Friday, 27 November 2015


During the campaigns for the just concluded general elections in Tanzania, the ruling CCM presidential candidate John Pombe Magufuli (JPM) campaigned on the theme of 'Real Change' and his campaign slogan was 'Hapa Kazi Tu' (work and nothing else).  His CCM ruling party has been in power since independence in the early 1960s. During campaigns JPM openly decried poor service delivery, biting poverty, appalling living conditions, rampant corruption and abuse of office.  He broke the traditional norm of of past leaders telling wananchi (ordinary citizens) that their country was poor; but instead emphasized that the country was very rich. Indeed Tanzania is one of the few countries in the world that is endowed by God with everything it takes for a nation to prosper in terms of natural resources except winter and snow.  The most precious resource that the country has enjoyed for many decades is peace but its people have remained poor and globally it is ranked as one of the poorest.  During campaigns, JPM promised that his government would fight corruption, abuse of office, cut public expenditure, and improve services of every citizen regardless of their ethnic, regional, religious and political affiliations.

After he was declared the  winner of the October 25th poll and sworn in as the country's fifth President, JPM sneaked of State House and walked to the Ministry of Finance for an impromptu visit only to find a number of officers were not at their desks on pretext of having gone for 'break tea'.  A few days later, he made another impromptu visit to the National Referral Hospital where he carried out an unguided tour of the patient's wards. In the wards he found patients sleeping on the floor while others had not got any medical attention because the ICT-scan and IMR machines had broken down months back.  He ordered management to transfer one of the patients Mr. Chacha Makange who had spent over a month without any medical attention, to be transferred to a private hospital in order to access a scan machine before offering to meet the cost from his salary.  The mere sight of a President knealing on the floor to comfort a patient who is lying on the hospital floor is just amazing. He sacked the entire hospital Board Directors and the Hospital Director.  He ordered the repair of the grounded machines and the Ministry of Finance immediately released 3 billion shillings and within two days they were repaired.  Currently, 12 billion shillings has been earmarked for the procurement of diagnostica and other medical appliances. The Treasury has already vendorsed the budget and the tendering process has begun.

JPM slashed the budget that was meant to cater for opening ceremony of the new parliament thus saving 225 million shillings that was channelled to the national referral hospital and used to purchase  300 beds and mattresses, 30 special chairs for patients, and 1695 pairs of bed sheets - all have been delivered. He has cancelled all foreign trips by government officials and urged them to make use of the countriy's embassies based in those countries except if it is very necessary but still only with approval of his office.  He cited 356.325 billion shillings that was spent on foreign trips during the 2013/2014 and 2014/2015 financial years.  He argued that that amount was enough to construct 400km of tarmac road before jocking that "some government officials make more trips abroad than they visit their mothers in the village.  He has cancelled  50 names from the list of government officials who were scheduled to attend the Commonwealth Heads of Government meeting leaving only four (Ambassador and three of his staff) who will represnt Tanzania thus saving 700 million shillings that had been budgeted. He has cancelled this year's independence celebrations citing the high cost in terms of time and resources and instead directed that the occasion should be used to do general cleaning of goverment and private premises in the face of a cholera epidemic.  The 2011 independence celebrations to mark 50 years cost the tax payer 64 billion shillings.  He has banned government depatments from holding meetings and conferences in hotels and rented conference halls.  He has banned the use of tax payer's money in printing festive season cards ahead of this year's Christmas and New Year celebrations.  However, he suggested that those who wish to do it should dig into their pockets. He has cancelled this year's International AIDS Day celebrations and directed that the money should instead be channelled to assisting patients.  He has repeatedly acknowledged that during his countrywide tour for campaigns, he had noted that wananchi are tired of corruption and poor service delivery. Further, he concedes that the presidential bid was tougher than the previous ones.

He has vowed to tackle the following vices:
 -  To revitalize the economy so that the ordinary mwananchi can feel the growth. He argued that the economy should not only grow statistically without being reflected in the everday life of ordinary people.  He gave a one month ultimatum to all those who were given government industries and farms to make use of them or else they are to be removed from them.  He has promised to support the informal sector by removing unnecessary taxes  and banned the extension of tax holidays and exemptions to big companies.   He has cautioned urban law enforcement agencies against harassing hawkers and food vendors without giving them an alternative venue for their business. He has appealed to parliament to support him in strengthening the law of Public Procurement and criticized government's procurement of expensive vehicles.  He criticised the continued running of Tanzania Air with 200 staff members even when the company owns only one plane.  He has warned the energy sector against sabotaging power generation and supply in favor of businessmen who supply generators.

 -   He has promissed to form a small cabinet, resolve land conflicts between cultivators and cattle keepers, provide clean water, fight wildlife crime before accusing some government officials of conspiring with the perpetrators, warned the Police against placing false charges on victims, declared war on drug trafficking before vowing to go after the big fish, to reclaim all public spaces and reserved that had been grabbed - already demolition of posh private buildings is ongoing, to fight those holding dormant large chunks of land and double allocation of plots, irected public servants to display their name tags whenever they are on duty before warning them to 'either serve or go'.

 After his newly appointed Prime Minister made an impromptu visit to the port, the Commissioner General of the country's revenue body (TRA) together with his Deputy and some other four top officials were sacked pending investigation.  This followed a finding of the disappearance of 349 containers that had been imported by private businessmen but evaded payment of 80 billion shillings in taxes.  Police has been tasked to investigate the irregularity including their financial lifestyle, bank accounts, personal properties etc.  In the meantime they  have had their passports confiscated and a ban on all foreign travels by all employees of TRA.

