Thursday, 30 July 2015


Uganda's military dictator Museveni came to power in 1986 following a military take over. In his innagural speech he said that: "Africa's problem is leaders who overstay in power" before promising that he would rule for a four year interim period. At the expiry of the four years he extended the interim period for another five years. The new 1995 Constitution clearly stipulated that a President of Uganda was tu rule for only two five year terms. In 1996 he sought a re-election and again in 2001. In 2005 he amended the constitution toscrap off the two term limits before seeking re-election in 2006. In 2011 he was elected for another five years term that is ending in May 2016. Already, he is seeking re-election in the upcoming March 2016 general elections.

For the last 30 years his reign has been characterised by gross abuse of human rights, widespread corruption and worst political repression. He has destroyed all institutions of government and replaced them with a rule by a clique and his family. He has privatised the security forces to serve as his power base for his life presidency scheme. The economy is in the hands of a small clique while education and health is in an appalling state.He has looted and used development funds to close off nearly every peaceful means of loosening his grip on power.

In the early 1990s, Museveni opportunistically jumped from the Marxist orientation and took advantage of USA President Clinton's concern to halt the spread of militant Islam. The Clinton administration entered into military alliance with Museeni before describing him as a new breed of African leaders. Since then Museveni has held the west at ransom by posturing to be at the forefront of the fight against global terrorism. He has had his troops in Somalia since 2007 and has no intention of accomplishing the assignment and leave lest he loses the support of the west. He has used the fight against terrorism to suppress political dissent at home. He has often bragged that his forces have succeeded where the USA failed - in Somalia. He has often warned the west against lecturing him on democracy.

In 2011 he acquired six Shukoi fighter jets from Russia worth $700M that he forcefully got from the Bank of Uganda without parliamentary approval. The following year in December 2012 he visited Russia and met President Putin before being awarded Russia's highest award for being one of the eminent military-political leaders in Africa. This was shortly after he posted a military attache to the Uganda embassy in Moscow. In February 2014 while commissioning the Russian built Shukoi-30 military jet fighter simillator at the Airbase in Entebbe, he said that he would work with Russia because they dont meddle in the internal affairs of other countries; "Russia has worked in Africa since 1917.........I will work with Russia because they dont mix up their politics with other countries' politics."

That warning came at a time the Obama administration has announced that it was to re-consider its relations with Uganda following Museveni's threats to accent to the Anti-gay law. To that effect and during the same occasion Museveni directly hit at Obama thus: "This is my home. You cant find a man with a bald head like mine in his home and tell him what you want. Go back to your home." Later on he was more direct thus: I would like to discourage the USA government from taking the line that passing that law will complicate our valued relationship." He went ahead and opportunistically assented to the law but only to withdraw it shortly after.

In March 2014 the Chinese Ambassador to Uganda Zhao Yali while on a tour of the regime media outlet - the New Vision reaffirmed his government's commitment to support Uganda. He disclosed a US$3.2M aid that it had extended to Museveni's army peace keeping operations. The Ambassador cited the countries who had threatened to cut aid to Uganda because of the Anti-Gay law and said that his country does not interfere with the internal affairs of other countries thus: "it is a policy of the Chinese government to give lectures in Africa." In October 2014 China provided US $10M loan for infrastructure development and since then a number of other financing has continued to flow from China. Recently the regime announced plans to have Chinese language taught in schools as a compulsory subject.

As President kagame once told the Tanzanians; "I wait for the right time and strike you", President Obama's right time was this week in Adis-Ababa, Ethiopia and he did strike Museveni to the marrows. His message to Africa's military dictators was simple and precise: "Africa's democratic progress is also at risk when leaders refuse to step aside when their terms end. No one should be President for life. I dont understand why people want to stay for so long especially when they have got a lot of money. Sometimes you will hear leaders say "I am the only one who can hold this nation together" if that is true, then that leader has failed to truly build the nation. When journalists are put behind bars for doing their job or activists are threatened by gas governments crack down on civil society then you may have democracy in name but not in substance."  

The Obama direct strike came at a time when Museveni had just reaffirmed his resolve to hold on to power at all cost. He had told Ugandans that he has his army and the national treasury that will help him not to hand over power to wolves. He had told Muslim at Masaka Central Mosque during Eid-El-Fitr that those who want him to go are after grabbing his oil. Uganda has oil reserves that may start flowing in 2018 but whose extraction contracts have been kept secret. Museveni had just also told Ugandans that: "Your President is one of the least paid on the continent. Although I earn little from your government, I am a rich man from agriculture."

The west has been partly responsible for Museveni's arrogance but now that it has made its position very clear, its upon Ugandans to make good use of the new found ally in their democratic struggle to regain their country. Unfortunately, the national leaders in the opposition are bent on legitimizing Museveni's hold on power through preparing to take part in a sham electoral process in which Museveni is the organiser and the the competator.  Why bother with electoral reforms when the fundamental issue is RESTORATION OF TERM LIMITS NOW?? Uganda's problem is Museveni and Musevenism and once that resolved the country will be back on track. What any other gift do Ugandans need from the Obama presidency!!!!!


Tuesday, 28 July 2015


The events of 1959 - 1964 in Rwanda led to a mass exodus of Tutsi from Rwanda to neighbouring countries. Uganda received about 100,000  Rwandese which was half of the total number of Tutsi who fled Rwanda at the time. Among those who were hosted in Uganda was the deposed Tutsi King Kigeri. Between 1962 and 1966 seven refugee camps were set up in western Uganda. Between 1961 and 1966 exiled Rwandese Tutsi made several futile attempts to invade Rwanda from Burundi, Congo and Uganda and regain power. In Uganda, many Rwandese Tutsi refugees left camps on their own and integrated into local communities. This integration process was made easier by the following factors:-
-   the existence of about 450,000 Ugandan Banyarwanda who were descendants of Rwandan communities who found themselves in Uganda as a result of the colonial partitioning of 1918. A pre 1959 census had showed that Banyarwanda were the sixth biggest ethnic group after Baganda, Iteso, Banyankore, Basoga and Bakiga.
-   the existence of about 650,000 economic immigrants from Rwanda who had come to Uganda as casual labourers.
-   their attractive physical appearance enables intermarriage with locals.

