that left thousands dead and displaced over the three decades. The country has 86% Hutu and 14% Tutsi population.

In 1990 a group of Hutu militants headed by Melchoir Ndadaye - a young bank employee who had returned three earlier from exile in Rwanda, created a Front for Democracy in Burundi (FRDEBU). On 1st June 1993 over 97% of the 2,360,096 registered voters went to the polls for the first democratic presidential elections in Burundi. Ndadaye got 64.79% against the incumbent Tutsi President Buyoya's 32.47%. For the first time in the history of Burundi, a Hutu had come to head the government. Tutsi students matched through the streets chanting: No to the victory of division! No to the victory of the unity charter! In the countryside, the Hutu peasantry took the FRODEBU victory as a personal victory over the "state" which was perceived by them as a Tutsi matter. In the Legislative elections that followed shortly after, FFRODEBU won with 76.40% against UPRONA's 21.86%. Eight of the 65 FRODEBU members were Tutsi while 12 of the 16 UPRONA members were Hutu. No doubt, the voting patterns clearly reflected a Hutu (FRDEBU) Vs Tutsi (UPRONA).

Immediately after elections, President Ndadaye embarked on a reconciliation and unity path. By July the country seemed to return to economic, administrative, and social reality in what seemed like a succcessful political transition. However, Ndadaye's victory had left bitter after taste for the extremist factions. The first to act were the Tutsi extremist in the army. On 23rd July four days after legislative elections, elements of the 2nd Commando Battallion from Muha Barracks tried to power by force. The plan was led by Lt. Col. Slyvester Ningaba who had been an ADC to defeated President Buyoya. The attempted coup was quickly stopped by another Officer Major Isaie Bibizi who managed to talk to the men out of joining the mutinous Officer.  The reaction in the military circles was ambiguous. Many officers criticized Lt.Col Ningaba not for attempting a coup but for doing so with little serious planning. Many of the officer corps seemed to be paying only lip-service to democratic principles in spite of a clear verdict by the polls. The feeling was clearly racist in tone: Those people (meaning Hutu) were described as not being capable of actually governing the country.

Unfortunately the criticism was not entirely devoid of merit even if its basis had nothing to do with 'race'. FRODEBU cadres were largely inexperienced for the  simple reason that firstly, there had always been a marked anti-Hutu bias in the civil service recruitment and secondly, the 1972 massacre had achieved its purpose by decimating the Hutu elite. The result was that many of the newly nominated FRODEBU administrators at the regional level, and many of their men now entering the central government administration were tragically incompetent. This was at the moment when the Hutu peasantry were expecting wonders from them and many in the Tutsi administration were discreetly doing their best to complicate their work in the hope of seeing them fail. Furthermore the FRODEBU were prompted to adopt to a quick changeover from the old personnel to the new by the feeling of having to deal with an enormous backlog of discrimination and the fear of disappointing their electorate (Hutu).

One of the main problems was the question of the refugees, most of whom had been living in Tanzania since 1972 although smaller groups had fled in 1988 and 1991to Rwanda, were watching the situation in the hope of being able to come back. Ndadaye in his swearing in speech had appealed to those refugees to return home. This rang danger bells for the Tutsi minority which had taken over the lands and properties left behind by those refugees. A new cabinet had been announced on 10th July led by Slyvie Kinigi - a liberal female Tutsi UPRONA member. It was ethnically and politically balanced. It immediately drew fire from the Hutu extremists who had hoped for a "radical" Hutu cabinet and found the new government much too moderate for the taste. An extremist Hutu leader - Cossan Kabura threatened an armed attack on the capital if the Hutu did not get more cabinet postsand his guerrilla troops were not allowed to join the national army. President Ndadaye was very anxious to reassure the army and declared that no officer would be dismissed from the force. The Tutsi extremist remained unconvinced; they knew there were plans to 'open up' the army to the Hutu and that the President was discreetly arranging for his own (Hutu) presidential guards to be formed. 

Government was functioning according to the principle of shared power but this really worked only at the highest government levels. The expectations of the Hutu electorates were too great and in order to try to satisfy them, all the lower and regional administration were being solidly 'FRODEBU-sed' with uneven results. Even on national level,clumsy errors were prevalent - the biggest one was the September 25th dismissal of the National Radio and Television Director Louis Marie Nindorera by the Information Minister Jean Marie Ngendahayo appointed barely a few weeks earlier. His only mistake had been to try and practice an open and vigorous investigative form of information, which spared neither the new government nor the opposition. Years of media control had taken their toll on people's minds even among the opponents, and by this action the new government gave an impression not only of not tolerating criticism but of having something to hide. This was the most unfortunate since not only the issue of any democratisation but the question of return of refugees gave public debate a rather heated tone. In late August, the Refugee Commission admitted the principle according to which land illegally acquired during the last 20 years could be open to legal proceedings to ensure restitution to its rightful owners.