JPM is not posturing but he means business. However, he needs to assemble a strong and determined team if he is to realise his dreams for a better Tanzania.  Its not an easy task and he is repeatedly asking wananchi to pray for him. The ruling CCM is still chaired by former President Jakaya Kikwete and JPM holds no office in the ruling party but is an ordinary party member.  If he succeeds in his plans, it will not only rejuvenate the strength of  his party and reassure ordinary Tanzanians of a better future but weaken the opposition.  The opposition's foundation is build on corruption, poor service delivery and abuse of office by some government officials.  What JPM is tackling is what the opposition has been pushinf for but because of their small numbers in parliament, they were often silenced and despised.  Therefore in JPM, the opposition finds an ally thus it is very rare in Africa for a President to push for an opposition agenda. JPM's success will be a pride for Africa whose people have lost all hope of getting such a leader.  If some leaders are selected by God, then JPM is one such leader.  Its anyone's guess as to who chose Museveni for Uganda; his 30 years hold on power has witnessed among other satanic deeds, the Presidential jet taking his married daughter to deliver in a German hospital at the expense of the tax payer whose wife and mother delivers on the floor at the national referral hopital. His wife is a cabinet Minister, the son and brother are in charge of the army leave alone the key positions held by his relatives and friends. We are yet to see JPM's first trip abroad using commercial flights. That is the Uganda that Museveni so much craves to politically and economically integrate with Tanzania!

The good news is that the Pole is on advanced team for God's vistt to Uganda come February 2016.  Ugandans should send their 'invitations' for his visit through the Pole.  God is visiting Tanzania and can as well visit Uganda.


Friday, 20 November 2015


Bush War in Uganda refers to the five years’ guerrilla war that culminated into a military take over in 1986 that brought Museveni to power.  Since then he has been and is still in power with his military regime characterised by rampant corruption, abuse of human rights, patronage, tribalism, outright theft of public resources, abuse of office, regional military aggression s etc.  His critics more especially his former comrades who have fallen out of his favour continue to repeatedly argue that Museveni deviated from the Bush War agenda, that he lost track; that he lost focus; that he departed from the original mission, that he abandoned the bush war agenda and much more of such.

During the bush war, Museveni had a ten-point program as the mission statement of his war against the UPC government at the time.  Among the ten points were: democracy, security, economy, fighting sectarianism, elimination of corruption etc. There is no doubt for the last 30 years Museveni had completely done the opposite.  He has instead continued to practice and thrive on the same vices that he had earlier on claimed to fight against.  In fact, vices like corruption, sectarianism, and nepotism have been institutionalised by his regime at a scale never witnessed before. His critics further claim that the so called Ten Point Program was a brainchild of their collective efforts with Museveni as their executive leader charged with implementing the same.

Recently Museveni publicly dismissed Dr. Kiiza Besigye's repeated assertion that Museveni had deviated from the bush war principles thus: "Besigye joined in August 1982 and three years later we came to government.  He did not know the internal working of NRM."  Am tempted to agree with Museveni because he had a hidden agenda for the Bush War which was kept secret from the likes of Dr. Besigye and many others who are now lamenting that Museveni deviated from 5he bush war agenda.  He so skillfully concealed that secret agenda from many of his comrades that they mistakenly believed him as a God sent rescuer of Uganda yet he had an agenda different from what he pretended to pursue. In order to fully appreciate this argument, you need to examine the categories of Ugandans who joined hands with him during the Bush War.

These are:
-- The ambitious and self seeking individuals who were looking for a way of getting into power.

-  The Rwandese Tutsi refugees who were looking for an opportunity to militarily invade and reclaim Rwanda.

-  Criminals who were escaping justice and sought refuge in the bush.

-  Unsuspecting civilian hostages and internally displaced who were turned into fighters.

-  Unsuspecting Ugandans who genuinely believed that the security situation was so grave that it deserved changing through personal sacrifice but unknown to them its Museveni who had orchestrated that situation so that he could turn around and pretentious to rectify it in pursuit of his hidden agenda.

Therefore, it is the last two categories that are lamenting about Museveni having deviated from the bush war mission.  They did not know then but they now know that Museveni had a hidden agenda but they are only shy to admit that they had been duped. This is because some of them derive their much-cherished heroism from their having participated in the Bush War. However, some few individuals like Dr. Besigye have at least come out to publicly express regret for having brought Museveni to power and even promised to take personal responsibility in removing him from power.


Thursday, 19 November 2015


Uganda has two traditional political parties that were founded around the time of independence.  The Democratic Party (DP) was founded on the foundation of the Catholic church.  The Uganda People's Congress (UPC) was founded on the foundation of the Protestant church and the monarchy.  When the British colonialists were leaving Uganda at independence, they left the country under the governance of the UPC and its founding father Dr. Apollo Milton Obote as the Executive Prime Minister.  The UPC alliance with the Buganda monarchy saw king Sir Edward Muteesa become the first and last ceremonial President of Uganda.  The events of 1966 saw the fall out of the UPC/Buganda Kingdom alliance.  King Muteesa was attacked by central government troops, humiliated and forced to flee into exile where he died. Kingdoms were abolished and Uganda became a republic with Milton Obote as the first executive President.  These developments pitted monarchists and Baganda in general against the UPC and Milton Obote in particular.  It is for this reason that when Iddi Amin overthrew Obote and UPC, the Buganda monarchy, the catholic church and the Baganda in general had almost no trouble with the eight years of Iddi Amin's rule.  For the same reason, those who were fighting Iddi Amin were not comfortable with DP's founding President Ben Kiwanuka serving as the regime's Chief Justice.  He was mysteriously kidnapped and disappeared to this day thus tarnishing the regime's image.