Different regimes in Uganda have used the Banyarwanda to advance their political interests. In the 1960s the UPC government with its Protestant bias in Ankole got suspicious that the predominantly catholic Banyarwanda would side with its rival DP. In this regard UPC organised a census for all indigenous Banyarwanda but before carrying it out the government was overthrown in 1971. The Iddi Amin regime made Banyarwanda a natural ally against the the ousted UPC and Obote in particular. Banyarwanda took up key strategic positions in civil and secret services.

In Tanzania among the exile groups that were opposing the Iddi Amin regime was Yoweri Museveni who formed the FRONASA. Under FRONASA, Museveni managed to assemble a small number of fighters alongside the main fighting group of Kikosi Maluum that was commanded by Col Tito Okello, David Oyite Ojok, Zedi Maruru and a few others. Among Museveni's FRONASA were some few Rwandese Tutsi refugees notably Fred Rwigyema. After crossing the border into Uganda, Museveni and his FRONASA embarked on a vigorous recruitment drive from Rwandese Tutsi camps. Notable among those recruited was Paul Kagame the current President of Rwanda.

When the post Iddi Amin government took steps to build a new national army is was agreed that non Ugandans should be excluded. The few who could be easily identified like Fred Rwigyema were excluded. Paul Kagame who at the time was attending an intelligence course in Tanzania was spared. Museveni who was the Minister of Defence and the leader of a faction (FRONASA) of the new army retained those who had been excluded as his private army. This was because he was planning to wage a sectarian war so that he gains the Presidency in Uganda and also help the Rwandese Tutsi to reclaim Rwanda.

When he took to the bush in 1981, he took with him a bulk of those Banyarwanda that he had retained in his private army. He chose to establish bases in the predominant Banyarwanda infested areas of Ngoma and Wakyato in Luwero district. Thereafter, many Banyarwanda flocked the bush to join Museveni's NRA. Obviously the UPC government got concerned because the development was in breach of the international convention on refugees. Some radical members of UPC attempted to move a motion in parliament seeking to expel the Rwandese refugees from Uganda but President Obote failed it. Instead radical UPC functionaries in Ankole took it upon themselves to harass, intimidate and expel Banyarwanda. It was not an official UPC policy and that is why the Banyarwanda outside Ankole were not affected.

By the time Museveni's NRA took over power in 1986, of the 20,000 of his fighters about 5,000 were Banyarwanda. Fred Rwigyema who had been the Acting Army Commander became the Deputy Army Commander and later Minister of State for Defence. Paul Kagame presided over the powerful Military Intelligence. Baingana was the Director of Medical Services in the NRA. Banyarwanda dominated most of the strategic positions in the army thus causing discontent among Ugandans. However, in order to protect the Banyarwanda, Museveni had during the bush war enacted a law in the draconian NRA code of conduct pertaining to 'sectarian grumbling'. When he took over power in 1986, the first law to be enacted by his government was the Anti-sectarian law whose purpose many Ugandans did not understand. The presence of and domination of Banyarwanda in the NRA was perceived by the other regions as an occupational force thus one of the reasons for the rebellion in northern and eastern Uganda.

In 1994 the Banyarwanda in Museveni's NRA invaded Rwanda. Rwandese Tutsi from the diaspora, Tanzania, Congo, and Burundi rallied behind the RPF to reclaim the Rwanda they hand lost in 1959. With Museveni's political and logistical back up the war took four years before culminating into the 1994 Rwanda Genocide and eventual capture of power by the the Tutsi led RPF. The Hutu government was toppled and sent into exile. Because Uganda was perceived as the God father of Tutsi RPF only 11,000 Rwandese Hutu fleeing the RPF advance entered Uganda in 1993 and were housed in Kisoro and Ntungamo before being relocated to Oruchinga refugee camp in Isingiro. In July 1994 Rwandese Tutsi ended the three decades of exile and regained their country. Their journey had started from Luwero in Uganda which was the cradle of the Bush War (the Museveni led five years guerrilla war against the UPC government). Those who wished to return to Rwanda did no and those who wished to take up dual citizenship (law enacted under Museveni) also did so and continue to exercise their rights in ether country.

For Ugandans, the Bush War was a Museveni disaster that led to deaths, destruction of property, reintroduction of military dictatorship, nepotism, gross human rights abuse, corruption, plunder of national resources and a life presidency. For the Rwandese Tutsi, Museveni was God-sent.

It is for this matter therefore that it would be suicidal  for any serious plan to dislodge Museveni from power to ignore the stake of the Tutsi regime in Rwanda. 


Sunday, 26 July 2015


Uganda's traditional political parties were the DP and UPC. When Museveni opted to fight a guerrilla war against the UPC government in 1981, he rode on the DP ticket which had allegedly been rigged out of victory. He orchestrated a situation of insecurity which he turned around to exploit in order to achieve his childhood ambition of becoming the President of Uganda. In doing so he duped his sympathisers into believing that he was leading a revolution. When he took over power in 1986, he placed the traditional political parties under incarceration for the next ten years. During that period every Ugandan was required by law to belong to his NRM. When the country returned to a semblance of multi-party democracy in the late 1990s, the once powerful traditional political parties were suffering from Post Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) a situation that has become chronic. The current squabbles within those parties is a reflection of the chronic PTSD which favours of Museveni's designs - divide and rule. Nobert Mao and Jimmy Akena are Museveni's best choices for DP and UPC respectively. It is for the same reason that Police allowed the Lukwago faction to hold a parallel meeting in Luwero.He so successfully concealed his hidden agenda such that it has taken decades for his former comrades and majority Ugandans to come to the reality that they had been duped. Upon realising that they had been duped, his comrades who attempted to challenge him early enough (both in the bush and in government) have been sent 'six feet" as he likes saying.

