Saturday, 31 October 2015


Since independence in 1961, Tanzania has had four President; all of whom have democratically come to and left power peacefully. After uniting with Zanzibar in 1964 to form Tanzania, Tanganyika's ruling TANU later merged with Zanzibar's Afro-Shiraz to form CCM which has been in power since then.  Tanzania's first President served for 23 years and was democratically succeeded by Ali Hasan Mwinyi.   After serving his constitutional two five year terms of office, he was democratically replaced by Benjamin Mkapa. The outgoing president Jakaya Kikwete  democraticay replaced Mkapa after two five year terms.  Jakaya Kikwete will next week complete his two five year terms and peacefully hand over power to the president elect John Pombe Magufuli who has just won the Presidency on the CCM ticket.

Since the introduction of multiparty democracy in the early 1990s, Tanzania's opposition parties have been losing to the ruling CCM.  The governing 1977 national constitution stipulate among other  shortfalls that  once the Electoral Commission has declared a winner in a presidential election, it can't be contested in any any way.  In the recent past the country has been  involved in the process of making a new constitution.  The Constituent Assembly debated the draft constitution but the process could not be completed ahead of the just concluded general elections.  However, during the Constituent Assembly debates, the major opposition parties came up with a loose pressure group dubbed Unity for the People's Constitution (UKAWA).  It is this UKAWA that major opposition parties adopted as their opposition alliace for joint candidature during the just concluded general elections

The rulling CCM selected Works Minister John Pombe Magufuli as its flag bearer.  Former Prime Minister Edward Lowasa after losing the bid for the CCM flag bearership opted to leave the party and join the opposition CHADEMA.  Under CHADEMA, Lowasa was selected as the joint flagbearer under UKAWA.  Consequently, leaders of the major opposition parties like Prof. Ibrahim Lipumba of CUF and Dr. Wilbroad Slaa of CHADEMA protested the choice of Edward Lowasa.  From CCM, Lowasa was followed by among others, former Prime Minister Sumaye and reknown aging CCM cadre and ideologist, Mzee Kingunge Ngombale Mwiru who by comparison would equate NRM's ideologist Kajabago Karusoke.

Campaigns were conducted in a peaceful atmosphere with aspirants traversing the country without any hindrance, accorded equal opportunities and with almost no single incident of any kind of violence. During the campaigns, it was difficult to tell who of the two leading candidates (Lowasa and Magufuli) had bigger crowds.  CCM's greatest asset was its choice of Magufuli.  As Minister of Works, he is reputed for being an excellent performer with a corruption free record. He campaigned on the premiss of 'Real Change' and spared no effort in criticising poor service delivery by government. UKAWA campaigned on the premiss of 'CHANGE' claiming that CCM's overstay in power was responsible for the country's underdevelopment.  UKAWA's campaign slogan of "People's Power" aimed at mobilizing the masses for street protests in the event that it would be unfairly denied victory.  The government did not take this threat lightly and consequently put in place a heavy police deployment throughout the country.  The police was harmless but very watchful throughout the election giving rise to a violent free polling period.  No one was injured, kidnapped, detained, killed or curtailed from his freedom of choosing a candidate of his choice. Police raided the tally center that had been set up by UKAWA and their equipments confiscated.

At the close of the polls, the Electoral Commission declared CCM's John Pombe Magufuli the winner of the Presidential race with Eight million votes (58%) against UKAWA's Edward Lowasa who got Six million votes (39%) leaving the smaller parties to share less than one percent.  UKAWA cried foul and refused to concede defeat but has not put in practice the earlier threat of "people's power".  As a tradition, Tanzanians are looking forwardk to John Pombe Magufuli as their new President as they strive to resolve any differences that could have arisen out of the electoral process.

 Since Museveni came to power in 1986, Tanzania has democratically had three Presidents each serving ten years.  The incoming President John Magufuli was 27 years old when Museveni came to power. UKAWA's earlier call for 'People's Power' could not appeal to Tanzanians because unlike other regional leaders, their leaders respect the term limits and give way to new leaders.

UKAWA has an obligation to accept the outcome of the elections because it willingly went into the electoral process under the old constitutional arrangement.  The opposition in Uganda has been pushing for electoral reforms and some sections had even threatened 'No Reform, No Elections'. The regime is not ready to give in to meaningful electoral reforms and recent events suggest that the opposition is set to take part in the forthcoming elections.  They are banking on the false belief that an opposition alliance can dislodge the military dictator through polls.  Unfortunately for Museveni what matters is securing and consolidating the backing of the security forces whose violent actions will deliver his victory.

 In a free and fair electoral process, with or without an opposition alliance anyone can defeat Museveni at the polls.  Tanzania's situation is different from that of Uganda.  Tanzanians sought to replace leadership and they did but Ugandans are craving for a liberation from 30 years of military dictatorship. For Uganda's case, much as the opposition alliance is healthy for purposes of galvanising support in terms of numbers and more so securing diplomatic backup, there is need for contingency plans  in form of 'Plan B'
 Therefore, if the Besigye/Mbabazi alliance can focus on more liberation instead of electioneering, the dictatorship can be dislodged; sort of that they should be prepared to either accept the Museveni victory come February 2016 or the usual foul cry.
 God bless Tanzania.



