Thursday, 24 September 2015


The failed opposition alliance (TDA) to form a coalition by fielding a joint candidate for the 2016 general elections has both negative and positive implications. It failed to reach a consensus on either Dr. Besigye or Amama Mbabazi as a joint flag bearer. The TDA summit faulted Mbabazi's group for not having structures and his reluctance to denounce the ruling NRM. The same summit did not state where they faulted Dr. Besigye and why they did not select him as the joint flag bearer. The truth is that for some reasons, the majority in the TDA summit favoured Amama Mbabazi. However, they feared that if they selected any of the two, the other one would still go ahead and contest thus discrediting the TDA and fomenting antagonism between the two camps.  Therefore, deliberate refusal to select a joint flag bearer was the best option since it leaves the TDA doors open to further dialogue.

The Mbabazi team has structures countrywide cutting across all political parties including the ruling NRM, religious groups, civil society, the security services, etc. For fear of reprisals from the regime, Mbabazi's structures operate in secrecy. That is why the NRM party primaries are marred by widespread rigging and violence in order to neutralise suspected Mbabazi supporters.  It is for the same reasons that the TDA summit contends that  most of the opposition parties like UPC, DP, UFA, and PPP are supporting A mama Mbabazi.  As had been the case in 1985 with the Okello junta, the DP is hopping to raid on Amama Mbabazi's back to get closer to power.  DP President Mao in particular intends to kill two birds with one stone.  He decided not to contest for the presidency so that the northern region votes for NRM in return for a fat position in the next Museveni government.  On the other hand, he threatened to contest for the Presidency if Mbabazi would  not selected as the joint candidate so as to sway the northern Uganda vote from Besigye. Dr. Besigye on the other hand remains the leading opposition leader and enjoys countrywide support though some top FDC leaders will rally behind Amama Mbabazi to the detriment of Dr. Beigye.

Dr. Besigye and Amama Mbabazi differ on approach; while the former insists on 'No Electoral Reforms, No elections', the later contends that the regime has achieved a lot and there is only the need to change its top leadership. However, they both know very well that its not the electoral process that can dislodge Museveni from power but dismantling of his power base - the financial might and the personalized security aparatus. If the two (Besigye and Mbabazi) could work together behind the curtains, they can be able to dismantle Museveni's power base.  Thereafter, they can forge the way forward through alliances and coalitions. The regime knows the potential of the two politicians in shaking its hold on power. It is disappointed by the collapse of TDA's failure to come up with a joint presidential candidate. It had hopped that Dr. Besigye would either be eliminated from the ballot pepper or become the TDA flag bearer so that either way he abandons the most feared demand for electoral reforms and the eventual mass uprising. At the same time selecting Mbabazi as flag bearer would have provided the regime with an opportunity to disqualify his candidature on filmsy legal grounds at a later stage when it would be late for the opposition to front an alternative flag bearer. This would mark the end of any semblance of credible opposition.  Now the regime will have to go back to the drawing board to lay fresh schemes.

Because of Mbabazi's secret operational structures, the military regime is more worried of his candidature that it does with Dr. Besigye.While Dr. Besigye operates in the open and his next move is easy to predict and counter, Mbabazi is secretive and unpredictable.  That is why Mbabazi's candidature is set for tougher times ahead than  does Dr. Besigye.  The two need to supplement each other and if they can get closer to outside the 'overcrowded' TDA, some tangible results can be scored. The TDA was bound to fail but at least it has kept the regine guessing and eventually disappointed, it has marketed Mbabazi's candidature, but left Dr. Besigye slightly bruised.  He has unfairly been branded as being power hungry, unpatriotic and selfish. Besigye has the uphill task of rejuvenating the vigour that had been generated during the countrywide consultation tour and victory in his party primaries.  The big question is whether  the opposition will go into elections without reforms or or elections after reforms!!!


Tuesday, 22 September 2015


The Minister of State for Lands who is also the Kayunga District Woman Member of Parliament has vowed to quit the ruling NRM and to contest as an independent candidate in the forthcoming general elections. This follows violent party primaries in which she lost to Karangwa Moses Kaliisa for the position of NRM District Chairmanship. She accuses Karangwa Kaliisa of using his gun wielding agents to intimidate his supporters and election officials. There is no doubt the regime rigged out Aidah Nantaba because she has been standing in their way for the ongoing land grabbing in Buganda and the Oil Region of Bunyoro. After securing large chunks of land in Mawokota, Buwekula, Dingo and Busiro, the regime big wigs are now focussing on Bugerere and Kayunga in particular. As has always been the practice, in order to ease acquisition and consolidation of hold on land, the regime is yet to curve out another district out of Kayunga the same way it was for Sembabule, Kyenjojo, Lyantonde, Gomba, Nakaseke, Kyankwanzi etc. Also, another focus is now on land north of Karuma Falls.

The issue of land grabbing has been a major weapon by the regime in systematically destroying Buganda Kingdom. The Kingdom initiated a sensitization program to its subjects not to sell off their land. The regime deliberately left out developmental programmes in those areas so that the local land owners find no value in their land thus sell it off cheaply as they migrate to urban centers to do petty business. Member of Parliament Hon Betty Namboze headed the Buganda Kingdom's King's Central Civic Education Committee (CCEC).  At the time the kingdom feared that the proposed amendment to the land law was a regime ploy to facilitate land grabbing in Buganda. Museveni argued that the law needed to be strengthened to better protect tenants from eviction. The amendment was passed in 2010 but evictions continued especially in Buganda and the Oil Region of Bunyoro. In 2011 Museveni banned land deals in Bunyoro as he appointed a committee to investigate the alleged land grabbing but its findings have never been made public. The rush for land acquisition in Bunyoro was based on a belief that such acquired tittled land had oils underneath and would fetch fat compensation.
Museveni appointed a committee to counter the Buganda Kingdom's Hon Betty Namboze led CCEC. Later on this committee was replaced by another State House Committee led by Mrs. Gertrude Njuba. In 2009 a landlord was burnt to death in Kayunga by people who accused him of attempting to displace them from land. A year later, 20 landlords threatened to flee Kayunga. A landlord in Busabira and Kyanugongo villages, Paul Mutabazi with the help of the Police effected a court order and demolished homes of nine tenants.