Majority of his top cadres know that he is such a ruthless dictator who is so obsessed with power such that he can do anything to retain it the same way he treacherously acquired it. They know how dangerous it is to challenge his dictatorship. It is out of this grave fear that many are still stuck there with him while a few have come out to openly challenge his hold on power. Since those leading the crusade have fallen out at different stages, it is obvious that their reasons also differ thus:

1.  Col (Rtd) Dr. Kiiza Besigye -  was Museveni's personal physician during the bush war. He is extremely intelligent, resolute and focused. Museveni had identified the intelligence in Dr. Besigye during the bush days such that he not only used him as his personal Doctor but also on other sensitive political assignments. Upon taking over power in 1986 Museveni assigned Dr. Besigye to the Internal Affairs ministry in a wider scheme to keep his independent minded comrades off the military. Later, he was to assign him as the National Political commissar and then Commander of the Mechanised Regiment where he was suspected of plotting against Museveni.  In the late 1990s Dr. Besigye took a bold step to courageously question the direction of the so called revolution before he narrowly escaped being incarcerated by the court martial and he retired from the army and declared his intention to run for the presidency. For three times Dr Besigye has been rigged out of victory in presidential elections. He has endured the worst forms of brutal repression except death. He is currently traversing the country mobilising Ugandans to reclaim their country. Surprisingly Museveni has restrained his security machinery from blocking Dr. Besigye's tours simply because his running mate Gen Mugisha Muntu is also traversing the countryside but more so because Museveni wants to create a false impression of political sanity for the forthcoming Papal visit. Otherwise, there is no doubt Besigye has the majority support of Ugandans that can afford him victory if the elections were to be free and fair. Over time, Ugandans have come to appreciate his message of national salivation.Therefore, Dr. Besigye is not in the race to gain power but to rescue the country from the fangs of a military dictatorship.

2.  Gen Mugisha Muntu - being a son of a prominent former staunch UPC founding member, he defiantly fought in the five years bush war. Having served in the intelligence services gives him advantage over Dr. Besigye in defying the dictator or else he gets sent 'six feet deep'. In 1989 Museveni elevated him to the position of Army Chief for the next nine years just because of his unique intelligence, resolute and not being power hungry. Museveni exploited those qualities in Gen Muntu to suppress dissent in the army thus the practice of sidelining (Katebe) can be traced from that time. When Gen Muntu realised that Museveni was simply using him to achieve his personal agendas, he defiantly quit the army and even rejected Museveni's offer of the Defense Ministry. Because he has never been power hungry Gen Muntu joined the FDC under Dr. Besigye where he has expressed extra ordinary skills in political organisation. Museveni has not been tough on Gen Muntu because the later is unlike Dr. Besigye is towing a non confrontational line. By choosing not to be confrontational, it is not that Gen Muntu believes that Museveni can democratically relnguish power but it is because he is aware of how dangerous it is to directly confront Museveni. Gen Muntu opted for a gradual building of the FDC capacity but is also aware that the masses are ready to reclaim their country. His line of thinking is influenced by his character as a gentleman and the intelligence background. Unfortunately the regime sees in Gen Muntu a counter balance to Dr. Besigye's confrontational approach. Therefore, it will obviously do everything to ensure that Gen Muntu defeats Dr. Besigye in the FDC party primaries. The scheme will not involve  Gen Muntu directly because they know he cant accept to be used once again but they will use some of the people in his camp. Otherwise, Gen Muntu is another good leader whose sole interest is to redeem the country but his approach is inapplicable to the situation on the ground.

3,  Amama Mbabazi -  is one of the few active surviving comrades of Museveni from the days of the struggle against Iddi Amin in the 1970s. During the bush war he served on the NRA's External Wing and upon taking over power in 1986 he served as the Director of External Security. Later on he served in different sensitive ministerial positions related to security and justice. Museveni appointed him Prime Minister and was elected as the party's Secretary General. Mababazi's long time closeness to Museveni was born out of the fact that the former all along believed that Museveni would give way for him to lead the party and the country. It is only after Museveni's schemes to groom his son as his successor that Mbabazi lost hope and embarked on building his own power base within the party. Mbabazi used hid intelligence background to conceal his scheme such that by the time Museveni realised, the scheme had taken root in all party and government structures. Museveni's sole candidacy scheme was meant to intimidate Mbabazi into abandoning his plan. Instead Mbabazi has proved to be a master of deception thus when he declared his intention to seek for the party leadership, Museveni was taken by surprise. This explains the panicky manouvres by the regime to block Mbabazi's candidacy including placing the party constitution above the national constitution. It is not that Museveni fears that Mbabazi cant be rigged out of the contest but his concern lies in exposing his false impression about his popularity in the party and the country. Efforts to harass and intimidate Mbabazi so that he leaves the party and run as an independent candidate is hitting  a hard rock. The only weapon at the regime's disposal to is the propaganda that Mbabazi has been at the helm of the regime and that is the architect of the draconian laws. However, they forget that Ugandans very well know that for the last 29 years it is Museveni who has led Uganda and therefore the sole beneficiary of the abuse of those so called draconian laws. Otherwise those laws if well applied benefit all Ugandans but they are being abused to benefit Museveni's designs. On his part Mbabazi has been diplomatic in opposing Museveni which Dr.Besigye once described as "Mbabazi is shy". Mbabazi's calculated approach is precipitated by the fact that he like Gen Muntu knows how much Museveni is obsessed with retaining power but more so by the fact that Museveni is very dangerous in dealing with serious political opponents. Museveni knows how much influence Mbabazi has security services (army and intelligence). Therefore his strengthening and shifting reliance on the newly created regime Police that is fused with the elite and personal SFG and the mushrooming intelligence outfits is his only lifeline. Had it not been for the impending Papal visit Museveni would have already ruthlessly dealt with Mbabazi once and for all. The ongoing so called talks between the regime and Mbabazi are simply meant to buy time as battle lines are being drawn. Otherwise Mbabazi is capable of defeating Museveni both in the party primaries and the national Presidential elections in a free and fair exercise.