Thursday, 29 October 2015


Uganda's military dictator Gen. Museveni has been in power for  the last 29 years and is seeking another five year term. This time round he is no longer pretending to be a democrat but has come out openly more determined than ever before to use fully blown military dictatorial means to remain in power. Here below are the reasons why he so much craves to remain in power:
1.  Since his childhood, he craved so much to gain the presidency of Uganda; he has a feeling of being morally obliged to remain president for life.  He is naturally power hungry.
 2.  During his presidency he has committed gross human rights violations and war crimes both in Uganda and the neighboring countries such that he fears that if he leaves power, he will be held accountable.
 3.  He has committed serious economic and political  discrimination against Ugandans in favor of certain ethnic communities and political cliques such that he needs to stay in power so that he guarantee security of their ill-gotten privileged political positions and economic status. This is the category of Ugandans that Museveni always refers to as 'building a middle class society'.
4.  He hopes to become the first President of the East African regional political integration if he can manage to manipulate the new leadership of Tanzania the same way he has done with Rwanda, Burundi, Kenya, and South Sudan 
5.  He hopes to preside over the oil wealth which he has publicly declared as his in order to benefit his preferred ethnic communities and regime cadres while a bigger portion will be dedicated to building a strong army with sophisticated military arsenals while majority Ugandans will be dying of hunger, ignorance and preventable diseases.
6.   He is not yet done with military aggression against neighboring countries in order to influence political changes that ensure client regimes.  The oil wealth will play a bigger role in regional instability. Uganda will be the hub of regional dissidents and Ugandans will bear the brunt of reprisal attacks.  He won't rest not until he succeeds in curving out independent states out of eastern DRC and possibly north western Tanzania.
7.  Being a Marxist/communist, he feels he is not yet fully done with venting his anger against the capitalist world. His current honeymoon with Russia, China and North Korea points to this  direction.  He is aspiring to become the communist block's regional proxy and the west is yet to suffer his worst humiliation. 
8.  He is buying time for his son who is currently the head of the army to take over from him.
9.  He feels that he has not yet fully subdued Ugandans intellectually, psychologically, socially, politically, and economically.  Once Ugandans will have lost political consciousness and unanimously adore him as God sent, then he may leave power to someone of his choice. By then the regime security forces will have taken center stage in determining who hold which public office through vetting by the secret services. They will be the ones to set and enforce terms and conditions for holding public offices, regulate all forms of freedom for Ugandans, and decide on who can live or die.  At the time regular electoral processes will have become merely ceremonial. The so called national constitution will have been turned into a regime constitution and he will have earned for Ugandans the reputation of being 'peace loving, united, and nationalistic' people.  That way, Gen. Museveni will go in the books of history as The Father of the Nation.


Wednesday, 28 October 2015


Uganda's military dictator Gen. Museveni has always claimed that his 29 years hold on power is backed by the mandate of the people of Uganda through regular electoral processes.  All the past elections in which gen. Museveni has been the winner have all been marred by violence orchestrated by his regime cadres (personalised Army, Police, intelligence services, and regime militias. 
Courts of law, local and international human rights organisations, civil society, religious institutions and the international community in general have repeatedly highlighted and condemned the systematic trend of state inspired violence.  However, Gen. Museveni has consistently and without shame blamed the opposition for propagating violence,  He has branded them all sorts of demonic labels; from terrorists, economic saboteurs to disgruntled and confused elements.
Within his regime party, he has declared himself the sole presidential candidate for the 2016 general elections.  He sacked his regime Secretary General and Prime Minister, A mama Mbabazi accusing him of incompetence yet the reason behind the sacking was that the later was harboring intentions of running for the presidency. Mbabazi has since then declared intentions to contest for the presidency on an independent ticket. Save for Gen. Museveni, any other member of the regime party intending to vie for any elective office must go through the process of party primaries.  The regime party primaries have been marred by killings, kidnaps, maiming, bribery, ballot printing and stuffing, destruction of property including torching of houses etc. 
The regime security forces (army, police and intelligence services) have been invasion lived in openly siding with some aspirants. Museveni's invisible hand is in the covert role of the district regime leaders like RDCs and DISOs in orchestrating all that violence in their efforts to isolate suspected Mbabazi sympathisers. Because the regime is fused with the state and more so the violence is sanctioned by Museveni, the law enforcement agencies have not had anyone brought to book; not even condemning the nationwide violence. The police has not been using arrests, beatings, or use of teargas as is always the case when dealing with the opposition.
The other cause of violence and irregularities is the scheme to weed out old guards in the regime's political wing since he is done with the military wing.  Actually, it doesn’t matter even if all the so called regime historical heavy weights defected to the opposition, his regime will still sail through since he is in control of the army. It is a fact that those who will be elected in the party primaries will be the ones that the regime will facilitate to win in the general elections next year; the likes of Musician Raga Dee are the perfect cadres of tomorrow.
 Generally, the  nationwide violence and irregularities that has characterized the regime party primaries is a clear testimony of who has been  behind all the violence and irregularities during the past electoral processes and other opposition political activities. Museveni has not been bothered by the ongoing chaos within  his party  because he is the beneficiary but more so he is no longer pretending to seek legitimacy through electoral process but is concentrating on consolidating the personal loyalty of his traditional power base - the security forces.
To him the violence sends a clear message to the opposition that they should expect the worst in 2016.  Since this is the same regime that is organising the 2016 general elections in which the so called opposition will take place,  the big question is: what will be the level of violence and rigging during the 2016??? Which regional, continental, or world body can Ugandans appeal to so that they in turn prevail  over Museveni and his regime to excuse themselves from  organising the 2016 general elections; or else Ugandans have the mandate to determine their destiny.  What more evidence is required in support of such a petition??