Museveni appointed  Hon. Aidah Nantaba to head a committee meant to stop eviction of tenants and return those whose had been evicted from their land.  Since assuming office Hon. Aidah Nantaba has been fighting for the voiceless, the poor and the vulnerable to repossess their land. In the process she has been accused by regime backed landlords of ofinciting tenants. A Land Protection Police Unit (LPPU) that was then led by Fred Enanga was ccreated in 2013. LPPU played a major role in protecting land grabbers while at the same time frustrating and undermining Hon. Nantaba's efforts. In August 2013 Hon. Nantaba informed the parliamentary committee on physical infrastructure that the Police was interfering in the work of her Land Committee. The parliamentary committee summoned the Police Chief Kale Kayihura to respond to these allegations. He even went ahead and wrote a long article in response to Hon. Nantaba's allegations. In the same article he accused Hon. Nantaba of ignoring established land laws in her work.  Hon. Nantaba made a counter attack by further alleging that Gen. Kayihura of having personal interest in Kayunga land. She asserted thus: "Why didnt he attack the committee's work in all areas we have traversed? Why do Policemen chase away journalists whenever he is meeting Karangwa and other landlords in Kayunga secretly?" The said landlords evict tenants using the Police who beat up, imprison, prepare files on criminal charges which are sanctioned by the Resident State Attorney before they are taken to court and then evicted.

In collusion with their powerful regime backers, the landlords in Kayunga led by the powerful Karangwa Moses Kaliisa sued the government in several land related suits. In February 2015  the High Court ordered for the attachement of Hon. Nantaba's salary over an oustanding debt of 23 million shillings arising from litigation costs that was awarded to a one Kiberu after court quashed Nantaba's order ofbgiving away 3.8 acres of land located in Wasozi, Kitende to another family following a dispute. Karangwa owns a big chunk of land at Kinamawanga, Baale Sub-county in Kayunga district after intimidating tenants into accepting peanut payments. Hon. Nantaba ordered the tenants to return to  that land and Karangwa went to court. Locals as well as Hon. Nantaba believe that Karangwa is an agent of big people in the regime. Last month Hon. Nantaba alleged that some wealthy people incliding senior army officers were involved in illegal land evictions and sponsering her political opponents in the elections. Shortly after, Karangwa Kaliisa led a delegation of local leaders of Kayunga district to Namunkenke Industrial Park in Nakaseke district to meet Gen. Saleh. During the visit Gen. Saleh warned Hon. Nantaba to leave him out of the land wrangles. The learned General said that he had the capacity to buy land instead of stealing it. The following week Museveni was in Kayunga where he the Chief Guest at the launch of Sauti FM - a local FM Radio station whose proprietor is none other than Karangwa Kaliisa. During the function Kaliisa donated to Museveni a spear and a shield before introducing his teenage sons; Emanuel Kamugisha and Michael and Michael Karuhanga who shock hands with Museveni.  Museveni thanked Karangwa for establishing a radio station; "I also thank him for the plans to put up a pineapple processing plant in Kayunga."  During the same occasion he made the infamous pronouncement that he was clocking 71 yet he looked 30 years old. He urged locals to vote strong leaders thus: "If you support weak ones, how will they maintain security?" He also urged locals not to fight over land and assured them that no one will be chased off their land before contending that: "These land wrangles are there because people are still ignorant about the law.

Who is Karangwa Moses Kaliisa?

He is a Munyarwanda and has been the Jinja Municipality ruling NRM Chairman. He is said to be a leading wealthy businessman in Jinja, Kamuli and Kayunga. He is the proprietor of Star React a security Company based in Jinja. He owns property and chunks of land in Kamuli, Jinja, Kayunga and Nakaseke. His livestock farms supply milk to Jinja and Kamuli towns.  As Chairman NRM for Jinja Municipality, in 2011 his executive committee threatened to impeach him over allegations that he had single handedly prepared the party's campaign b budget and went ahead to get money from the party headquarters but did not declare it.  He survived because of his god-fathers at the too party leadership.  In 2013 at a public function in Budondo, Iganga district that was attended by Museveni, Karangwa tricked UPC strongman Robert Kanusu into shaking hands with Museveni. During the occasion Karangwa gave Museveni a yellow baseball cap of NRM which he in turn handed over to Kanusu who refused to put it on. He had contested for the Jinja district LC 5 chairmanship on UPC ticket and lost. Earlier in 2012 during a fundraising for St. Gonzaga Seminary in Iganga that was presided over by Museveni, Karangwa  bought Museveni's portrait at 30M shillings.

Therefore, Hon. Nantaba stepped on the toes of the powerful managers of the military regime and will have to be fought by all means so that she does not even make it again to parliament.
She interfered in a grand scheme to extend to cattle corridor to Kayunga where the even the regime blocked the King of Buganda from visiting in a wider scheme to curve a breakaway chiefdom from Buganda Kingdom. By Kaliisa Karangwa violently wining the regime's leadership of the area that is the hot bed of land grabbing, Buganda has lost another territory. Slowly but surely MPAKALAST.