4. Gen David Ssejusa - the battle hardened military Gen and distinguished military strategist has since the bush days eyed Museveni's seat. Gen Ssejusa is lucky to have escaped Museveni's scheme to eliminate the influence of Bahiima army officers more especially those from traditionally elite Hima families and the Ankole monarchy in preference for the Bahororo and the Genetically Modified Hima. While still in the bush Gen Ssejusa was reprimanded for defying Museveni's orders after describing them as dictatorial. At the time challenging Museveni was considered as high treason. Shortly before Museveni was sworn in as President in 1986, Ssejusa stood against Museveni in a sham NRC election that elected Museveni to the NRM Chairmanship thus the national Presidency. Like Mbabazi, Gen Ssejusa also all along believed that Museveni would relinquish power to his commrades. The only difference is that Gen Ssejusa realised much earlier than most of his comrades that Museveni had no intention of relinquishing power. During the late 1990s he was suspected of mobilising army officers and political opposition to topple Museveni. His attempt to retire from the army was blocked for fear that he would contest for the Presidency. He was since then sidelined from active military service. Because Gen Ssejusa always believed that Museveni was a military dictator who could only be dislodged from power by military means, he pretended to reconcile with Museveni in the hope that Museveni would bring him closer to the military. Instead Museveni simply kept him on the peripherals of the mainstream military. As usual Museveni used him to suppress political dissent. When Gen Ssejusa realised that Museveni was breeding his son to take over from him and that his position as Coordinator of Intelligence Services only existed on paper, he lost patience and plotted to militarily overthrow him before fleeing to London. In December 2014 Gen Ssejusa returned to Uganda after realising that he risked becoming politically irrelevant if he remained in exile. Since returning from exile the Gen has embarked on sensitizing Ugandans over Museveni's dictatorship. He has been reaching out to major opposition groups and the civil society save for Gen Muntu who has personal differences dating to the time both were in active military service. His message has been simple and clear: "Museveni is a dictator presiding over a military dictatorship who can only be forced out of power." His request to retire from active military service has been turned down for fea  . Shortly before Museveni was sworn in as President in 1986, Ssejusa stood against Museveni in a sham NRC election that elected Museveni to the NRM Chairmanship thus the national Presidency. Like Mbabazi, Gen Ssejusa also all along believed that Museveni would relinquish power to his comrades. The only difference is that Gen Ssejusa realised much earlier than most of hisother comrades that Museveni had no intention of relinquishing power. During the late 1990s he was suspected of mobilising army officers and political opposition to topple Museveni. His attempt to retire from the army was blocked for fe fear that he will contest for the Presidency. The regime has not been tough on Gen Ssejusa simply because it hopes that since he is interested in taking power, he may return to it if he does not fit into the the current opposition political groupings. But more so the fear that getting tough on Gen Ssejusa may prompt an explosion within the military more especially the predominant Hima top command. Depending on the political terrain in the coming days and since his aides are facing charges of treason, its a question of time before the Gen will be arrested and incarcerated.

5.  Prof Gilbert Bukenya - is one of the top members of NRM who are categorised at Twaliires (late comers) for his late entry into the NRM. He is not a former comrade of Museveni because he appointed him Vice President just to win the Ganda, Catholic and DP vote. As usual when his usefulness has been exhausted he was dumped after being accused of plotting with ethnic Ganda army officers against Museveni. His son died in a 'motor accident' before completing a military Cadet Course; who by now he would be deputising Museveni's son Brig Muhoozi in the SFG. The Prof had believed that he would succeed Museveni not until he realised that his son was systematically eliminated. Prof Bukenya may not be very influential in both the ruling party and opposition circles but he is a gifted political mobiliser.

It is because of the feeling of betrayal that opposition to Museveni is spearheaded by Museveni's former comrades. Those leaders represent the voiceless, intimidated, oppressed and traumatised millions of Ugandans. Museveni is so much aware that majority of Ugandans are yearning for change which he is not willing to allow and his only option is to use force to retain power. However, his schemes to deliver a decisive blow on his opponents is being bogged down by the impending Papal visit to Uganda that is slated for end of November 2015. Museveni intends to gain alot of political capital from that visit thus why he is now pretending to be tolerant to political dissent. However, immediately after the Pope's visit when the world will turn its eyes off Uganda, he will deliver a blow to all that 'nonsense' and then he will be back in power.    


Tuesday, 21 July 2015


When Ugandans were increasingly questioning the domination the army's top and strategic command positions by officers from Nyabushozi and Kazo in Mbarara, Kabula in Rakai, Rubare in Ntungamo and Kebisoni in Rukungiri, the military regime gave the excuse of those areas having had historical links with the guerrilla war that gave birth to the current army. Undisputed war memoirs point to Buganda region as having been more physically linked with that war than any other region yet they are not seen to dominate the army's strategic top command positions. However, in order to hoodwink Ugandans, after creating a 10,000+  elite SFG that encompasses all the vital units like mechanized, artillery and air defense, marines etc under the command of Museveni's son, the remaining 'toothless' force was opened to the likes of Katumba Wamala, Charles Angina, Wilson Mbadi and others. Even though, having served under the SFG and its predecessors the PPU and PGB remains the basic qualification for taking up any serious command position. This is what Museveni termed as professionalizing the army and was designed to guarantee personal loyalty to Museveni thus blocking all avenues of a military coup.

Having successfully privatised the army, Museveni moved to tame the former Uganda Police. As of now the former Uganda Police is fused with the SFG and is the chief custodian of the regime's survival. Together with the SFG, the former Uganda Police under the command of the two military Generals i.e General Aronda and Kaihura, is now the law enforcement branch of the ruling NRMuseveni. Like was the case with the army, here below find just a sample of the methodology applied in privatising the former Uganda Police:-