Tuesday, 27 October 2015


The so called national independence celebrations that was reccently celebrated in Gulu was another scheme by the Museveni military regime to lure and hoodwink 'northerners' and Achoili in particular.  Since the early 1970s during the fight against Iddi Amin that was dominated by 'northerners', Museveni sought to dislodge them from dominance of the security forces.  As a strong believer in the military being the vanguard of state power, Museveni embarked on building a sectarian southern dominated army that was predominantly comprised of Rwandese refugees and dubbed it FRONASA. It became a parallel organisation to the main northern-dominated Kikosi Malum. The military race between the Museveni and the Okello/Ojok factions I.e FRONASA and UNLA respectively after the fall of the Iddi Amin regime greatly undermined the creation of a post Iddi Amin national army in favor of Museveni's childhood presidential ambitions.
When Museveni opted to fight the elected UPC government in 1981, he took with him the soldiers of his FRONASA faction.  As the rebellion gained ground, it became crystal clear that the war was about dislodging the 'northern dominated' UPC government from power.  The  Luo dominated government troops were referred to by Museveni's NRA as Acholi and later as Anynyas. Some of the so called NRA patriotic songs depicted the 'Acholi' as the enemy the same way South Africa's PAC had the "one settler, one bullet" slogan.
The sectarian nature of the war came to clearly manifest itself during the 1985 Nairobi Peace Talks which Museveni manipulated in order to treacherously take over power.

Against the above background, upon comng into power in January, the Acholi  rejected the new political order and went  into armed rebellion but mainly due to the reprisal mentality that the victorious NRA meted out against them.  The rebellion gave rise to the northern Uganda insurgency thatsted over two decades. During that period, Acholi were humiliated, demon used and eventually subdued into submission to Museveni's military dictatorship.  Right now, if there is any region that vehemently sustaining Museveni's dictatorship, its Acholiland.  They are dominating the lower ranks of Museveni's power base - the Army and the top leadership of the regime secretariat (NRM).  Museveni has been hoodwinking them with state sponsored reburials of their prominent sons - many of whom have for decades been the subject of demonic name calling - from 'swines' to 'demons'. TheMuseveni military junta had for decades been preaching hatred of the 'northers' to the central and western regions. During a recent call-in Akadaara TV political talk show that was hosted by Edidia Nyakahangura, a lady by the names of Grace called in from Kizungu  Division in Mbarara town and nocently expressed her fears thus: "....those opposition politicians want to return power and they finish us".  
 The truth is that the caller had been fed on the over two decades of hatred propaganda against Acholi in order to justify Museveni's senseless war during the early 1980s. That is why law enforcement agencies could not follow up on her utterances despite there being a law prohibiting promotion of sectarianism. It is in the same regard that Brig. Kasirye Gwanga who is a senior presidential advisor stated that he cant offer his military service in northern Uganda. 

hThe state sponsored reburials of the likes of Archbishop Janan Luwum, Inspector General of Police Erinayo Oryem, Army Chief Gen Bazilio Okello and others has of recent been used in this regard.  When Gen. Ssejusa was in exile in London, Gen. Museveni vowed to bring to book whoever was involved in atrocities in northern Uganda, That was after he had without shame claimed that all along he had not been aware that his army had committed atrocities in northern Uganda. That way he intended to isolate renegade Gen. Ssejusa from the people of northern Uganda; that is why no one has since then been brought to book.

eThe choice of Gulu as the host region for this year's venue for the national independence celebratios was another opportunistic move in order to win over the Acholi but also a  parade against Acholi. For this reason,  by deign the parade commander was the notorious Col. Dan Kakono of the elite SFG, while the parrade Second in Command (2i/c) was Lt. Col. David Opero of CMI, while the parade Adjutant, RSM and majority of the guard commanders were Acholi junior officers. The same applied to the Deputy Speaker Jacob Oulanya who played the role of the defacto Chief of Protocol.  A number of prominent Acholi past and present civil and military leaders were awarded national medals.  The independence medal went to among others Bishop Baptist Obama, Bishop Onono Onweng, GGulu district Sheikh Musa Kelil, Bishop Ochola Baker,  EALA Speaker Dan Kidega, the Late Anywar who lowered the British flag at Independence in 1962, Odeke - a FRONASA Informer on the Acholi dominated Kikosi Malum during the fight against Iddi Amin, JB Ochaya - former RDC Kit gum and a number of NRA collaborators and traitors during the over two decades of A chili rebellion. Also, honoured were those who participated in the peace process with the LRA except those in  the opposition like DP's Norbert Mao.  It is also worthy noting that some of those honoured over the LRA insurgency like Bishop. odama were always suspected by the regime as being behind the rebellion. Even, Museveni's Acholi ceremonial body guard was awarded the independence medal. The former Acholi Police officer who saved former President Obote during an assassination attempt was also honoured