Thursday, 17 September 2015


TDA is an opposition parties alliance aiming at fronting a single candidate to contest against Museveni in the 2016 elections. The FDC is the strongest opposition party which has just concluded its delegates conference that saw Dr. Besigye as its flag bearer. The FDC and Dr. Bsigye in particular has a record of consistently opposing the ruling NRM and Museveni in particular. During the party primaries, the two contestants had differed on platforms - Dr. Besigye advocated for 'No Electoral Reforms, No Elections' while Mugisha Muntu argued that with proper organisation Museveni can be defeated even without electoral reforms. Dr. Besigye's victory implied that the FDC was to pursue the 'No Reforms, No Elections' agenda. however, the FDC under it President Mugisha Muntu had subscribed to the TDA with a commitment to seek its joint candidacy and to back whoever will be elected even when he is from a different political organisation. Also, TDA had made a commitment to pursue the electoral reforms ahead of the 2016 general elections.

Among the TDA joint candidacy aspirants is the former Prime Minister Amama Mbabazi who has made it categorically clear that he remains a member of NRM and represents a splinter ruling NRM group under the banner of NRM Pro-change. His campaign platform is that the ruling party and Museveni in particular has for the past 30 years moved the country forward and the only concern is change of the top most leadership - the presidency.  He is comfortable with the electoral process in its current form and is not in for electoral reforms prior to the general elections. He looks very confident to win the elections.  So far he has to some extent
demonstrated that he has the capacity to organise using the element of surprise and deception that keeps the regime guessing about his next move. The regime has a stake in the TDA so that it averts the agitation for electoral reforms ahead of the 2016 elections. Already reports coming from the TDA top summit indicate that Amama Mbanazi is the preferred candidate. They argue that he has the capacity to pull supporters from the ruling NRM, has links with some elements in the security circles, and has the financial might to adequately fund the campaigns.  This development has not gone well with some people in the FDC/Besigye camp.

It is a fact that these credentials do exist in Mbabazi's candidature. However, to the regime, such credentials qualify him an an enemy thus it has been digging trenches and positioning its asernals in order to deal with him. The regime cannot just sit back and watch Mbabazi tearing apart their hold on power. Therefore, once Mbabazi will have been selected as the TDA flat bearer and the Electoral Commission nomination date closed, the regime will use any flimsy legal grounds to disqualify Mbabazi from contesting for the Presidency.  At that stage it will be too late for the TDA or any other political party to bring up an alternative candidate. That way, Museveni will have killed two birds (agitation for reforms and Mbabazi) with one stone.  Legal grounds aside, some regime hardliners may even go out of their way to physically harm Amama Mbabazi just to stop him from challenging their hold on on power.
If Dr. Besigye withdraws from the TDA before selection of the flag bearer is made, he will be able to contest for the Presidency on the FDC ticket but will loose the support of some of the top FDC officials and the party to TDA and the end result will be business as usual. There is even a possibility that his party may even block him from being nominated by the Electoral Commission.

On the other hand Dr. Besigye's withdraw will save Amama Mbabazi from the wrath of the regime since the later's backing will have diminished.  By comparison, Mbabazi needs TDA more that does Dr. Besigye.  TDA provides Mbabazi with a platform and sanctuary from the pursuing NRM who want him to leave their party and have even ring fenced certain geographical regions where he should never step. Assuming that Mbabazi wins the TDA flag beareship and the regime does not interfere with his candidature, how will the opposition coalition campaign for him when they carry divergent views about their main opponent - the regime and Museveni!!! For Mbabazi, the regime is okay but only needs change of top leadership and for the traditional opposition parties, the regime is evil and needs total overhaul after victory in an electoral process after reforms.  Otherwise, the coalition would be okay if it could give priority to meaningful electoral reforms. If the TDA selects Besigye as its flag bearer, Amama Mbabazi will still go ahead and contest as an independent. TDA aside, Besigye under TDA and Mbabazi as an independent need each other more than they need TDA. They should save time and emback on preparations of dismantaling the regime. Its in the midist of the game that the two can sign a memorundum of understanding when the situation demands so. Obviously, it would be naive to imagine that the regime has not infiltrated the TDA more especially among the four aspirants. The regime's intelligence services must have bugged (fixing of electronic surveillance gadgets) every corner of the TDA head office and is monitoring whatever is taking place. Whatever the rules of the game, Museveni is the referee.


Tuesday, 15 September 2015


The Minister of Internal Affairs Gen. Robert Aronda Nyakairima died of heart failure on board a flight from South Korea. This was shortly after learning that the opposition in Uganda had issued an aultmatum to government on the implementation of electoral reforms or face the consequences. Robert Aronda are his names and Nyakairima is his father's name. The family could be one of those early migrants who trace their origin from Rwanda. He was able to effectively conceal the Rwandese connection by as much as possible keeping a reasonable distance from his relatives. However, the cut was almost let out of the bag in an incident where a certain young girl who was staying at his Buganda Road residence mysteriously died and during the funeral Virgil mourners bust into Kinyarwanda church hymns that visibly left mourners confused.

During Museveni's Bush War, Aronda and Kagame ran a parralel spy outfit for Museveni whose task was to spy on members who did not tow Museveni's line or expressed dissent. That is how he escaped ever going for combat during the war. Upon taking over power in 1996, Museveni assigned him to take charge of the Central Police Station (CPS) with a task of disinfecting Kampala and government departments of Any any as/Bipingamizi. Museveni took him through preferential rapid military training opportunities more especially at leading overseas military academies thus gained the prestigious tittle of Past Staff College (PSC).  He took charge of Museveni's personal security detail right from its inception till his death by overseeing the creation of an ethnic PPU that has since evolved into PGB and now SFG under the command of Museveni's son.