Thus the political situation was tense, but not overly so. This kind of debate seemed unavoidable with the advent of such great and radical social changes. Former President Buyoya's moderation coupled by President Ndadaye's obvious goodwill seemed to guarantee a basic framework of political reason in which the experiment had its own chance of developing peacefully. This is why when on the evening of 20th October President Ndadaye was warned by his Defense Minister Lt.Col Charles Nditije of the possibility of a coup during the night, he didn't seem worried. Major Isaie Nibizi the officer who had foiled the 3rd July attempted coup attempt and who had been made the head of the Presidential Security, only took minimal precautions. At midnight, elements of the 11th Armored Battalion came out of their barracks and moved towards the Presidential Palace. When Major Nibizi ordered his troops to take defensive positions in order to take stop the advancing mutineers from penetrating the Presidential Palace, they obeyed reluctantly. Elsewhere in town, elements of the 11th Battalion and Gendarmes all under  the command of a low ranking officer Lt. Jean Paul Kamana were firing in the air.

At 1.30 a.m Lt. Col Ntakije who was not present in the palace, advised the President by telephone to climb into an Armored Personnel Carrier (APC). He complied and the APC remained parked in the palace compound with the President inside. Finally at 6.00 a.m the APC driver was ordered by an unknown officer to drive the APC to Muha barracks 'where the President would be safe'. Only two soldiers were wounded not by shorts but hurt themselves as they crushed their tanks through the palace walls. Army Chief of Staff Col John Bikomagu was present at Muha barracks. He talked briefly with the President as he emerged from the APC and told him everything would be alright. The puchists had by this time arrested the President of the National Assembly Pontien Karibwami and taken him to Muha Barracks. The COS Col John Bikomagu then walked away from the barracks, apparently without leaving any orders. At 10.00 a.m Lt Jean Paul Kamana ordered the President Ndadaye and Karibwami. They were biyonated to death but not mutilated as had earlier been rumored.

Meanwhile the rebellious soldiers rampaged the city killing the Minister of Territorial Administration Juvenal Ndayikeze, Gilles Bimazobute  the Cice President of the National Assembly, and Richard Ndukumwami the head of the Secret Service. They missed the Foreign Affairs Minister Slyvester Ntibatubganya but killed his wife and a female visitor. The rebels had freed Lt Col Slyvester Ningaba the leader of the aborted July 2nd-3rd attempted coup. Public buildings had been occupied by mutineers and telephone lines cut off. Remnants of government took refuge in the French Embassy. A political Crisis Committee a UPRONA Hutu civilian FrancoisNgezewho had been former President Buyoya's Minister of the Interior and assisted by 4 UPRONA members as Advisers ( Charles Mukasi, Jean Baptist Manwangari, Andre Kadege and Libere Bararunyeretse) but its usefulness remained vague. Instead, a military Crisis Committee headed by Chief of Staff Col John Bikomagu assisted by Lt Col Jean Bosco Darandagwe and Lt Col. Pascal Sibanduku operated separately from the Ngeze political committee. The USA, Germany, Belgium, France and the EU suspended economic aid. Political parties and civil society condemned the coup. On 23rd October the COS Col John Bikomagu went on national radio and condemned the coup.

The coup collapsed but the mass killing of Tutsi had started as early as October 21st. Two days later when the army moved in to stop the killing, it immediately started its own indiscriminate killings of Hutu. The army regrouped Tutsi in towns, schools, and other public places and ensured their security. During electoral campaigns, Tutsi extremists kept repeating that a Hutu was not fit to rule Burundi. After the failed coup of 2nd - 3rd July, the Hutu extremists started to prepare  on their side and to arm the population in case something would be done against their President. The country descended into anarchy with both ethnic groups killing each other indiscriminately before over a million Hutu fled the country and started armed rebellion that lasted over a decade. There has neither been any public inquiry on the violence since 1972 and in particular this slaughter of the President has ever been conducted nor anyone held responsible for what happened.

At the time, the Museveni backed Rwandese Tutsi were battling with the Hutu government in Rwanda. The Tutsi-Hima dominated government in Burundi was an ally of the then Rwandese Tutsi rebels from Uganda thus the new Hutu government in Burundi threatened to strengthen the then Hutu government in Rwanda. No wonder, the Tutsi won the war and took over government in Rwanda while the defeated Tutsi former President Buyoya resumed the Presidency in Burundi. For Museveni, immediately after the slaughter of President Ndadaye, he realised the strategic importance of the Mechanized Units of the army by moving some tanks to State House to boost his personal security and since then its not every Tom and Dick to head his Mechanised Unit. The Junior Officer Lt. Jean Paul Kamana and group were reported to have fled to Uganda.