The Golden Jubilee medal was also predominantly awarded to hundreds if past and present army  officers like Feb. Julius Oketta, Big. Fred To lit, Brig. Perino Okoya, Ltcol Thomas Luyi, Ltcol. Okulu, Col. Ochola, Ltcol. Francis Plum, Maj. Okid, Maj. Charles Junta, Maj. Ben Odong on top of several other Junior officers (captains and Lieutenants). Of course, the other medals associated with Museveni's bush war could not go to the Acholi because at the time they were the enemies, simply went to the custodians of the regime from the central and the western regions.  However, a little known Acholi - the late Kinyera Patingo was awarded the Luwero Triangle medal  for outstanding performance in the 1981 -1986 Museveni war. For the people of Luwero who bore the brunt of that war because they were told Acholi were their enemies, see this as hypocrisy of the highest order.  The occasion was also used to mobilize Acholi support for Museveni for the 2016 sham elections.  Different pro-regime local political groupings were mobilised and parraded before Museveni in order to show their allegiance. Museveni has so much subdued the A chili that they have lost all political appetite to the extent that they can't even rise a substancial presidential aspirant for national leadership. For the same reasons, even the ongoing chaos in the regime party primaries has not been witnessed in northern Uganda.

With the end of the over two decades of Acholi rebellion, the

 Gulu independence celebrations of 9th October 2016 was a Museveni victory parade over Acholi. What remains now is to take over their land in the ongoing systematic land grabbing.


Monday, 19 October 2015


In military context, technical intelligence (TECHINT) is intelligence about weapons and equipments used by armed forces of foreign nations.  It is intended to avoid technological surprise; by knowing the characteristics and capabilities of enemy weapons helps develop effective counter measures.  Generally, TECHINT is intelligence derived from collection, processing, analysis, and exploitation of data and information pertaining to foreign nations' equipment and materials for purposes of preventing technological surprises. It also helps in assessing foreign scientific and technical capabilities  so as to develop counter measures designed to neutralise an adversery's technological advantage.  Given that scientific and technical information (S&TI) is an important part of a nation's çompetetive positions in world markets,S&TI blurs into economic intelligence.  Signal Intelligence (SIGINT) involves the interception of communication between two parties. The  interception of electronic transimitions is done by ships, planes, military communication gadgets or satelites.  Therefore the  the communication intelligence (COMINT) falls under SIGINT.

Interception of communication involves listening to calls made on a telephone or opening and reading the contents of the target's letters or  emails.  Use of intrusive investigative methods such as eavesdropping in target's home, office or vehicle.  Installation of covert surveillance devices in premises and devices of targets enhances accurance and cuts on the cost.  The method of surveillance is determined by the operative situation (OS) in particular circumstances.  Directed surveillance operations involve the covert monitoring of targets' movements, conversations and other activities by highly skilled specialist surveillance officers who may either be mobile or stationary on fixed observation posts (O)

The recent revealation by the BBC that the Mseveni regime had procured high-tech equipments to monitor the opposition has caused uncalled for uproar among Ugandans.  The regime has suspiciously hastily come out to deny the allegation.  A fees ago the regime enacted a law on interception of communication and has since then been enforced  by security agencies.  Though the legislation was enacted with the aim of strengtheñing national security and the fight against global terrorism, the regime's priority was on its political opponents,  Interception of communication is as old as the regime itself. What may only be news is the upgrading of the means in line with technological advancement.  The said legislation only came to legalise the over two decades tradition.

All the regime intelligence outfits have since time in memorial been running surveillance programs against political dissenters.  They have within their organisational structures a department called Technical whose primary task is to carry out electronic surveillance on regime 'enemies' including the political opposition and dissenters. Under CMI and its predecessor DMi, the Technical deprtment was  headed by Eng. Michael Bossa. He had joined DMi around 1987 after joing the army through Kakoza Mutale's political indoctrinatio in the forests of Wakiso.  In ISO the technical department was for màñy years headed by a one Ndaula. Before the advent of mobile phones, electronic surveillance was mainly concetrated on landline telephone and premisses bugging. For landline telephones, security agencies had to work closely with Uganda Posts and Telecommunications (UTL).  DMI had had some of its technical staff trained at the UPTL training school in  Nakawa before they went to London for another short course.  When Gen. Henry Tumukunde took of DMi and renamed it CMI, he displaced Eng. Michael Bossa to the army headquarters.  This was because Eng. Bossa was married to the sister Nathan Byanyima who was then the Member of Parliament for Bukanga and was instrumental in sensoring regime super Ministers.  More so, Gen. Tumukunde had taken over CMI at a time when relations with Rwanda were souring and both Eng. Bossa and his wife had worked at DMI during the time the Rwandese including Paul Kagame were dominating DMI.  Eng. Bossa's wife was a long serving civilian secretary at DMI  - since 1986.  Gen. Tumukunde intended to get rid of all those who had served the Rwandese dominated DMI.