When the forces that overthrew Iddi Amin were advancing, Museveni went on a disinformation campaign of how Buganda region and the Baganda in particular were hostile to UPC and Obote.  In order to win over Buganda, the first post Iddi Amin governments were headed by two consecutive cosmetic Baganda Presidents who only ruled for sixty-seven days and one year respectively. During the 1980 general elections, Museveni who had earlier been a member of both UPC and DP, catalysed the social and religious division by forming what he termed as a non sectarian 'Third Force' (UPM) and contested for the presidency.  Throughout the campaigns he highlighted the religious, social class, monarch/Republican divisions. At the time there was no serious ethnic divisions in Uganda; its Museveni who introduced them shortly after.  The so called 'Third Force' brought into play by the likes of Museveni and company could not make any impact on the political arena and he miserably lost the elections.

 The UPC won the elections and though the DP claimed that it had been robbed of victory, it went ahead to form an opposition in parliament.  Museveni who had been building a Bantu army within the new post Iddi Amin national army (UNLA) as a weapon to achieve his childhood Presidential ambition opted to wage a guerrilla war against the UPC government.  He rode on the DP ticket by claiming that he was fighting because the elections had been rigged.  He recruited Bantu fighters into his force and preached the gospel of UPC and northerners as being killers and enemies of the Baganda. He systematically manipulated some Baganda peasants and a few elites while he undermined other Buganda based fighting groups.  For the first time in the history of Uganda the seeds of ethnic division had been sowed, germinated, and tended. The government troops were dubbed Acholis and later Anyanya - a term used to refer to all people from the northern region.  To consolidate Buganda's backing, he involved the monarchs in the war and promised to restore Buganda Kingdom.

When Museveni took over power in 1986, he embarked on an indoctrination scheme dubbed 'demystifying the gun' - which meant that Museveni had unmasked the myth pertaining to the gun being only in the hands of the people from northern Uganda.  The gospel was also dominated by how UPC, Obote and soldiers from northern Uganda were killers and enemies of Buganda.  This misconception led the way for the victorious NRA's advance into northern Uganda thus giving rise to the bloody insurgency that has lasted two decades.  In order to win over the nationwide DP support and Buganda in particular, his first government was dominated by DP.  Its only in the security forces where the Catholics like Brig. Tadeo Kanyankole, Brig. Julius Chihandae and other were purged on suspicion that they were plotting with DP to take over power.  In order to effectively demonise and erase the UPC from the history of Uganda, he systematically destroyed all the developmental programmes and ventures that had been initiated by the UPC. The different cooperative societies, Uganda Commercial Bank, Cooperative Bank, Uganda Railways, Uganda Airlines, Lint Marketing Board, Coffee Marketing Board, Uganda Transport Company, Uganda Cooperative Transport Union, and others were destroyed thus economic deprivation.

The over a decade long ban on political party activities gravely affected the UPC than it did with the DP.  While the DP enjoyed some alliance with the regime for some years, the UPC was a target of sectarian propaganda and political indoctrination where it was portrayed as a party of killers in the face of Ugandans from the southern and western regions. As a result, the word UPC is used by many people especially in Anklole to refer to evil.  Phrases like: "You have done me UPC" to mean an evil act done to someone.  When Museveni's life presidency project took shape, he totally abandoned reliance on the DP and Buganda alliance.  This was after he had satisfied himself that Buganda's capacity to militarily challenge his hold on power was no more.  He found new allies in UPC and northern Uganda.  He pardoned UPC's former Minister of Security, Chris Rwakasisi whom he had for many years painted as the Chief killer under UPC who had been on death raw and made him his Advisor.  Buganda's Hajji Musa Ssebirumbi had already been sacrifices by hanging over alleged UPC atrocities in Buganda during the Bush War on top of the many Baganda Youth Wingers who were summarily executed for being 'Bipingamizi'.

 Museveni knew very well UPC and Dr. Obote's potential to shake his hold on power and until his death in exile, the former had vowed never to allow the later to ever step on Uganda soil or else he would 'send him six feet deep'.  With Dr. Obote dead, Museveni knew that UPC was no longer a threat and would also never be the same.  With the UPC threat no longer out of sight, he fully shifted alliance from Buganda and DP to UPC and northern Uganda.  However, of recent owing to Buganda/DP's backing of Mbabazi and his Go Forward has worsened the situation in the Museveni camp.  In the past the DP has made alliances with the opposition but they did not substantially affect Museveni's hold on power because at the time he was still using the UPC scarecrow to blackmail Buganda and the DP.  When DP Paulo Ssemogerere contested against Museveni in 1996, the latter's propaganda machinery did concoct allegations that DP was in secret alliance with UPC and that it intended to bring back deposed President Milton Obote and it really worked against Ssemogere's candidature.