As Army Commander, he helped to transform the Army into Museveni's private security company by identifying loyal party cadres to take charge over strategic command positions.That way, ring fenced strategic military units and placed them under the SFG thus handing over the residue of the army to the command of the army to 'strangers' in the likes of Katumba Wamala, Charles Angina and Wilson Mbadi. Having accomplished that lifeline of the military regime, Museveni moved him to the Ministry of Internal Affairs in order to reinforce Police Chief Gen. kayihura in privatising the Police force.  As minster of Internal Affairs, he has been behind the disbanding of the traditional intelligence organisations and creating parralel new ones that Gen. Ssejusa and Amama Mbabazi have no influence over. He had the task of militarising Immigration and Prisons departments, curtailing the operations of NGOs, creation of militia groups, preparation of the voters register through the National ID project, enforcing the politically motivated Public Order and Terrorism laws, and delivering Museveni's 2016 election victory. This is what most misinformed Ugandans mistook for a demotion and sidelining of Gen Around a by Museveni.

Gen. Aronda was Museveni's most trusted Political Assistant for domestic political manoeuvres and Museveni's private diplomatic engagements. He recruited many regime officials (Ministers, RDCs, diplomats, army and security officers, Presidential Advisors, heads of government parastatals, etc). He would recommend their appointment, promotion, demotion, dismissal, and transfer etc. His special diplomatic role helped diffuse the Museveni/Kagame tension and he remained Rwanda's Special Ambassador to Uganda. The special message of condolence from President Kenyatta following Aronda's death confirms this. He had sometime back delivered Museveni's special message to Kenyatta but Ugandans have never bothered to ask why Aronda of all others!!  Its not by coincidence that Museveni is currently on official visit to Sudan and it is said that from Dubai Aronda had intended to connect to Sudan. To many opposition opportunists and fortune seekers, striking a deal with Aronda was as good as doing it with Museveni himself. That is why you see the likes of Norbert Mao and Kasirye Gwanga yelling uncontrollably over his death. Thousands of those who benefited from his patronage like Minister Vincent Ssempijja are mourning in silence.

Gen. Aronda may have died from natural causes.  He did not take alcohol and did not smoke. He was a member of an international association of Christian Army Officers.  It is also more likely that throughout his life he had
Sex with only his wife Linda ( daughter of Kahooza - the former Auditor General). Even with his wife, he must have been following a set timetable for having sex.  Even his decision to get married in mid 1990s followed protracted battles with his father who would camp for weeks in Kampala over the same since the son was reluctant to do so. He spent every minute of his military career preoccupied with scheming for Museveni's hold on power. He had no weekends, no leave or holiday and would leave office at midnight.  He ran more than three offices at ago - he had offices in the President's Office at Parliamentary building, State House, International Conference Center, Army headquarters, different Safe Houses for intelligence coordination more especially in areas of Kololo etc. Like his mentor Museveni, Aronda was fond of meetings where he would give long lectures about his views using a blackboard and for fear no one would dare to differ from his preconcieved views. He was good at flattering, belittling, demeaning, derogating and making fun of others.

He had no personal friends and despised any form of off duty social engagements. After keeping distance from his relatives, before he got married his former residences at both Buganda Road (now housing UHRC offices) and Minister's Village in Ntinda he preferred to stay with only a maid and his military guards with no room for frequent visitors. Its only Princes Bagaya who was his neighbour in Ntinda that attempted to farmiliarise with him at the later's discomfort. Its only when he was courting his wife that they would meet at Athina Club. His main food was tea, biscuits and fruits and despised people who prioritised eating thus would engage his surbodinates in long meetings without lunch breaks and would travel long journeys without ever stopping for atleast his driver and body guards to eat something. The guards at his residence had to fend for themselves and he always kept a distance from their welfare such that no guard ever wished to be deployed at his residence or to escort him during long journeys.  Throughout his 29 years of military service, he had unlimited access to state resources from any government department - a factor that helped him to accomplish all his assignments. That way, for the last 29 years he never dipped his fingers into his pocket to pay for anything personal using his personal money.  Even some of his relatives and farm workers would sign for money from his classfied office security budget under cover of being informers. No wonder, he was one of the top little known rich people and a leading land grabber in the country.  As a former ardent communist/Marxist, he initially pretended not to love soft life that goes with accumulation of wealth. To hoodwink his comrades he would send his medical aides to pick for him simple tablets worth a thousand times lesser than the fuel used to go to the military hospital for the same. The same guy would refuse to go to office if a Pick Up car would be sent to take him in prefference for a posh car. He would chase away the driver of the Pick-Up with a message: "I dont deal in fish so as to use a Pick-Up".

For Museveni, Gen. Aronda was another First Son. This made Aronda to believe that Museveni was grooming him to take over the Presidency. Aronda hated seeing any other Officer attracting the attention of Museveni. Through malicious reports to Museveni, he undermined the careers of several including Mayombo, Tumukunde, Muhweezi, Ssejusa and others but he hit a snag when it came to Muhoozi (the first son).  He had also had trouble with the First Lady after he had taken charge of managing Museveni's extra marital affairs with a former State House maid who hails from his home village and has since become the 2nd Lady. Otherwise, until his death Gen. Aronda remained Museveni's de facto Vice President, Army Chief, Security Minister, Coordinator of Intelligence Services, National Political Commissar, Principal Political Assistant to the President, head of Museveni's security detail,  among other assignments. Therefore, Gen Aronda was an asset to the regime and if there was any foul play in his death, it can't be linked to Museveni personally. God the Almighty may have simply wanted to punish Museveni by taking away the center pillar of his military regime. It is most likely that Museveni has never shed tears for the dead but for Aronda he has had to. We await to see who of the remaining top regime cadre Generals I.e Kale Kayihura, Tumukunde, Tumwine, and Mugira will be appointed to the Internal Affairs Ministry.