Instead, Gen. Tumukuñde groomed a one Elias  who has since been the devil behind much of CMI's technical intelligence programs. In close collaboration with mobile telephone companies namely MTN and UTL, an electronic surveillance mechanism was devised.  CMI stationed its staff members in these companies for ease of monitoring, On the other hand, ISO maintained a number of surveillance outposts in different places more especially in Kampala.  One of such outpost was on Balintumaj Road in Men go in a house that had earlier housed the  human rights commission of inquiry and now housing the Ndejje University - Kampala campus. It was manned by among others senior ISO officers like BenRwabutara and Nyakairu.  Rwabutara's wife even worked as a Secretary at the same offices.  Under ISO's Technical Directorate was now Col. Victor Twesigye who headed a special signal surveillance program dubbed 'operation Rabbit' that was responsible for intercepting military radio communications of hostile countries.  He played a vital role during the Congo militar expedition by monitoring the communications of both Rwanda and Congo.  This was the typical SIGINT and ater the Congo mission Col Tywesigye left ISO and is now the Chief of Communication  in  the Army.  A similar project  to monitor Sudan military communications was housed below Sentema Road in Men go and used defectors from Sudan. The current ISO chief Balya had earlie4 been a Director of Information Technology (DIT) that was among others charged with the interception of LRA military radio communication and would use LRA A chili defectors to break into the coded words that were being used. External Security Organisations (ESO)  also runs its own surveillance programs mainly targeting Uganda's foreign service officers by mentoring the associations, dealings, conversations etc. At one time, ESO was involved in a land row with Mr. Bwenje over his mansion on Mutungo hill the ESO claimed was obstructing its communication gadgets based in the neighborhoood.

 With the proliferation of intelligence outfits, the magnitude of electronic surveillance also escalated.  Different agencies are competeting  on how bèst to out manoeuvre each other and capture the attention of the sole sponsor - Museveni for increased funding.  Apart from Museveni, any other Ugandan is a subject of covert electronic surveillance.  His çurrent Acholi ceremonial bodyguard is the most covertly monitored individual.  Senior army officers are also highly subjected to covert surveillance followed by opposition top leadership, religious leaders, human rights activists, civil society leaders, some diplomats and their diplomatic missions, State House staff, a few cabinet Ministers and other government officials. The same applies to some Judges whenever they are handling a case where regime stkes are high. Because of the A mama Mbabazi scare, much of the overt electronic surveillance is directed towards regime insiders so as to identify Mbabazi simpathisers.

Most of the opposition leades more especially those who had been part of the regime knows about the existence of this scheme but unfortunately some have gone ahead to repeatedly use telephones in communicating their sensitive messagi in their endeavors to challenge the regime.  By giving out telephone numberes to his supporters, Dr. Besigye was not being serious with maneuvering against the regime.  To what extent did the NRA and the LRA rely on telephones during their wars?  A mama Mbabazi has to some extent avoided reliance of telephones for mobilisation thus why he has registered some level of surprise.  Whenever an opposition leader is held by security agencies, they use the opportunity to instal surveillance software in the victims mobile phone sets, computers, cars etc.  All the opposition offices and residences of leading opposition figures are covertly electroniclly bugged.  Whatever the opposition alliance (TDA)  was discussing would be relayed to the surveilance comma and posts for  onward transmission to Museveni on top of what their hopeless mol Prof Bukenya would deliver in secrecy.  Even the proceedings of the opposition leaders' meeting with Kenya's Raila Odinga was electronically monitored.  Moreover, CMI and ISO agents have a bigger presence in Nairobi  than any other capitall in the region.  Security agencies use electricians, plumbers, house keepers, shamba boys, stage managed burglaries and house breaks like was the case at Mbabazi's residence sometime back when an intuder was shot dead, and other covert methods to plant covert surveillance devices.

covert suveillance on Journalists and media houses that are perceived as being hostile to the regime, the advent of a robust social media is giving them sleepless night.  It is such up hand in covert monitoring of his political opponents that partly contributes to Museveni's arrogance.  However, care need to be exercised as the capabilities of these gadgets could be exaggerated in a move designed to scare political dissent.  Andrew Mwenda sometime back wrote a hoax over alleged procurement of sophisticated gadgets from

Italy that hack into social media accounts and emails. At the time it was meant to instil fear in Ugandans while exercising their freedom of communication.