1. Kalekyezi Kayihura                                                             -   Museveni's Police Chief
2. Erasmus Twarukuhwa                                                         -   Director of Human rights
3. Asuman Mugenyi                                                                 -  Chief Political Commissar
4. Godfrey Bangirana                                                               -   Director Logistics and Engineering
5. Dr. Byaruhanga                                                                     -   Director of health services
6. Joseph Mugisha                                                                     -   Director fire prevention
7. Stephen Kasiima                                                                     -   Director Traffic and road safety
8. Asan Kasingye                                                                        -   Director INTERPOL
9. Elly Womanya                                                                          -   Deputy Director INTERPOL
10. Twinomujuni                                                                           -  Director of Parliamentary Police
11. Laban Muhebwa                                                                     -  Chairman Exodus SACCO
12. Mutabingwa Moses                                                                 -  In-charge Corruption Alert Squad
13. Jimmy Katonyerera                                                                  -  Head Proffessional Standard Unit
14. Amosi Ngabirano                                                                     -  Director ICT
15. Charles Kataratambi                                                                 -  Commandant Special Investigations
16. Charles Asaba and now Joel Aguma                                          - D/CIID Intelligence
17. Charles Birungi                                                                          - Director Welfare
18. Abasi Byakagaba                                                                       - Director Oil and Gas Protection
19. Grace Turyagumanawe                                                               - Commissioner Peace Support Opns
20. Mbarusha Tumwine                                                                    - Director of Studies Masindi Trg Sch
21. Herman Owomugisha  and now Herbert Muhangi                       - Head Flying Squad
22. John Ndugutse                                                                           - Head Anti-terrorism
23. Julius Mbaranye                                                                         - Head Land Protection Unit
24. Nixon Agasibwe                                                                         - Violent Crime Intelligence Unit
25. Kituma Rusoke                                                                           - Head Law Enforcement KCCA
26. Eliasi Kasirabo                                                                            - VIPPU Commandant
27. Antony Ntungwa                                                                         -  VIPPU Deputy/Commandant
28. Apollo Kyangungu                                                                     -  RPC Wakiso
29. Hilary Kulaije                                                                              -  RPC Rwizi
30. Apollo Kateba                                                                            -  RPC Jinja
31. James Ruhweza                                                                           -  RPC Sipi
32. Bob Kagarura, then George Abaho and now J. Barozi                 -  DPC Kasese
33. Rutagira John                                                                              -  DPC Bushenyi
34. Julius Ahimbisibwe                                                                      -  DPC Mbigi
35. Mugisha Charles                                                                         -   DPC Jinja Road
36. Tukundane Abraham                                                                   -   DPC Mukono
37. Ceaser Tusingwire                                                                       -   DPC Adjuman
38.  Mucunguzi Jackson                                                                    -    DPC Wandegeya
39.  Godfrey Kahebwa                                                                      -   DPC Kabarole
40. Ezra Tugume                                                                                -   DPC Lira
41. Husein Nuwagaba                                                                        -   DPC Ntungamo
42. Didas Byaruhanga                                                                        -    DPC Gomba
43. Jaffer Magyenzi                                                                             -   DPC Mbarara
44. Vincent Mwesigye                                                                         -   DPC Iganga
45. Benard Akankwasa                                                                       -   DPC Hoima
46. Mworozi Byaruhanga                                                                     -   DPC Kiruhura
47. Jonathan Musinguzi                                                                         -  DPC Jinja
48.  Charles Mugisha                                                                            -  DPC Jinja Road
49.  Agrey Twesigye                                                                             -  DPC Bukomanzimbi
50.  Karen Namara                                                                               -  DPC Kawolo
51.  Julius Ceaser                                                                                  -  DPC Wandegeya
52.  Kyaligonza Edward                                                                        -  DPC Nakasongola
53.  Tumwesigye Francis                                                                       -  DPC Rakai
54.  Godfrey Ninsima                                                                            -  DPC Luwero
55.  Kamugisha Denis                                                                            -  DPC Nakaseke
56.  Wesley Nganizi                                                                               -  RPC Kampala North
57.  Tusiime Allan                                                                                   - CIID Mubende
58. Norman Musinga                                                                              -  Traffic Kampala
59.  Nasular Kamugisha                                                                          -  CIID Kabalagala
60.  Emmy Mugisha                                                                                 -  Traffic Entebbe Road
61. Joseph Nsabimana                                                                             -  O.C Station Nateete
62. Dorcus Bainomugisha                                                                         -    "       "        Kawempe
63. Benon Ayebare                                                                                   -  CIID Katwe
64. Nimanya Godson                                                                                -  CIID Pader
65. Mugumya Henry                                                                                  -  CIID Mukono
66. Karinkizi Gumisiriza                                                                              -  Regional CIID Rwizi
67. Mwesigwa Onesmus                                                                                -  CIID Mbale
68. Erias Bairuka                                                                                         -  CIID Luwero
69. Mbabazi Zakaria                                                                                   -   CIID Hoima
70. Akankwasa Alfred                                                                                 -  CIID Malaba
71. Mubangizi Innocent                                                                                -   CIIDKyankwanzi
72. Uwera Ester                                                                                           -  CIID Wandegeya
73. Betubiza Fabio                                                                                        -  Traffic Masaka
74. Ahimbisibwe Fred                                                                                   -  Field Opns Kasangati
75. Mugisha                                                                                                   -  O.C Katanga
76.  Baguma Julliet                                                                                          -  CIID Njeru
77.  Magezi Raphael                                                                                        - O.C Station Mbarara
78.  Natukunda Rose                                                                                       - CIID Mpigi
78.  Jack Mucunguzi                                                                                        -  O.C Makerere
79.  Kuzaara Robert                                                                                        -  O.C Kiira Division
80.  Jackson Atwiine                                                                                        -  Regional CIID Rwizi
81.  Byabagye Moses                                                                                       -  Regional CIID Wamala
82.  Birungi Milton                                                                                            -  Greater Bushenyi CIID