Gen. Aronda was behind much of Museveni's misdeeds but as a master of deceit, he portrayed himself in the public eye as a saint. That is how he managed to beat off public scrutiny and blame over Police excesses when his invisible hand was behind the Police Chief.  He was to the current military regime what Luwuliza Kirunda or Rwakasisi were to the UPC II regime. Otherwise, he was a stooge, syncomphant, sectarian, rude, selfish, malicious, envious, jealous, hypocritical, loner, silent burner, double edged sword, deadly, schemer, harsh, uncompassionate, pretender and someone who had no respect for anyone else other than Museveni, Saleh and Kaziini - the only people he ever called


Saturday, 12 September 2015


While Uganda's military dictator is currently on an official visit to Japan, back home the political situation is taking security dimensions. His ruling party primaries for flag bearers is marred by irregularities that have culminated into ugly violent scenarios with one person already killed. Presidential aspirants notably his former party Secretary General and Prime Minister,  Amama Mbabazi's  has had violent confrontations with the Police leaving scores injured and several detained. This is because the regime is worried about the overwhelming masses that turn up at his public rallies as opposed to their earlier assertion that he is not popular. In Soroti as the Police battled his supporters, the regime was displaying its military might with fighter jets hovering in the sky.  The message that was being passed on was simple and clear: "We are in-charge of both the ground and the airspace."

In northern the Uganda district of Amuru, the Army and Police used live ammunitions against local residents who were protesting against grabbing of their land. Scores were injured before the area Member of Parliament (MP) Hon. Gilbert Olanya was arrested and charged with inciting violence and threatening to kill another local leader. At the same time his namesake Lt. Col Benson Oulanya was being convicted by the General Court Martial for a non existent offence of expressing sexual desires towards three female junior army officers!!!  Obviously, these charges are trumphed up to suit the designs of the regime in land grabbing. In April 2015, the same locals protested government schemes to grab their ancestral land by stripping naked before the Lands Minister Saudi Migereko and the Internal Affairs Minister Gen. Around a Nyakairima. They halted the exercise and ordered the army and Police to vacate the disputed land before promising to compensate the residents whose property had been destroyed by the members of the security forces. Indeed, in his usual style Gen. Around instead embarked on reorganising his forces for a counter attack that resulted in what took place early this week. The shootings, maiming and arrests is the "compensation" that Gen. Aronda had earlier promised them.

The opposition alliance (TDA). has issued a a ultimatum to government for immediate dialogue on implementation of electoral reforms ahead of 2016. It has given the regime up to 18th September 2015 and warned that: "should the government remain sturbon and intransigent as it has continued to do, TDA will in  consultation with the citizens agree on and take appropriate actions."  The FDC presidential flag bearer Dr. Besigye has added his voice by warning that Museveni should expect consequences if the proposed electoral reforms are not implemented. At a press conference, he asserted that: "government has up to 18th September to act or deal with the "peoples struggle".  He is reported to have gone ahead to announce the composition of his "committee to take power".

The speed at which events are unfolding is a cause of concern to many Ugandans. The regime has not come out to formally explain some of these developments and to reassure citizens. Ordinarily, the Vice President takes charge when the President is away. He is the No. 2 in the heirachy before the
Speaker of Parliament, and Chief Justice. The current Vice President, Mr. Kiwanuka Ssekandi also knows that he is simply a figure head VP who was appointed to that position on the Catholic Church and Buganda ticket. That is why he has kept a a low profile while sticking to his role of presiding over simple ceremonies like commissioning of bore halls, schools and church fund rising. The speaker and Chief Justice are equally lame ducks because they too are in those offices upon the same considerations.  They all don't know what takes place in the corridors of power and can't provide answers to the current nasty political developments.

Being a military dictatorship, Museveni remains in-change of every government activity even when he is on overseas trips. He keeps in constant contact with his trusted military Generals by telephone and military radio communication.  In the absence of Museveni, the men in-charge of the country are Gen Saleh (Museveni's young brother), Gen Aronda - the Internal Affairs Minister, Gen Kayihura - the police Chief,  and Gen. Muhoozi (Museveni's son) - the Commander of the Special forces. These four top the list of the commitee that steer the country's military/security and political direction.


Friday, 11 September 2015


Because of the democratic has overtime been exemplified by Uganda's leading opposition party - the FDC, its recent endeavor to pick its flag bearer for the forthcoming 2016 general election earned it a lot of credit.  Other than credibility, the exercise attracted a lot of national and international attention because it was a kind of referendum on whether Nuseveni's military dictatorship should continue to hold Ugandans hostage or they should free themselves.

The two contestants in the race I.e Col (Rtd) Dr. Kiiza Besigye and General (Rtd) Mugisha Muntu represented different schools of thought.  The former believes Museveni's military dictatorship is so entrenched that it can not be dislodged through a sham electoral exercise. He strongly contends that unless the meaningful electoral reforms are put in place, its a waste of time and meaningless to participate in it.  Following his participation in the past sham electoral exercises, sometime back he had publicly declared that he would never take part in any other electoral process that is organised by the same military dictatorship. However, recently he made a comeback by seeking to vie for the FDC flagbeareship - a move that his opponents attempted to exploit by branding him as being unprincipled.  To justify his comeback, he made it unequivocally clear that he was in the race purposely to push for electoral reforms ahead of the 2016 general elections as earlier presented to the regime under the banner of Cutizens Compact.  Further, he argues that if electoral reforms are not put in place ahead of the 2016 general elections where Museveni will be both as a player and a referee, he intends to "stop the game by sitting in the pitch."   This analogy implies that Dr. Besigye and those who believe in his school of thought intend to mobilize desperate Ugandans who are craving for change to reclaim their country through civil disobedience.