 Museveni very well knows that over the years he has successfully destroyed the UPC such that it is almost non existent in other regions save for Lango, Acholi and some small patches in Teso, Bugisu and Busoga regions.  Even in those regions, its membership is dominated by a few thousands in the over 55 years’ age bracket.  He also knows very well that he almost gains nothing from the so called alliance with UPC with an almost non existent UPC.  However, the historic and magnificent home of the UPC at the storied Uganda House in the center of Kampala city and managed by the Milton Obote Foundation is his target for destruction in the new found alliance.  Therefore, in allying with the Lango faction of UPC, Museveni's only interest is to torment the Baganda and DP thus the childish tit-for-tat; 'you go with Mbabazi, I also go with UPC'.


Monday, 16 November 2015


Uganda's military dictator, Museveni has just backed off a move to block the nominatio of Elias Lukwago for the Kampala City mayorship.  Let no one be deceived that the move was by the Minister; its Museveni who attempted to block the nomination and its only him who gave orders for the nomination.  Its the brutal arrest of Lukwago and the subsequent bloody scuffle between Lukwago's supporters and the regime Police compelled Museveni to make a tactical withdraw by allowing the nomination of Lukwago. He feared that the masses in Kampala could escalate the agitation in support of Lukwago yet the city is poised to host the Pope in two weeks time.

Eriasi Lukwago won the Kampala Mayorship after a repeat of the elections following the daylight rigging by the regime.  Museven vowed never to allow Lukwago to access the Mayoral office and indeed security forces mounted a permanent seal off of the  Mayor's office.   He created and filled the position of Executive Director for Kampala City Authority who assumed the powers of the Lord Mayor.  He created a Ministry and appointed a Minister for Kampala City who together with the ED coordinated Museveni's scheme to deny the  elected Lord Mayor access to his office.

Now that his term of office is coming to an end without ever accessing his office, Lukwago's popularity has doubled.  To avoid another defiant election victory by Lukwago, Museveni had thought to amend the law so that the Mayor of Kampala is not directly elected by residents of Kampala through adult suffrage but by an electoral college of a few City Council Councilors who are easy to manipulate, blackmail, intimidate and bribe.  The regime's Electoral Commission issued an unfortunate statement cancelling the nomination of the Kampla City Mayoral positionp pending directives of the Minister In-charge of Kampala. Unfortunately, the scheme had been hastily plotted when aspirant Lukwago had already returned his nomination papers to the Electoral Commission and had been afforded a nomination appointment that was scheduled for 16th Nov, 2015. He vowed to defiantly ignore the irregular cancellation to proceed to the Electoral Commission offices for nomination as earlier scheduled.  He went ahead to invite his supporters to turn up in big numbers for the occasion.

 Musevrni who considers Erias Lukwago to be the Kampala Zonal Commander of Team Defiance whose overall Commander is the opposition leader Dr. Besigye, as usual issued a hoax terror alert as a smoke screen to for security forces to block him and  his supporters from proceeding to the Electoral Commission offices as planned.  They feared that such a procession if allowed could escalate and trigger off the much anticipated civil disobedience at a time the city is preparing to host the Pope.  Lukwago and his supporters were not deterred by the empty threats thus the brutal arrest and confrontation with the regime Police that left several injured. It is reported that later on the regime rescinded its earlier decision and allowed Eriasi Lukwago to be nominated.

Lukwago's last hour nomination is a loss of a battle and not the war on Museveni's part.  It was a mere tactical withdraw and once the Pope's visit is over, Museveni will attack again and deal a decicive blow on Lukwago unless the later remains in the trenches while maintaining a high level of combat readiness (standby class one).   The illegalities  don't matter because under Museveni, the rule of law is non existent.  On the other hand, Lukwago's insistence and the backing down by the regime is a test of the campaign of defiance as advocated for by Dr. Besigye and group.


Saturday, 14 November 2015


Being a war monger, Museveni has prioritized repairin and construction of highway roads more especially those that not only link major urban centres but also link us to neighboring countries so as to ease mobility of troops and war materials.

 Mobility in military terms refers to the ability of a weapon system, combat unit or armed force to move towards a military objective.  Combat forces with a higher mobility are able to move quickly around and across more hostile terrain then forces with a lower mobility.  Mobility is a vital cmponent of modern battlefield; as the ability to deliver weapon systems or combat units to their objective quickly can often mean the difference between victory and defeat.  During World I, combat units could only move on the as far as a soldier could walk, resulting in a stalemate and inability to outmanoeuvre the enemy.  By World War II the development of tanks improved mobility.  Tracked and other mechanised vehicles eased movement of troops to and from the battle front.

Since the of World War II, armies have continued to develop their mobility.  By 1980s, intercontinental travel shifted from sea to air transport enabling military forces to move from one part of the world to another  within hours or a few days instead of weeks.  Mobility is also referred to as a combat multiplier  - a highly mobile unit can use its own combat strength of less mobile units.  This was the case with the German Panzer Divisions during World War II when they were considered the equivalent of of two or three infantry divisions partly due to their superior mobility and partly due to inherently greater fire power.  Mobility has also been defined in terms of three generally recognized levels of warfare; tactical, operational and strategic.

Tactical mobility is usually defined as the ability to move under fire during a combat angagement.  Operational mobility is the ability to move men and materials to the decisive point of battle.  Strategic mobility is the ability to move an army to the area of operations.  In World War I most armies lacked tactical mobility but enjoyed good strategic mobility through the use of railroads thus leading to a situation where armies could be deployed to the front with ease and rapidty; but once they reached they became bogged down by their inability to move under fire.  Operational mobility is a concept that begun during the period of the mechanisation of armed forces.  It became a method of managing the movement of forces by strategic commanders from the staging area (place where troops or equipments in transit are assembled or processed) to their tactical area of responsibility ahead of an attack or invasion.  Museveni has put in place roads that enable his troops and their war materials to reach the furthest urban/commercial centers in every corner of the country save for the politically inactive inactive Karamoja region. These centres are the staging areas in strategic mobility from where foot soldiers and light combat vehicles can penetrate the rural areas in order to suppress and down any uprising.  In both  Kanungu and Kisoro, Team Besigye delved into operational  and tactical mobility and were bogged down by poor rural road network.