83.  Kamabare Moses                                                                                      -  Head Anti-Narcotics
84.  Mugume Martin                                                                                         -  Head DogUnit
85.  Kugonza Franklin                                                                                       -  I/C IOV
86.  Ndaboine Richard                                                                                      -  Head Cyber Crime Unit
87.  Kamugisha Dickens                                                                                    -  MD Police SACCOS
89.  Nyesigire David Katunda                                                                            -  Coomandant Nalufenya
90.  Binoga Moses                                                                                     -  Head Anti-Human trafficking
91.  Musinguzi Jonathan                                                                              -  DPC Arua
92.  Namanya Benjamin                                                                              -  Comdr Kla MP
93. Moses Muliima                                               - DPC Isingiro district
94.  Wahimbise                                                    - RPC KMPA
95.  Kyomukama                                                 - I/C Public Order Management in Kla city.
96.  Godfrey Ninsiima                                          - DPC Entebbe
97.  Ambrose Ayebazibwe                                   - DPC Mayuge
98.  Birungi Charles                                             - D/Director Production
99.  Nuwagira John                                             - D/director Operations
100.  Thomas Kasiimo                                         - MUK Security Officer
101.  Hashim Kasinga                                          - O.C Mulago
103. John Tumwebaze                                         - 0.C Nakaloke PS
104.  Byaruhanga. Didas                                      -  DPC Gomba
105.  Brian Ampaire                                            -  DPC Wandegeya
106.  Charles Babweteera                                   - I/C Fraud in local govt.
107.  Prise Kamugisha                                         - National Coordinator Crime Preventers
108.  Tusingwire Julius                                         - RPC Savanna Region
109.  Betongueza Fulgensio                                  - RPC  Katonga
110.   Twishime Gerald                                         - RPC Sip I   now DPC Kiira Road
111.  Abiine Enock                                                - RPC Wamala
112.  Nyabongo Edgar                                          - RPC Kira
113.  Mubangizi Ben                                             - RPC Kigezi
114.  Col. Ndahura Atwooki                                 - Head of Crime Intelligence.
 115.  Kyaligonza Edward                                     -    Deputy RPC Savana
116.  Katungwensi Anatolia                                   -  DPC  Sembabule
117.  Asiimee Justus                                              -  DPC Nakaseke
118.   Nsaba Charles                                             -  DPC Nakasongola
118.   Nahabwe Victor                                           -  DPC Kyankwanzi
120.  Busheija Hannington                                      -  DPC Kiboga
121.   Asiimwe Samuel                                           -    DPC Kamuli
 122.  Mafundo Emanuel                                        -    DPC  Mityana
123.   Muheirwe Kenneth                                       -   DPC  Buyende
124.   Mwesigye Vincent                                        -   DPC Iganga, later Mwesigye Vincent
125.   Tayebwa Appolo                                          -   O.C Station Mayuge
126.   Beinomugisha Tom                                        -    DPC Kira North Division
127.   Edgar Akanwasa                                          -   DPC Kisoro
128.   Ben Nuwagaba                                            -   DPC  Buhweju
129.   Grace Nyangoma                                         -   O.C  Old Kampala
130.   John Musinguzi                                             -   DPC Arua
131.   Baker Kawonawo                                        -   DPC Ntungamo
132.   Charles Muhereza                                         -   DPC Shema
133.   J.B Bakashaba                                              -    DPC  Masindi
134.   Tumwesigye                                                  -    O.C  Kiira Road
135.   Caleb Mweisigye                                          -    Aviation Police Commander
136.   Living Twizangye                                           -    O.C Intelligence, CPS
137.   Byaruhanga                                                   -    DPC Ibanda
138.   Inocent Musinguzi                                          -    O.C Kazo Police Station
139.   Benard Akankwasa                                       -    DPC Hoima
140.  Alfred Bagambaki                                           -    Community Liaison Officer, Tororo
141.   Nkurunziza Paul                                             -    Operations Commander, Mukono
142.   Patrick Musiime                                              -    DPC Entebbe
143.   Musa Tibakirana                                             -   DPC Kabarole
144.   Martial Tumusiime                                           -   Spokesperson, Greater Bushenyi
145.   Lydia Tumushabe                                             -    Spokesperson, Rwizi East region
146.   Martin Tukahebwa                                           -   DPC Bundibugyp
147.   David Mweisigwa                                            -   I/C Crime Data Management, Police Headquarters
148.   Martin Mbabazi                                                -   DPC Kyenjojo
149.   Namanya Moses                                               -   DPC Lamwo
150.   Ayebale Benon                                                  -   O.C CIID Kampala South
151.   Major. Musherure                                             -   Personal Assistant to the IGP
152.   Clarke Kamuhanda                                           -  O.C CIID Kalungu
153.   Andrew Kagwa                                                -    DPC Kampala North
154.   Godfrey Musingye                                            -   O.C Traffic Jinja Road
155.   Alfred Ahimbiswibwe                                       -   DPC Mukono
156.   Tumuhimmbise                                                  -   Commissioner Crime
157.   Henry Mbabazi                                                 -   Deputy Commissioner, Crime
158.   Jotham Baroza                                                  -   Personal Assistant to the IGP
159.   Kanzira G.W                                                    -   O.C CIID  Bukomannsimbi
160.   William Katotyo                                                -   Deputy Director CIID I/C of Economic Crime
161.   Atuheirwe Allan                                                -   Inspector of Motor vehicles
162.    Ronald Muhweezi                                            -   DPC Lwengo
163.   Frank Mwesigwa                                              -   KMP Police Commander
164.   Keneth Tumugabirwe                                         -  RPC  Southern Region
165.   Jimmy Abaho                                                     -  O.C Traffic Luwero
166.   Agrey Twesigye                                                 -  DPC  Bukomansimbi
167.    Mugizi Felix                                                      -  DPC Kiira Central Division, later DPC Jinja
168.   Kahebwa Godfrey                                             -  Deputy RPC Kampala South
169.    Katurame Robert                                              -  DPC Tororo
170.   Moses Muzima                                                  -  DPC Isingiro
171.   Kayinamura Godfrey                                          -  DPC Jinja
172.   D. Byamugisha                                                   -  O.C Traffic Kirinya
173.   Henry Mugarura                                                 -  DPC Rwengo
178.  Latif Zaake                                                          -  DPC Kalungu
179.  Aron Baguma                                                      -  RPC Kampala Central region
The above list is just a drop in the ocean.  In a few instances where some names are repeated, its as a result of frequent transfers that IGP Kalekyezi carries out in his efforts to recycle his officers whenever they misconduct themselves in a particular area. The regime focuses much on specific geographical areas for deployment of Regional and District Police Commanders i.e opposition strong hold, land grabbing and political-ethnic considerations. Kampala is a special area of operation where only tested regime cadres are deployed. Much focus is on the CIID for Intelligence gathering and that is why it is being separated from the current D/CIID Grace Akullo. She didnt know that she was all along riding on the Tiger's back. Besides the established structures there are some special police personnel who by design operate outside those structures and are only answerable to the top bosses. Therefore, the ten years Gen Kayihura has been at the helm of the Police force is is long enough for the Police to qualify as a historical associate of the regime thus domination by one region. It is not by mistake that the Ministry of Defence Spokesman is Paddy Ankunda while that of Ministry of Internal Affairs is Pamella Ankunda!!!!!!!!!!!!!!