On the other hand, the Gen. Muntu school of thought argues that with strong organisation, even without political reforms the regime can be defeated in an election. They further argued that they had built sufficient structures to steer the party to victory and was opposed to the Dr. Besigye line of thought.  Its not that Gen. Muntu does not know that its impossible to dislodge the Museveni military dictatorship through an electoral process in its current form.  As Museveni's former Army and Military Intelligence chief, he more knowledgeable than anybody else that the military dictatorship and its rigging machinery (Police and the security forces) are so fused that a mere ballot paper as Museveni earlier on put it, can not get him out of power. The fact is that compared to Dr. Besigye, at the moment Gen. Muntu does not appeal to leading such a mass action. However, he strongly believes it can work if well organised. This is what some sections of Ugandans misinterpreted by alleging that he was a Museveni Mole. He is a great leader but only at a wrong time and place. Therefore, it won't be a surprise if sooner or later he fully tows the line of "No reforms, No elections". This is what he alluded to during his conceeding speech when he stated that civil disobedience without proper organisation is bound to fail with dire consequences.

The regime is mindful of the existence of a fertile ground for change and Dr. Besigye's resolve to lead that change. Its against this background that after assessing the massive strength of support for Dr. Besigye in the country side, they abandoned their earlier plan to block Dr. Besigye from carrying the FDC flag in the hope that he would not only be diverted by the TDA into abandoning the push for electoral reforms but he would also be able contain the threat posed by Amama Mbabazi's candidacy.  We are yet to see the accuracy of the regime's estimates. However, they are not taking chances as they are busy preparing for plan "B" (intimidation, violence and bribery).  The said plan has of recent been boosted by the hastily promotion and retirement of Gen. Henry Tumukunde so that he takes over command of the 2016 election intimidation, violence, and bribery without legal hindrances of being a serving military officer. Otherwise, Gen Henry Tumukende is still in active military service but only supposedly 'retired' in order to hoodwink Ugandans.

Therefore, the verdict by the FDC delagates conference was a determining factor for the future of Uganda.


Monday, 7 September 2015


Following a deadly attack last week by the Al-shabaab militants against the Uganda contingent of AMISOM, the family of one of the victims has rejected the dead body supposed to be of Sgt. Emmanuel Wanyama.  The family in Busia claims that their own Sgt. Wanyama was a tall man as opposed to the body of a short man that was delivered to them. The body has since been returned to the army headquarters. The army argues that the affected family must have been confused by the impact of the bomb blast that killed the deceased before promising to carry out a DNA test. Unless a bomb blast has blown off the head and limbs of the victim, his height remains the same both in life and death.

Since the attack took place early last week, the government has been giving contradictory statements pertaining to the figures of casualties. Initially, it had claimed that the attack had been against the Burundi contingent of AMISOM. After fidgeting with uncoordinated statements, they finally settled on the figure of 10 killed and an disclosed number of the injured. The dead include one leutenant, five Sgts, two Lance Corporals and two Privates. A Leutenant commands a platoon (36 - 40 people). A Sgt assists the Platoon Commander in command tasks as a Platoon Sgt. Since a platoon consists of three Sections, a Corporal is a section Commander and is deputised by a Lance Corporal. A Private is an ordinary soldier without any rank. Therefore, going by the profiles of those that were reportedly killed, it can be inferred that all the commanders of a platoon were killed thus a possibility of an entire platoon + having been wiped out.

 Museveni is reputed for abandoning fallen soldiers on the battle field. Since the1970s when he was opposing Iddi Amin, his comrades mysteriously disappeared without trace to this day. The likes of Rait Omongin, Hope, Mwesiga are among the many whose deaths and remains have remained a mystery. While fighting in Luwero in the early 1980s, may young men lost their lives as victims of combat action, disease and intrigue and have never been accounted for. After taking over of power in 1986, their loved ones kept waiting until at the turn of the millenium when they gave up hope. During the northern Uganda insurgency and other military expeditions in Congo, Sudan, Rwanda and CAR, several Ugandans fell on the battle field and for obvious reasons their remains were either simply abandoned on the battle field or dumped in shallow graves. An incident in Gulu where pigs were exhuming dead bodies of soldiers burried in shallow graves in the early 1990s attracted public outcry. The practice of concealing casualties not only to the enemy but even to the families is motivated by the culture of evading accountability for unjustified military expeditions. At one time in order to conceal the dead, a policy was initiated to burry all soldiers at a military cementary in Kapeeka under the guise of cutting costs. However, the arrangement was breached following the killing by the LRA of Lt. Baine - the 'home boy' who had to be burried at his home in Nyabushozi. Since then the scheme was abandoned and left for those fallen soldiers whose homes can't be traced i.e the former street kids, foreigners and in instances where the army wants to conceal the cause of death.

For Museveni and company the Somalia peace keeping mission is another foreign exchange earning venture for the regime. The UN provides logistical backup (food, transport, and reimbursements for wear and tear of military hardware). The EU provides US $1.028 (3.7 million Ug shillings) per month to every soldier as allowance. The army makes a monthly deduction of US $ 200 from each soldier per month. For an ordiinary soldiers not serving on the Somali mission, 3.7M shillings is the annual pay unless he is serving under the Finance, Supplies, Logistics or SFG. Those who die in action under AMISOM, their families are given a compensation of US $ 50.000. In order to divert public opinion, Brig. Leo Kyanda while officiating at ceremony to receive the bodies of the 10 fallen soldiers emphasised the issue of compensation.