 These military/security roads have been built and used in several countries for purposes of strategic mobilility by the military and later developed into public roads. Gen. Wade spearheaded the construction of a wide network of security roads in Scotland during the Jacobite unrest in the 18th century to facilitate movement of troops as part of the overall military strategy for controlling the highlands by linking the different forts.  The imperial Russian authorities in the Caucasus constructed military roads  that linked the northern Caucasus to the Black Sea via Klukhorski.  A modern road was also built in the second half of the 19th century during Russo-Turkish war and campaigns to conquer the mountain tribes of the Caucasus. army building roads in eastern Europe , citing Russian aggression.  The Roman Empire built roads that were used to suppress and exert control on over local populations.  In Israel, the Jewish National Fund (JNF) together with the Ministry of Defense, Agriculture, and regional councils builds security and agricultural roads for easy passage of Israel Defence Forces (IDF).

Museveni pumps 3000 billion shillings from loans and tax payer money into the road sector annually.  The military being his power base, he has prioritized road  construction as a component of his strategic regime security plan.  He is basing his prioritization on personal experience during the Tanzania/Iddi Amin war in 1979 wheen the Tanzanian troops got bogged down by poor road infrastructure in the Kagera region.  During his Congo expedition, the troops advance was undermined by the allmost non existence of roads in eastern Congo. However, this was an advantage to the Congo government as the non existence of roads halted the swift advance by the invading Uganda and Rwanda forces.  During the  northern Uganda insurgency, his troops had trouble moving heavy military material through the border area into southern Sudan. He spent billions of tax payer's money on construction of what he termed as security roads linking Kit gum to Ngomorom at the far end. Because of superb roads, the Hutu government in Rwanda was able to swiftly move to the border with Uganda and halt the Tutsi invasion and constant supply kept the invaders around the border area for the next four years.  In the mid 1990s, rebels overran and occupied Kisoro and its the Rwanda army using good roads in Rwanda that came in to dislodge them because the poor road to Kisoro at the time could not help his army to easily reach Kisoro.

 The road construction project is also used as conduit to siphon tax payer's money as already evidenced by the financial scandals that have rocked the roads sector.  The commission of inquiry that was appointed to look into the mismanagement of the sector was meant to hoodwink Ugandans during this election season. That is why even before it could finalise it work, the Museveni appointed ED of the roads authority (UNRA), Allen Kagina dismissed the entire workforce.  This arbitrary dismissal was designed to pave way fort the 'home boys' and other regime cadres to access these huge funds in form of employment as has been the case with other sectors that attract huge funding.  That the reason why it was nobody else other than Allen Kagina after she successfully accomplished a similar task in the country's tax body (URA).  In the near future, road construction and maintenance will be managed by the army's construction/Engeering Corps.

Ever since Museveni came to power 30 years ago, he has successfully his deliberate design to impoverish majority Ugandans. He deliberately suffocated farmer's cooperative movement, farmers banks (UCB and Cooperative Bank),  undermined the traditional cash crops like coffee and cotton in favor of promoting traditional cattle keepers, he killed the railway lines that connected the western region through region and the northern region through eastern region to the Kenya seaport of Mombasa.  That is why there is almost no serious product that Ugandans can transport using these roads apart from a few bunches of Bananas, some milk and beef cattle from Ankle and the cattle corridor.  In some areas the locals use some sections of the tarmac highway to dry their cassava for local consumption - since that is the only use they have for the road.

Therefore, the selective road network being put in place by the regime is all designed to ease strategic mobility of his security forces in their schemes to suppress and subdue Ugandans.  That is why the roads in Kampala city are in appealing state - their current state can enable the mobility of foot soldiers and military vehicles with ease.  Again, Kampala city is already cated for by the regulàr anti-riot security forces with their street battle vehicles (Mambas), water canon vehicles and teargass canisters.  Luwero was left out in the roads construction simply because its rough murram roads are suitable for motorracing racing.  Therefore, Museveni's roads project are not for economic development but rather for strategic mobility of his security forces.


Thursday, 12 November 2015


Uganda is headed for another sham general elections that will renew military dictator Museveni's 30 years hold on power.  He came to power after a military take over in 1986 and immediately embarked on destroying democratic governance.  He banned political parties and instituted a military rule for the first ten years.  In 1995 a new constitution was prolagimated and it stipulated two five year terms for an elected president. In 1996 he contestested for the presidency under his regime political suspension and was declared the winner.  In 2001 he contested again under the same arrangement and was declared the winner. At the end of his constitutional term lit in 2005 he am ended the constitution by removing the term limits  In 2006, political parties were allowed to compete again him and still he was declared the winner.