Friday, 17 July 2015


When Museveni took over power in Uganda in 1986, his army was composed of quite a good number of Rwandese Tutsi refugees. At the time Burundi was being ruled by the minorityTutsi government and army. Oppressed Burundian Hutu with backing of the then Hutu government of Rwanda were struggling against the minority Tutsi Burundi government. In 1990 the Rwandese Tutsi refugees in Museveni's army under the RPF invaded the Hutu dominated government of Rwanda. The RPF found an ally in the Tutsi government of Burundi under Major Pier Buyoya who had three years earlier deposed a fellow Tutsi Jean Baptiste Bagaza. Museveni offered sanctuary to the deposed Bagaza in Kampala. Museveni did all he could to ensure that RPF overthrows the Hutu government in Rwanda. However in 1993, the RPF was about to suffer a setback when a Hutu won Burundi's first democratic elections. Two months later, the Hutu President Ndadaye was slaughtered by the Tutsi dominated army and the assassins (Lt Kamaana and another) are reported to have fled to Uganda where they secured protection. In 1994 the RPF overthrew the Hutu government of Rwanda culminating into the genocide both in Rwanda and Eastern Congo.

During Congo's first war in the late 1990s, the Tutsi dominated armies of both Rwanda and Burundi together with their Ugandan counterparts participated in joint operations to overthrow Congo's Mobutu. However, this new found alliance was interrupted by the increased political agitation by Hutu militants against the Tutsi dominated government of Burundi. It is widely believed among Burundians that Museveni sent some units of his army to the aid of the then Tutsi dominated army. However, what is in not in dispute is that some individual Uganda army machineries were captured while fighting on the side of the Hutu rebels. When Museveni was the appointed as the Chairman of the Great Lakes Initiative on Peace in Burundi, he openly demonstrated that he was biased. After the elapse of the Transitional Period in October 2004, the Tutsi dominated government and army under UPRONA was not comfortable with some of the provisions of the peace agreements pertaining to the 2005 general elections. Museveni attempted to give instructions in favor of UPRONA but the Chairman of the Burundi's electoral Prof Paul Ngarambe ourightly stood his ground and rejected them. Museveni even wanted to send his own Electoral Commission from Uganda to Burundi but this too was rejected. In another fruitless attempt Museveni instructed the Chairman of Burundi's electoral body not to declare the results of the elections before he had sent them to Museveni for scrutiny but Prof Ngarambe out-rightly rejected this too.

In May 2008 Museveni using the same position issued a ten days ultimatum for the last rebel group leader Agathon Rwasa and his group to leave Tanzania and return to Burundi. This was following a series of rounds of negotiations mediated by Museveni. Hutu in Burundi gained political and military control of the state through both fighting and negotiations. The current crisis in Burundi centers around the incumbent President Nkurunziza seeking another term in office after serving his two five year terms. Some sources reveal that there is an invisible external hand in the name of Rwanda bent on destabilizing Burundi. Bloody clashes between protesters and the security forces culminated into an attempted military coup. The EAC heads of State appointed Museveni to mediate a political solution to the current stand off.  Museveni is serving his 29th year in power after amending the constitution in 2005 to scrap two term limits and is now seeking another five year term (2016 - 2021). He has brutally suppressed all forms of political dissent in Uganda for his life presidency project.

On his way to Burundi for mediation, he made a stop over in Rwanda for consultations first. In Burundi he told the worrying parties not to focus on power and term limits but wealth creation. He commended the government for disarming the ruling party youth paramilitary group thus: "Guns should be a monopoly of the state which is accountable to the people." In Uganda he has ordered the training and arming of civilians and his ruling party is busy passing out thousands of party militias in the name of Crime Preventers ahead of the 2016 elections. He challenged the Burundi opposition thus: "you are blaming the ruling party but  you have your own problems; why don't you field one candidate?" He further challenged the opposition to produce evidence to the effect that elections are not well organised. He openly opposed the idea of a transitional government arguing that " sends a bad signal about stability of the country." His Minister of Defense is continuing to chair the mediation efforts while violence in the capital and armed clashes with a rebel group at the border with Rwanda rages on.

Museveni lacks the moral ground and his choice is an a contempt of the intelligence of Burundians. However, for the ruling party in Burundi it has found a partner in suppressing human rights,constitutionalism, and ruleof law in general. Obviously Museveni is mindful of the fact that should those Burundians opposed to Nkurunziza's third term by any means succeed, it will set a bad precedent for his own presidency which is in a similar but worse situation. Therefore, Museveni's mediation is Burindi will not produce anything positive save for buying time for Nkurunziza to retain the presidency thus worsening the situation. There is a high possibility that mediation provides him with a window of opportunity to covertly avail his own Special Forces Group to the current Burundi presidency; as was the case with Southern Sudan.



As the excesses of the regime Police in Uganda gets out of hand, Ugandans are pouring their outrage on the ruling NRM's Police Chief Kale Kayihura. Ugandans can sometimes be funny; they are now out there questioning the Police's impartiality in the political playing field. Both the elite and the ordinary Ugandans are expressing dismay over Police's partisan conduct in favor of the the incumbent military dictator. They forget to ask themselves as to why the military dictator had to appoint the two serving military Generals and top regime cadres; Kayihura and Aronda as Inspector General of Police and Minister of Internal Affairs respectively. At the time a few Ugandans raised a red flag but as usual the matter was swept under the carpet.

Under the Ministry of Internal Affairs falls the former Uganda Police (now NRM Police), the Prison services, the Citizenship and Immigration Services,  NGOs Registration Board, private security regulatory authority etc. Although Gen Kayihura enjoys unlimited access to Museveni, the later issues him orders from Gen Aronda. Because the two Generals are tested regime cadres whose personal loyalty to Museveni will never wither, they have exclusive powers to design and implement any decisions that ensures the survival of the regime. It is these two cadre Generals who through their personal attachment to Rwanda's Kagame had to successfully amicably resolve the Museveni/Kagame fallout before both regimes realised that they need one another not to survive but to extend their life span.

Before being appointed Minister of Internal Affairs, Gen Aronda had successfully accomplished the privatization of the Army where by he curved from the main force the elite Special Forces Group under the command of Museveni's son Gen. Muhoozi. The rest of the army (without strategic vital units) was placed under the command of Generals Katumba Wamala, Wilson Mbadi and Charles Angina in order to please some Ugandan communities. At the time Gen Kayihura was already making progress in taming the former Uganda Police which had been 'hostile' to the Museveni regime. Because Museveni wanted to conform with the changing political terrain (mass protests sweeping Africa), he needed to strengthen management of internal affairs not in the interest of Ugandans but for regime survival. That is why cadre Gen Aronda was appointed to the Ministry of Internal Affairs to reinforce Gen Kayihura's schemes in the former Uganda Police and to also privatize the other components of the ministry. When Gen Aronda was dropped as Army Chief, out of  ignorance some sections of Ugandans speculated that Museveni had sidelined him because the former was allegedly opposed to the defunct Muhoozi Project.