For the family of unknown soldier who is being imposed on the family of Sgt. Wanyama, it is unfortunate that they will have to keep waiting for the return of their loved one the same way many Ugandan families have been waiting ever since the inception of Museveni's journey to the Presidency in the early 1970s. On the other hand, the family of Sgt Wanyama is somehow lucky to have got wind that their loved one could have died and to have last talked to him two days before the bizarre incident. Their luck also comes in form of a dead body though not of their own being delivered to them thus they qualify for the US $50.000 compensation provided by the 'masters'. For those other soldiers who die while not on the Somali peace keeping mission its simply a sack of beans and maize flour and if lucky an equivalence of about US $50 cash. I therefore advise the family of Sgt. Wanyama to accept and burry that dead body being imposed on them so that they dont loose out on the USA $50.000 compensation if they have a God father in government to do the followup. This way they will have towed with Musevenis's scheme of Kulembeka (poverty alleviation) or else they risk being accused of economic sabotage. They are better off than those families whose loved ones are killed and abused in the Middle East where they are ferried into slavery by agents of the regime.

In 2006 a soldier Martin Wacha who had died in Kapchorwa had his remains hurried in Lira as Ambrose Adiga son of Martin Agweny. In 2010 the real Ambrose Adiga surfaced at his home and it took the Minister of Defence Dr Cryspus Kiyonga to personally deliver an apology and 5M shillings to the familly of Ambrose Adiga. The skeleton of Martin Wacha was exhumed and ferried to the army cementary in Kapeka for reburial.
In military communication, dead bodies (DB) are coded as 'dry beans' thus the current uncoordinated movement of 'dry beans'!!!!


Saturday, 5 September 2015


We strongly condemn the recent deadly attack by the Al-shabaab militants on the Ugandan contingent of AMISOM in Somalia. Museveni uses the presence of his troops in the Somalia peace keeping mission to blackmail the west against his domestic political repression. His prayer is that the Somalia crisis should never end as long as he is still in power. It is not yet cleat if as is always the case if western leaders have already given him a call to express their solidarity and renewed financial and logistical support.

However, the unfortunate attack is partly to blame Museveni's arrogance. He has always bragged that his army is succeeding where the USA failed. On 24th April 2015 following an attack on a shopping mall in Nairobi and later the University, he wrote an article challenging the militant group to attack military targets. In the same article he used the opportunity to attack 'western imperialism'. "Why attack civilian targets? Why not attack soldiers if they want to fight? However, it also proves that Al-shabaab is already defeated." He went further to narrate how in 2009 and 2010 the Alshabab militants attempted to attack his troops in Mogadishu. "They attacked our troops calling them Kaffir, Bakaffir (people that do not know God) just like the European imperialists used to call us. Well, the "Kaffirs" taught those idiots that we know how to defend  African soil and the African flag."

He ignored his own use of child soldiers in his bush war where he lost not even a single family member as his children were studying in Sweden. "........ Why cant sime of these leaders set an example......... Instead of sending these poor children to die." On the strength of Al-shabaab, he stated thus: "They can't attack anything else - not even a well guarded Police Station let alone a battalion of the A.U forces. In order to genetically link the Balalo (ethnic Him a and Tutsi) with the Horn of Africa, in the same article he described the Somali people thus: "......are part of the ancient Cushitic people of Africa. Some of these people live in Ethiopia, Sudan, South Egypt, East Africa etc. This was an attempt to overshadow his much aclaimed Pan- Africanism with racism.

He went ahead to underate the capability of the militants thus: "They can nolonger attack the army or even the Police, they can not fight a conventional warfare or guerrilla warfare and being ideologically bankrupt, they go for terrorism (attacking soft targets). The Al-shabab is in a vulnerable situation........they can no longer move in big groups - platoon size (30 - 40) or more because they will be detected and destroyed by the army (infantry, tanks, IFVs, Airforce etc). They can only move by concealment in small groups (4-5)."

Ignoring the fact that in 1981 he resorted to take the path of war without exhausting all the other options, he gave a brief lecture on the war option thus: " must be sure that you intend to start a just war - a war that is for justice and not for aggression and oppreshion after making sure that there is no other peaceful means of solving that problem other than war. start a war without exhauding peaceful means, you are a criminal." In 1981 after miserably loosing in the general elections, his UPM top brass met at Kintu Musoke's residence in Kampala to discuss the way for ard. When majority opinion overulled his idea of going to war, he stormed out of the meeting and went to wage the bush war that was costly in terms of life and property.

On June 1st 2015 while attending Kenya's independence anniversary in Nairobi, he informed the world that Al-shabab had already been defeated. He dared it to attack the  military thus: "In war when you have the capacity you confront the enemy combatants. If you don't have the capacity to attack their stronghold, then you have been defeated." Of course, Kenyans must have cheered him while Al-shabab resolved to disprove his reckless utterances.
Reckless and irresponsible utterances coupled by arrogance has been Museveni's trademark in fighting his opponents since time in memorial. In the early stages of the northern Uganda insurgency, he used to refer to the insurgents as bankrupt, idiots, chaps etc whom his army would "slaughter and massacre" at will. Such demonition only helped to strengthen the insurgent's resolve. After he succeded in referring the LRA to the ICC in December 2003, he got the false impression that the insurgents were as well defeated. He made a proclamation that the LRA had been nearly or completely defeated. To prove their strength, the LRA attacked and overwhelmed the army and axaulary forces that were guarding the Barlonyo internally displaced people's (IDP) camp leaving 200 dead.

During the battles between his army and that of Kagame in Kisangani in Congo, museven repeatedly referred to the Rwandese troops as "these boys" thus strengthening their resolve to prove their manhood. By the time Museveni realised that they were 'men', collateral damage had been inflicted on innocent children of Uganda. Congo is currently pursuing reparations for the destruction and plunder as was ordered by the international court.