In 2011 he contested under a sham multiparty arrangement and was declared the winner.  He is again seeking to be reelected in February 2016.  In all the previous sham elections outlined above, he his so called victory has been delivered through pre-ticked vote stuffing, voter bribery, violence and intimidation by his personal security machinery.  His regime party is fused with the state of Uganda and fully comprised of the entire state apparatus like the army, Police, intelligence services, public service, local government structures, judiciary, legislature, Electoral Commission and others.  He is in the process of formally incorporating the civil society, religious, and traditional institutions into his regime structures.  His constitution gives him powers to appoint, promote, transfer and dismiss any of the public servants thus guaranteeing their personal loyalty. The most recent example is when he sacked his Prime Minister and regime Secretary General Amama babazi over political disagreements rather than improving service delivery.

 He has powers of restructuring existing and even creating new local government structures to suit his designs.  He creates new districts and constituencies where their is a regime stronghold and leaving intact those that are dominated by the opposition in order to increase the number of Members of Parliament.  He retains exclusive powers to determine the geographical distribution of the national cake.  He openly tells voters from opposition strongholds that they need to learn to 'vote wisely' if they are to benefit in terms of development.  He brutally curtails opposition political activities while he uses state resources to traverse the country in order to promote his candidature.  He outrightly bribes votes through cash handouts in proportions of hundreds of millions of tax payer's money.  In some cased he makes empty pledges to groups of voters thus the 300 billion shilling State House budget.  He denies opposition candidates  access to media and coverage while he exclusively enjoys the same to reach the masses.  His state funded Uganda Communications Commission (UCC) to curtail through blackmail the privately owned media housed who dare to give access and coverage to the opposition.  He exclusively uses security forces, regime cadres and intelligence services to blackmail, intimidate, harass, arrest, detain, and maliciously prosecute all those with dissenting political opinion.  The District Commissioner of Lira district has just told WBS TV's Timothy Ssebasi that Museveni recently directed them not to teasgass opposition members during their campaign. 

State security forces and his regime structures like the Electoral Commission, intelligence services, district Commissiones, regime cadres, local government officials etc help him through intimidation and bribery of voters, opposition polling agents, and pre-ticked ballot peppers.  Once the rigging machinery has executed its role at the polling station, sub county, constituency and district, then the regime cadres at the Electoral Commission head office simply do the announcing of Musevenii as the winner.  The same race rigging committee (earlier mentioned by Gen. Ssejusa) also determines who is to win and by how much among the opposition contenders at the constituency and local government levels.  Its only in a few isolated cases that the opposition can determine the victory of its candidates.  Kampala city Mayor won after a repeat of the previously rigged elections after the rigging machinery was overwhelmed by the opposition supporters and vote guarding but still Museveni refused him access to the Mayor's office.  Courts of law gave an order for his reinstatement but the regime simply ignored it.  Currently, a law is being formulated that will see the Mayor of Kampala city being selected instead of being democratically elected through adult suffrage.  This is because Kampala City is a strong opposition candidate who should be penalised by disfranchisement.  Even where the opposition has won in parliamentary by-elections, its because opposition bigwigs have come out to monitor the polls and guard the votes thus the rigging machine could neither intimidate nor bribe them.  Museveni personally handles the sounding of war drums threatening voters with return to war if he is not elected back into office.  In forthcoming general elections, he has already sounded the warning when he recently publicly stated that unless Ugandans 'voted wisely', the country risks returning to war.

The above are the rigging methods that Museveni has always been using and are well known to every Ugandan and those outside Uganda who care to know.  For the February 2016 general elections, the rigging started immediately after the last elections in 2011, is continuing and will culminate into Museveni being announced the winner in February 2016.  Unlike the previous elections, this time round even the voter's register was prepared by the army through the National ID security project.  However, some sections of the opposition are telling voters that this time 'its not business as usual'.  They are encouraging their supporters not to leave the polling station after they will have cast their vote in February 2016 in order to guard the vote.  Some other opposition leaders who have fallen out with Museveni have been described as the ones who know the tactics that the regime has been using to rig the elections.  The truth is that there are secret tactics that the regime uses to rig the elections other than what has been outlined above.  What is not publicly known is the company that prints the dextral ballot papers that are then pre-ticked and stuffed into ballot boxes.

 During the February 2016 general elections the regime will issue a decree on the eve of the polling day to the effect that its illegal for anyone to stay around the polling station after casting his/her vote and will be required to keep in their homes.  There will be a heavy deployment of security forces on every inch  of the country.  This time the force has been boosted by tens of thousands of regime militias referred to as Crime Preventers.  The opposition polling agents will be intimidated and in some cases outrightly bribed into giving in to the regime's schemes while the sturbon ones will either be framed and arrested or kidnapped.  The opposition tally centre will be electronically monitored and eventually raises and personnel and equipment dispersed.  Both the last minute decree and the dismantling of the vote tally centre will deal a finally blow to the opposition.  Museveni will then be announced as the winner as the opposition will be crying foul while the international community will commend Uganda for holding a peaceful election exercise. Therefore, the February 2016 general elections will be "AS IT WAS, IT IS STILL THE SAME, AND IT SHALL BE SO". 


Tuesday, 10 November 2015


In Uganda, "Muhoozi Project" is a term used to to refer to a scheme by military dictator Gen. Museveni to pass on power to his son Gen. Muhoozi Keinerugaba.  Gen. Museveni who gas been in power for the last 30 years runs a personal army that is financed by the Ugandan tax payer.  About a decade ago Ugandans questioned his son's role in secretly recruiting specific grouos of people into the army,  Museveni told Ugandans that his son was not a soldier but wad simply a member of the paramilitary Local Defence Unit (LDU) who was simply volunteering to identify educated youths for the army.  During that time, Museveni had been hoodwinking Ugandans that he was preparing to leave power after finalising the proffessionalisation of the army.