The two cadre Generals have managed to militarize the Police, transform it from Uganda Police to a regime Police, discard the old northern Uganda dominated leadership, and ensured that the strategic command positions are held and dominated by officers from one region. They enforce the Public Order Management Act,  the Interception of communication Act and the Anti-terrorism Act that are used to curtail activities of political opponents. They design and execute 'covert schemes' aimed at instilling fear in the public, hoodwink foreign donors and curtail political dissent. They have fused some units of the regime Police with the army's SFG and the intelligence services thus creating parallel structures that have undermined performance but ensured regime survival. They have successfully disbanded the traditional Uganda Police intelligence management unit - the Special Branch and replaced it with very many outfits to suit the regime's schemes. They have managed to transform the former Uganda Police from an organisation charged with keeping law and order through detection and prevention of crime to a component  of the regime charged with orchestrating and exploiting lawlessness for regime survival. They have managed to raise a regime youth militia in the name of Crime Preventers that is already on the path of orchestrating anarchy in the country.

They are successfully militarizing the citizenship and immigration services and making it a structure within the Intelligence Services. That is why the recent recruitment of Immigration Officers and Assistants was marred by allegations of bribery and nepotism; prompting Gen Aronda to institute a commission of inquiry. The diversnary commission of inquiry headed by the Deputy Commissioner General of Prisons Mr James Mwanje (he betrayed NRA's Patrick Karegeya and other fighters during the bush war and they were captured) will not achieve anything because intelligence officers are never recruited by the Public Service Commission. He has brought the traditionally non partisan Prison Services on board such that the regime's secret agents can access and torture detainees while on remand without any hindrance as revealed during the ongoing trial of the Kampala bombing suspects. Also, the High Court recently issued an order for the Minister of Internal Affairs constitute an inquiry into the torture and killing of inmates. The NGO bill once passed will go along way in curtailing the activities of the civil society more especially regulating their source of funding.

Therefore, focus should also be on Gen Aronda who pretends to be shy but is more sectarian, corrupt, mischievous, 'silent burner', master of intrigue etc than even Gen Kayihura. However, behind Gen Aronda, there is Gen Museveni thus no one should be deceived that the Police is acting alone. It is Museveni who is using the former Uganda Police to fight off and suppress political dissent.


Thursday, 16 July 2015


Mr. President,
We write to register our disappointment over some developments within our party which you offered to lead until when God will choose to summon you from planet earth. First of all we were dismayed by your contribution in affording Amama Mbabazi an opportunity to have the launch of his presidential bid in Njeru and at Kiira Road Police Station wide local and international live media coverage. The previous week he had missed a 20km+ long guard of honor along Entebbe Road mounted by the NRM police when he failed to show up from an overseas trip. To us who were approached by the NRM MPs following your sole candidature resolution at Kyankwanzi, we have been left in the cold. However, it goes ahead to confirm what our detractors have always claimed that you are aging and loosing focus. We would wish to know from you what happened of the financially costly sole candidature project; or it may have died a natural death just like the Muhoozi (your son) Project.

We had always been hearing about the modern training and equipments that our party's Police (formerly Uganda Police) have acquired. We had always been hearing from our relatives and friends in Kampala about the compulsory daily doze of tear gas and Kiboko/enkoni (lashes) squads. Because of your concern for the tax payers of Mbale, last week we had the opportunity to see the same doing rehersals in Mbale town. Affande Omala (Dr Kiiza Besigye's physician) had already registered his presence in town and the Kiboko squad drawn from the Crime Preventes were on stand by. Some tax payers here were speculating that the Mambas (Anti-riot Personnel Carriers) had been acquired from South Africa but I confirmed to them that they had been used by the Apatheid regime to quell political dissent. Another stranger who had been following our argument chipped in that the current anti-riot training is facilitated by Egypt. We that you for equipping the party police.

Mr President, our greatest hour of disappointment came when we learnt that Affande Kawesi had blocked Amama Mbabazi from proceeding to Mbale. Most astonishing was the fact that he had been blocked at Njeru in Jinja where the NRM Police staged another show.  Affande Omala was equally as disappointed as the Tax payers here. He had hopped to have a change of specimen after months of being relieved from serving Dr. Besigye. We are reliably told that Police Chief Kayihura is bent on undermining your support in Mbale. Moreover, Njeru which stole the show is not an NRM strong hold. We therefore suggest that if you are to regain the confidence of Mbale residents, Mbabazi's scheduled tour of Kapchorwa should be blocked in Mbale. That way, your wanainchi will be able to fully participate in the demonstration of the efficiency of the NRM Police. You see unlike the land locked Njeru, Mbale borders with an EAC member country where free entry is guaranteed in case the show gets bitter.

Mr. President, in line with your policy of Kulembeka (tapping resources), we did not loose out completely. Your agents led by Oil Minister Irene Muloni really treated us to a cash bash during the tour and she even led a rehearsal march in town. Of course, it was only those who could afford to don the yellow T-shirts and Caps bearing your portrait that were being given. As usual, we the leaders took the lion's share and I immediately bought all the construction materials for my house that had stalled after the 2011 electioneering period when you closed all the taps of cash. Had it not been for the people's enemy, Kayihura to have blocked Amama Mbabazi, we had planned to also don his T-shirts and turn up in big numbers to receive him so that we could also tap from his generosity - as you know he is also 'loaded'. On this one we may sound opportunistic but please be assured that it wont affect your performance since its your personal control of cash and the security forces that matters. This is especially in view of the fact that the usual tactic of 'terror threats' seem to be getting outdated.

Finally Mr. President, we seek your clarification on whether the sole candidature project still stands. If not, we suggest that task your team to devise a way of looking for a Kyakuwa like lady who will act as a victim of rape by Amama Mbabazi and infecting her with Gray hair. Kyakuwa in the case of Dr. Besigye's rape case did  make an impact although its CID Director Elizabeth Kutesa who benefited more. This time around, Hon Tumwebaze's wife will play a better Kyakuwa. Otherwise, the Kanungu man seem determined and at times I wonder how may cows he has; because he does not kugamba busha nk'uwente emwe (talking nonsense like someone who owns only one cow). Even the NRM Electoral Commission Chairman Tanga Odoi may not be of help since, if I may borrow your words, 'he easily gets excited'. The way he received Mbabazi at he party headquarters was so civilised that it makes our NRM police officers think twice. May be you should have first offered Dr Odoi a lecture on the party's history as far as those who get 'excited' is concerned. What about the vast amount of resources we have invested over the time to fail Mbabazi's plans???

I appreciate the precious time you have dedicated to reading through my brief.

Thank you,

Cadre Mpakalast