Sunday, 18 October 2015


Museveni's military regime has for sometime been carrying out systematic militarisation of civilian institutions.  Initially, it was the paramilitary drills during political indoctrination sessions dubbed mchaka mchaka (political  education).  The military went to  revenue collection first through the short lived Anti-ssuggling Unit (ASU) that was headed by Brig. Andrew Lutaaya.   ASU was replaçed by the notorious Special Revenue Protection Service (SPRS) that was headed by Gen. Kalekyezi Kayihura assisted by his the aide Col. Ndahura Atwooki who is currently heading the Police Intelligence Unit.  The military involvement inn revenue collection was characterised by killings and maiming of Ugandans. Though, the  top leadership of ASU withdrew back to the army, their proxies and other lower achleons found permanent employment in the tax body. Most of all, the sectarian regime had not only managed to get rid of the unwanted Ugandans but implanted their into the the tax body. That is how the the Uganda Revenue Authority (URA)  came to be dominated by one region and regime cadres.

Militarisation was then extended to institutions of higher learning through compulsory cadre development courses and later into teenage schools through the patrotism clubs.  The former Uganda Police suffered the same fate after a number of serving soldiers were seconded to take over top command and administrative positions and the result is the total breakdown of policing and gross abuse of human rights that we are witnessing. Following  completion of the army's privatisation, Gen. Around a was deployed to the Ministry of Internal Affairs where he implemented the policy of militarisation of the immigration and Citizeship directorate.  The secondment of soldiers to that sector was meant to widen the regime's intelligence network.  In the same regard, soldiers took over the management of the National Agricultural Advisory Services (NAADS) under Gen. Saleh in a move designed to accommodate ageing soldiers whom the regime fears to retire from active military service.  When the regime forcefullly took over the management of Kampala City, soldiers  from the intelligence agencies were incorporated into the city's law enforcement unit so as to monitor  and counter the opposition riots and protests.  The militarisation of wildlife management has among other defects led to the theft of one ton of ivory from the strong rooms by Col. Charles Tusiime Rutarago of CMI.  The militarisation of forestry management has led to increased encroachment,  illegal logging and violent law enforcement. The çurrent nationwide recruitment, training and arming of millions of regime militias aome as young as 8 - 10 years of age under ther  guise of crime preventers and meant to fan violence during the 2016 election.

The latest catch is in the Fisheries sector.  During a fisheries stakeholder's workshop at Kajàñsi in Kampala recently, the Minister of Fisheries - Zirubaberi Nyiira declared that his ministry was to seek for the services of the army in fighting illegal fishing.  That a joint Fisheries Protection Unit manned by military personnel was being put in place to handle the task.  Fisheries contributes 2.5% of the GDP and 12% of the agricultural GDP.  Over 150M US$ is generàted annually from export earnings. It employs over 300,000 Ugandans directly while over 5million others indirecly benefited from this sector.  Like is the  case with Wildlife, forestry and environment sectors, fisheries sector all attracts a lot of donor funding that the thieving regime has to access.  The army and police have always been informally indulging in the Fisheries sector's law enforcement and that is how they came to lay a trap for the ràlly driver, Posiano Rwakataka.  Consequently, the sector loses about 50 million shillings each month through the security personnel-aided illegal fishing.
 The regime's militarisation agenda has the following objectives:
 1.  To intimidate, occupy, dominate and subdue;

2.    To widen it intelligence network.

 3.  To provide extra sources of income through employment for regime cadres and certain privileged ethnic communities.

4.  To secure an extra source of income for  the regime military cadres and the redundant army officers who can't be retired for fear that they would join the opposition.

 Therefore, if this madness is not checked, soon the military will take over the management of religious institutions so that it can access  the offertories and to be able  to curtail the freedom of worship.


Thursday, 15 October 2015


The whole world is focusing on Uganda over recent incident when the regime security forces violently and brutally curtailed the opposition activities.  Ugandans as usual are preoccupied with the manhandling and undressing the opposition lady forgetting that  that one is just a component of the whole incident where senior opposition leaders narrowly survived death.  Moreover,  the manhandling and undressing of female members of opposition has always been and continues to take place now and in future.   The worst scenarios are yet to come  in the near future.

In May 1999  The Monitor published a photo of a naked woman who was being forcefully held on the groun as one of the soldiers  shaved her pubic hair.  The said photo had allegedly been given to The Monitor by someone who claimed that it had been taken in Gulu army barracks.  A 24 years old female resident of Gulu, Candida Lakony Ochola came out and claimed that she was the  lady being shaved in the said photograph.  She went further to claim the soldier doing the actual shaving was his former boy friend W.O II Nelson Kisaale who was at the time based in Gulu Barracks under the SIB.  The army vehemently denied the allegation and the three top thre jouranalists that included the current leader of the opposition, Wafula Ogutu were arrested and charged with libel after the security forces ranssacled the Monitor offices.