Instead, he was skillfully privatising the security forces and preparing his son to take over the overall command of the security forces.  Next Ugandans heard about his son was that he was attending an Officer Cadet course at the prestigious Sandhurst Military Academy in the UK.  Upon graduation from Sandhurst, his son was deployed to the elite Presidential Presidential guard unit.  Since then, he has been rapidly seconded for all sorts of specialisedccommand courses at the world's best military academies.  Concurrently, he was also being rapidly promoted such that he is currently the Commander of the over 10,000 strong and elite Presidential guard Division called Special Forces Group (SFG).

The SFG is dominated by the other soldiers were personally recruited by Muhoozi when he was still a 'member of the  LDU'. Under the SFG are all the strategic military units like Mechanised Regiment, Artillery and Air Defense, Air force, Military Intelligence, Signal (communication), etc.  It is the SFG that manns all the geographically strategic military positions and installations throughout the country.  The same SFG that is dominated by personnel from Museveni's ethnic grouping, provides Commanders that mann the Special Police that is manning the special region of 'Kampala' and a few other regions of interest.  It is from this SFG that Gen.MMuseveni derives the arrogance and courage to hold Ugandans hostage.  Recently he stated that his son Gen Muhoozi will revenge for any harm inflicted on him (Museveni) adding that even his name means 'the one who revenges' thus Muhoozi.

 It is an open secret that Museveni is grooming his son Gen. Muhoozi to take over from him.  The so called Muhoozi Project Came to the limelight in 2013 when some public figures publicised it and Ugandans of all walks of life rose up to condemn any such scheme.  Museveni reacted by dealing a heavy blow to all the Anti-Muhoozi architects. Recently, he confessed that he sacked his Prime Minister A mama Mbabazi over the Muhoozi project.

Museveni had hoped that by 2016 he would have become the President of East Africa Community thus leaving the presidency of Uganda to his son Gen. Muhoozi.  When Tanzania was  reluctant to endorse the fast tracking of the East African political federation, the disappointed Museveni moved quickly to isolate it through the Coalition of the Willing comprised of Kenya, Uganda and Rwanda.  When he realised that the scheme couldn't work, he tactically called off the Muhoozi Project 2016 and instead pushed it to 2021.  However, during his 2016 - 2021 term of office if he will have managed to manipulate Tanzania and he gains the regional leadership, then Muhoozi will assume the presidency in Uganda.

For the time being  his son Gen. Muhoozi is undergoing political and military orientation to prepare him for future roles as President.  The tregime is in the process of systematically discarding its aging cadres in preference for the younger ones who not only fit into Gem. Muhoozi's age bracket but find it a privilege to serve him. As evidenced by the various political roles that a he has been angaged in of recent.  Therefore, the 2016 elections is a refrendum on the Muhoozi Project.                                  


Sunday, 8 November 2015


Much as the tittle may look awkward, in a revolutionary struggle all scenarios must be examined.  Museveni's main worry is Dr. Besigye's strong stance and insistence on mobilising the masses to reclaim Uganda from the bondage of 30 years military dictatorship.  Museveni has already threatened that the forthcoming elections is a matter of life and death.  Prof. Bukenya earlier on alleged that the regime was full of 'Mafias'.
Museveni knows that his 30 years hold on power has prepared fertile ground  for such mass action.  With or without Museveni's approval, some of his hardliner cohorts may choose to 'eliminate' Dr. Besigye during this campaign period. Such a scenario would plunge the country into a temporary political chaos but to the regime it would be good riddance of a serious threat to their hold on power.  They may prefer to handle the consequences than risking to loose power. 
An assassination of Dr. Besigye wouldn't be a big deal since even Dr. Andrew Kayiira (UFM) was killed by 'thugs', Moses Ali (UNRF) was incarcerated for years, Angelo Okelo (UPDA) died after signing the peace deal, Prof. Lule (NRM Chairman), Commander Magara and Sseguya (NRA Army Commanders died in the bush) so that  their forces could be thoroughly integrated into the NRA and the regime moved on for 30 years now.
On the other hand, Presidential candidate Amama  Mbabazi's bid for a joint opposition presidential candidature was failed by Dr. Besigye's failure to step down for him.  Both the Kenya's Rails Odinga and the Koffi Anani mediated efforts for a joint Presidential candidate under the loose opposition alliance (TDA) could not bring either of the two to step down for the other.  That is why to some extent, it looks like the two are competing for opposition support. 
Mbabazi is relying on the traditional opposition Parties for support.  The top DP leadership has wholesomely thrown its weight behind Mbabazi.  A faction of the UPC is also backing Mbabazi just as does JEMA, FA, and some sections of pressure groups and civil society. Some  few  top leaders of the FDC have also backed Mbabazi. For fear of dire consequences, moderate members of the regime party will only covertly support Mbabazi.  Therefore, Mbabazi's candidature relies more on the opposition if it to make meaningful impact.
 Therefore, in the event Dr. Besigye is 'knocked off', there is no doubt Mbabazi will inherit all the opposition support.  Much as we pray in the name of the Almighty God that such a scenario does not arise, we urge Dr. Besigye to be mindful of his personal security.  The beneficiary not withstanding, who of the two would be the suspect???