In June 2013 during the Hero's day celebrations at Butalagu in Nakaseke, Museveni stated thus: "No one can disorganise
Kampala, Besigye tried to disorganize Kampala the capital city and we teergassed him until he cooled off. He doesn't need bullets, just teargass is enough for him." Around April 2011 at Mulago round about in Kampala city security officers doused Dr Besigye with pepper spray that left him partially blind and had to be flown to Nairobi for medical attention.
It is his same arrogance that the elected Mayor of Kampala city Elias Lukwagowas has not been able to access his office unless he apologises to Museveni.

The magnitude of Museveni's arrogance in terms of loss of life and property is immesuarable. Therefore, given Museveni's public underating of Al-shabab insurgents, there is a high possibility that thereaftee the Commanders on the ground could not dare to give him factual intelligence pertaining to Al-shabab's capability - they reported only what he wanted to hear.


Thursday, 3 September 2015


At the inception of Museveni's bush war in 1981, he led an attack on Kabamba barracks. Though the foiled attack had had targeted the acquisition of arms, it achieved its other major objective - declaration of an armed rebellion against the UPC government. Thereafter the attackers withdrew to what came to be known as the Luweoro Triangle where they set up bases for the next four years.     Kabamba was outside the Luwero Triangle but long expeditions for repeated attacks on Kabamba remained top on the agenda.

On February 6th 1981Museveni led an attack on Kabamba barracks. The 30+ man attack party was comprised of among others Elly Tumwine, Paul Kagame, Fred Rwigyema, Anthony Kyakabale,  and Julius Chihandae. The attack was not very successful for it failed to acquire arms. In 1983 following the offensive by government troops the NRA was forced out of Bulemezi to Lukoola in Dingo. This was after serious battles in which some top NRA commanders had been killed while others like Saleh and Tinyefuza were seriously injured. In an effort to reassert itself the NRA planned another attack on Kabamba barracks. Led by Elly Tumwine, the expedition was characterised by low morale and indispline such that it was called off half way en route. Among the severe punishments administered to individuals accused of indiscipline during the journey was the 50 lashes thus that miserable journey has come to known as Safari 50. In earily 1985 a successful attack on Kabamba barracks led to by Saleh and Chihandae yielded good results in terms of arms acquisition. Other than Masindi barracks, Kakiri and Rubona army detachments which were successfully attacked only once during the guerrilla stage of the Bush War, repeated attacks on Kabamba pose intriguing questions.

Here below we exermine the factors that made Kabamba an easy target of the NRA repeated attacks.
Kabamba barracks had been established by the previous governments as the army's school of infantry. At the time of the first attack by the NRA in 1981, the facility was housing recruits for the post Iddi Amin national army that were being trained by the Tanzanians thus the Tanzanian soldiers were the first to be killed by the NRA. The barracks is located in Kasambya Sub-county of Mubede district at the far end where the district borders with Sembabule and Kyenjojo districts. It is along the road from Masaka to Mubende via Sembabule and about slightly over 6 km from Nkonge Railway Station and River Katonga. Kabagole in Kazo Sub-county is the closest area of former Mbarara district to Kabamba. Kazo county supplied most of the original NRA top cream.

The facility stands on a vast chunk of land whose vegetation is characterised by evergreen bushland and secondary wooded grassland. No wonder it is located in the infamous Cattle Corridor that stretches all the way from the southern border with Tanzania through central Uganda. It was isolated from human habitation with the only permanent human habitation of Baganda over 10 km away at Nakawala along the way to Mubende. The vast barracks land was host to herdsmen commonly known as Balalo who identified the rich grazing area and named it Omurukoba. These herdsmen were ethnic Bahima and Rwandese refugees from the nearby Kyaka II Refugee Camp. The said refugee camp was just less than 10 km from the Barracks and those refugees who owned heards of cattle had strayed from the camp and set up temporary residence in Omurukoba. That way the Balalo had some ease of access to the barracks either by vending diary products, seeking medical facilities and 'friendship'. But even beyond the barracks land, the vast woodland all the way from Ntutsi through Rwomuyaga and Bubanda, kyahi, Madu and all the way to Gomba, the only inhabitants were these Balalo. It was not by accident that during the first attack in 1981, the attackers had to move from Kampala to Masaka before approaching the barracks from the direction of Ntutsi. Even the other expeditions from Luwero triangle that followed the first attack would follow the routes inhabited by the Balalo. The NRA had prominent local 'contacts' around Kabamba barracks who served as spies. Among the many such spies were people like Katana in Kuyahi, Mzee Museveni (father of Maj. Lyangombe) in Makole, Miss Kalya at Nkonge railway station, and Katonka in Omurukoba. It is the same Balalo inhabited areas of Lukoola in Singo that gave cover to the NRA when it was pushed from Bulemezi to Singo. After the war the former Balolo of Lukola were ressettled at Kanyaryeru in the degazetted area of Lake Mburo. That is how even the infamous journey to Rwenzori from Luwero could not be detected by the government not until the NRA had reached those areas in Tooro that were not inhabited by Balalo.

Given its geographical location coupled by the then hostile ethnic composition of its immediate neighborhood, it became easier for recconaisance, advance to objective, concealment etc. This is what Maj Kakooza Mutable aludes to when he states that he is training militias to crush whoever stands in the way for the Mulalo in reference to Museveni. Major Mutale is supposed to teach Ugandans to lean to appreciate the role that was played by the Balalo in liberating the country.

Therefore, the repeated attacks on Kabamba military barraccks by the NRA was facilitated by sectarian condiderations.