The alleged victim, Candida Lakony was taken to Museveni in State House for security protection where she spent two days.  On the third day, Museveni handed her over to the Police  for prosecution on charges of  giving false information to the Police.  Before the Buganda Road Chief Magistrate's Court, Candida was represented by Jacob Oulanya (current deputy speaker of parliament) of Mao and Oulanya Advocates. The regime contracted Earnest Kenneth Career a foreinsic expert to analyse the photographs. The expert submitted his findings and testified during the trial to the effect that neither was Candida nor Nelson Kisaale in the said photograph.  Among the prosecution witnesses was the then Garrison Commander of Gulu army barracks, Capt. Charles Opioid who informed court that indeed at one time Candida Lakony's head and not the pubic hair was shaved by the army in Gulu barracks as a routine punishment for women who misbehaved in the barracks. In November 1999, Candida Lakony was convicted and sentenced to imprisonment for one year.  During the sentencing process, his Lawyer Jacob Oulanya pleadeded with court to hand her a lenient sentence owing to the fact that she had spent over five months on remand and that the trial had revealed how women were being tortured in Gulu Barracks. A few days after serving his sentence, Candida Lakony died of a strange illness.  His former boyfriend, Nelson Kisaale is now a Senior Army Officer under the ñortorious CMI.  While the trial of candida had lasted only five months, the trial of the three Journalists for libel was to last the next six years  characterised by convictions, appeals and counter appeals until it was finally dismissed by the highest court in the land. At the time Ugandans viewed the incident as an isolated Candida Lakony affair but over a decade now, a repeat of history is knocking on their doors and they are yelling on top of their voices.

 The Museveni regime has suscessfully militarised and privatised all the security forces (army, Police, intelligence services etc) and turned them into a regime enforcement/coersive arm of its structures charged with ensuring that the regime retains power by violent means.  Unlike in the past electoral processes where there was some semblance of competition though violent, this time round it is the outright use of the security forces that will ensure continuity of the regime beyond 2016. This is because Museveni knows very well that Ugandans and the world are tired of his 30 years hold on power.  Given the  level of violence exhibited within the regime's party during its  internal primary elections, it has to undoubtedly  realise that the center can nolonger hold. Therefore, its survival relies entirely on the amount of violence, brutality, intimidation and bribery that it able to met out on dissenters. The much aclaimed recent court ruling whereby individual security officers are to be held liable for their violent actions means nothing to the regime. The men and women in security circles act with full blessing of their field commanders and Museveni who is the Commander in Chief. The ongoing uncalled for brutality by members of the security forces is designed to demonstrate the arrogance of Museveni owing to the fact that he has the monopoly to violence and anticipates no one to challenge him on that.

The good news is that the regime is working around the clock to subdue Ugandans physically and psychologically into submission to the final stage of dictatorship.  The post 2016 Mseveni's Uganda will register and preside over a Politically resigned population.  Ugandans will be subjected to such hopelessness that members of the security forces will be publicly viewed as the Alpha and Omega of everything.  They will  have powers to act with impunity in subduing any form of economic, social and political dissent.  Political activism, professional journalism, civil society, and general political consciousness will be subdued such that the regime  brutality will become an acceptable way of governance.   Such incidents will nolonger be making news and will not even be reported thus from the outside Uganda will be viewed as a stable country but internal discontent will build up only to explode decades later at a time when Museveni's grandson will be the president of Uganda.   It has worked very well in a number of African dictatorial governments which have been commended for being stable.

Ugandans for now need to tighten their belts for worst scenarios before they are totally subdued and the country stabilises in submission to 'revolutionary dictatorship'.  Its a contest between 200,000 armed people against the rest of the over 35 million Ugandans.  The so called leaders of the opposition to Museveni's dictatorship may in future be judged harshly by history if they fail to use numbers to rescue Uganda.


Monday, 12 October 2015


The Uganda military dictatorship has rescheduled the 2016 election roadmap as follows:

1.  Submission of nomination forms extended to October 23, 2015

2.  Nomination of presidential candidates moved from October 5th and 6th 2015 to November 3rd and 4th 2015.

3.  Commencement of presidential campaigns moved from November 9th 2015 to February 3rd 2016.

The main contenders in the Presidential race are:

1.  The incumbent Museveni who has aggressively blocked any other party member of his party from seeking to carry its flag other than himself.  As the sole candidate, he has already returned nomination forms to the regimes's electoral commission but his party is yet to hold a sham ceremonial delegate conferences to select the party presidential flag bearer!!!

2. The former regime Secretary General and ex-Prime Minister, A mama Mbabazi whom Museveni sacked a few months ago after he suspected him of eyeing the top most party office.  Mbabazi insists he is a member of the ruling party but running as an independent candidate.  Though he has sought refuge in the opposition coalition (TDA), obviously  his candidature is set to divide the ruling clique/party.  The regime is planning to crush his candidature at all costs on flimsy legal technicalities.