Saturday, 7 November 2015


Uganda's main opposition party leader Dr. Kiiza Besigye's nomination has offered a sigh of relief to the military regime.  He was nominated as the FDC flag bearer in the February 2016 general elections. He is a three time Presidential contestant against dictator Museveni.  There is no doubt, in all the rounds Dr. Besigye was rigged out before and during the polling exercise as confirmed by Courts of Law.  Following the violent general elections of February 2011, Dr. Besigye vowed never to participate in an electoral process where Museveni 'is both a contestant and the refree'.  Instead, he embarked on mobilising the masses in demonstration against poor service delivery and economic hardships.  The military dictatorship reacted by unleashing its ruthless security machinery that brutally suppressed the Besigye led activism.  The brutality was so grave that some Ugandans lost their lives, were maimed, detained, tortured, while others fled into exile.  Dr. Besigye almost lost his life at the hands of the regime's security machinery.

Dr. Besigye did not relent; instead he went ahead mobilisation of Ugandans with a clear message urging Ugandans to reclaim their country.  He spearheaded the formation of the proposed electoral reforms under the Citizens Compact for Electoral reforms.  To the regime, the proposed reforms amounted to treason and instead all efforts to popularise it were met with maximum brutality. The regime rubbished all such proposals prompting Dr. Besigye to coin the "No Electoral Reforms, No Elections" stand.  This resolution sent the regime into panic fearing that the opposition strongman intended to mobilise the masses for mass action as had been the case with several African states.  Dr. Besiggye was since then subjected to 24/7 security surveillance, nasty harassment characterised by brutal arrest, detentions, curtailing of freedom of assembly and movement etc.

When he announced his intention to run for the presidency, the military regime felt some kind of relief hoping that his candidature would compromise the the strong push for the "No Electoral Reforms, no Elections".  Further relief was registered when A mama Mbabazi came on board and the subsequent opposition efforts to field a joint Presidential Candidate in the hope that this would make Dr. Besigye abandon the electoral reforms agenda.  On 4th November, 2016 when Dr. Besigye was nominated for the Feb 2016 general elections, it was the military regime cohorts  who jubilated more than did the members of FDC and opposition in general.  They knew that the  much feared "No Electoral Reforms, No Elections" agenda had been hurried.  However, these jubilations were shot lived when  Dr. Besigye pulled mammoth crouds ever witnessed in Kampala but more so his declaration that he was in the race "by defiance and not compliance".  The regime panicked thinking that he would straight away lead his mammoth crouds into storming regime establishments straight away.  Going by the enthusiasm and emotions demonstrated by ordinary Ugandans on thàt occasion, it is evident that his message was welcomed by the majority. This time round what the regime usually called 'Besigye hooligans never graced the occasion since there was no any acts of lawlessness; its the regime security operatives who had all along been orchestrating violence - shame on you!! The huge crowds behind Dr. Besigye were the real so called 'Crime Preventers' because there was no crime at all throughout the occasion.

 If indeed, Dr. Besigye means what he says, then the regime's jubilation was misguided as they need to explore their only remaining option ; the use of security forces to remain in power.  That is why since that time, Museveni is behaving like a wounded lion.  However, the main issue is the organization of such mass action as earlier cautioned by Gen. Muntu that without proper organisation, mass action will be neutralised by the regime with dire consequences.  For now, mass action is what Museveni fears most and not participation in sham electoral process.

Otherwise, we hope for the best.

Friday, 6 November 2015


Uganda's military dictator Museveni a year ago sacked Prime Minister Amama Mbabazi because he suspected him to be harboring plans to run for presidency of Uganda on the regime party ticket.  Since then Museveni declared himself the sole candidate for the regime party presidential aspirant in the Feb 2016 general elections.  A mama Mbabazi who has not quit the regime party and also gone ahead to declare his intention to run as an independent candidate and has duly been nominated by the regime's Electoral Commission.

On the eve if the nomination date speculation was ripe that Mbabazi was to be arrested over concocted charges.  The Mbabazi team raised their concern to the regimes's prosecuting authority (DPP) that is unfortunately headed by a State House Aide and the Police also hastly came out to deny the allegation.  Whether, the plan had been there or not, at the end of the day its Mbabazi who scored higher.  Mbabazi's candidature is to some extent weakening the regime's political cohesion.  Because of the dire consequences from the regime, very few top members of the regime party will openly come out to support Mbabazi's candidature.  However, typical of Mbabazi's method of work, he will register a lot of covert support from a good number of regime cadres.  Because of his past service record, Mbabazi has a number of contacts in the regime party structures, the security forces, the opposition parties, civil society and in the diplomatic circles. This is the reason Museveni is itching to destroy him sooner than later.

The in
ncarceration of Mbabazi's military aide, Jimmy Katabazi over flimsy charges of absentism is designed to send a clear message to Mbabazi and those members of the regime who intend to support his bid that catastrophe awaits them.  This is what Museveni alluded to last week when he warned 'infiltrators' from the Mbabazi camp thus: "I have the capacity to know whatever happens in the whole country".  Initially, he had hoped that the opposition would cone up with Mbabazi as the joint presidential candidate so that by the time he deals him a blow, it would be too late for 5he opposition to get a credible replacement.

Much as the regime would wish Mbabazi to get out of the Presidential race at all cost, it can not arrest him before the Pope's visit that is slated for 27- 29  November, 2015. Between now and then, the regime is trying to maintain some semblance of political tolerance in order to portray a false impression of Democratic governance.  However, immediately the Pope leaves on 29th November 2015, mayhem will befall the country and  Mbabazi camp in particular before Museveni will be declared the winner of the February 2016 general elections.