3.  The presidential flag bearer of the main opposition party (FDC), Dr. Besigye insists that the 2016 election should only take place after meaningful and credible electoral reforms or else he is to mobilize the Ugandans to stop the election exercise.  It is crystal clear that the military regime will not give in to any meaningful electoral reforms.  Instead, it is busy reconstructing its usual political arsenal (security apparatus) to crash the opposition and any other form of dissent during the sham electoral exercise.  It is currently preoccupied with carrying out systematic arrests and detention of unemployed urban youths over concocted charges of iddle and disorderly, recruitment and training of army, police, party militias and cadres that will be used in election rigging through intimidation and violence. Dr. Besiigye had intended to use the public campaigns to mobilize the masses for civil disobedience.  Thus, before the campaigns officially begin in February 2016,  the draconian POMA  law will not allow opposition politicians to convene and address any assembly.

The Pope is slated to visit Uganda from 27th to 29th November 2015.  The military regime is so much banking on exploiting the Papal visit to reshape its false international image and the accruing political capital.  Definely, if the previous electoral roadmap had remained intact, it would imply that the visit would take place amidst heated election campaigns and the resultant political chaos thus reception by a divided population.  This is the primary reason for the rescheduling of the 2016 election roadmap.  The other reasons like stifling of opposition campaign period, Museveni's poor health, isolating and neutralising Mbabazi  and buying time in order to assemble an election rigging security apparatus are just secondary.   Since Museveni has already 'won' the  2016 elections, his only concern is how best to conceal the fact that Ugandans are tired of his 30 years of military dictatorship.  Rescheduling the election roadmap is one of the many manoeuvres that the regime intends to take in order to undermine the democratic process that would dislodge it from power.  Otherwise, the move is meant to postpone the bloody showdown in neutralising the oppos

The defunct opposition alliance (TDA) threatened to take legal action against the regime electoral commission but again TDA itself is not a legal entity thus lacks the locus -standi and is surrviving at the mercy of of the draconian public Order law.


Saturday, 10 October 2015


Former Museveni ceremonial Vice President, Prof. Gilbert Bukenya's return to 5he ruling military junta jeopardizes former Prime Minister Amama Mbabazi's candidature since most Ugandans who are craving for change may now view  Mbabazi as the next person on the list of the opposition top figures who may return to the  Museveni camp. This is because of Mbabazi's reluctance to aggressively confront the ruling military junta. However, such a conclusion would be misguided because Mbabazi is only trying to be deceptive in dealing with Museveni's military dictatorship or else he is sent "six feet deep". 
His approach will obviously cost him in terms of confidence building.  For example, how will he account for his continued being guarded by the regime police and his suspicious retention of HIS long time aide de camp (ADC) Capt. jimmy  Katabazi who is a senior member of the regime spy outfit ((ISO) among other privileges. Why was former Vice President Bukenya not afforded such privileges before he made a U-turn!!!
Museveni had appointed the Professor on sectarian considerations; to hoodwink ethnic Baganda and the  majority Catholics in Uganda.  However, he had to sack him after suspecting that the Professor was harboring presidential ambitions.  He accused the Professor of secretly meeting top Catholic church clerics and senior ethnic Baganda army officers.  Since then Prof. Bukenya's opposition to Museveni's dictatorship has been consistently vague.  Among the stinging attacks again the Museveni regime is his well founded suspicion over foul play in the  demise of his son in a mysterious motor accident. 
His son Brian Bukenya was about to complete an Officer Cadet course under Museveni's personal army. Most recently, the professor publicly lamented that his son had been served with lace tea before being killed in stage managed motor accident. He even went further to allege that the so called accident vehicle was being driven in Congo by members of Museveni's secret services.
Ever since he was sacked the scandalous and comical Prof. Bukenya has been seasonally associating with mainstream opposition groups.  The most recent was where he was one of the four contenders for the opposition coalition joint presidential candidacy.  Hardly a month since the collapse of those efforts, Prof. Bukenya has made a U-turn.  To grace his infamous pronouncement, the regime was represented by Patricia Mwijustya whom the media houses described as " a State House official who did not want to be identified."  She is a daughter of the Late Sam Magara who had been Museveni's Army commander in the bush before they disagreed and the former met his mysterious death.
She is to run for a  parliamentary seat  in one of the new Hima found lands in Buganda - Nakaseke North constituency. His deceased son must be turning in his grave and writing a book titled "Betrayed By Dad".  Of course, Bukenya will argue that he  has simply left the club of Misege (wild dogs) whom Museveni said he can't handover power to; and he has gone back to become a domestic dog once again.
Such scenarios leave Dr. Besigye to be viewed as the only credible, substantial and consistent political opponent capable of tackling Museveni’s dictatorship. Still, the two political camps of Dr. Besigye and Mbabazi need each other if they are to achieve meaningful regime change.  They only need to harmonise their approaches, strategies and ideology for a common goal of rescuing Uganda from a hostage situation. What should preoccupy the two camps is how best they can 'lure' Museveni's son who is the army chief to 'back' their cause. Otherwise, Bukenya's  U-turn should not be a surprise and has little impact on the cause to salvage the country.  What matters are the people of Uganda who have not and will never make a U-turn. However, Prof. Bukenya' s U-turn confirms Dr. Besigye's recent assertion that he has learnt not to trust people.  For such people, the late Col Patrick Karegyeya while describing Andrew Mwenda, used these words;  "he is hopeless".