Monday, 29 February 2016


The offence of being Iddle and Disorderly is one of the strong weapons that African dictatorial regimes use to suppress political dissent and agitation. 

 It mostly targets the unemployed youth who are the major victims of poor economic mismanagement that leaves them with no economic prospects.   

This law gives the police powers to arrest anyone whom they suspect could be in some public place with the aim of airing out his graviences against the regime.  

To disguise this, the police after areesting the victins they prefer against them crininal charges of being idle and disorderly.      

In Uganda, the military regime often carries out security swoops in urban centres to arrest and detain youths on the pretext of improving security.  Even at a local level of a lsmall police post  and individual police officers often carry out security swoops in their areas of operation where they arrest and detain such youths simply as a way of generating some cash to boost their meagre salaries.  

During and at the conclusion of such security swoops, those victims who can afford to instantly buy their freedom are set free before they even reach the police post or station;  those who can't afford to pay instantly are taken to the police station from where they are assisted to make telephone contacts with their relatives and friends who bring the money to pay for their freedom; while those who can't afford to buy their freedom are either detained without trial and later released or taken to court on charges of being Idle and Disorderly and remanded.  

Among those arrested in such security swoops are both petty and hardcore criminals but because of the I'll motive behind the whole plan, they often get away with their criminality hence the escalation of crime.      

In all the ongoing arrests of youths in different parts of Uganda, the regime police has only one substantive criminal charge - Idle  and Disorderly. 

This is the charge that is used on such victims because freedom of assembly and peaceful protests are guaranteed by the constitution. 

During the campaigns for the just concluded presidential campaigns, Museveni decreed that the police should stop arresting Ugandans on charges of being idle and disorderly.  He argued that:  " can one be idle and disorderly in his own country."

Obviously as the main beneficiary, he was not being sincere in his decree but was simply playing populism in order to win over the urban unemployed youths' vote. 

Otherwise, that law which is only applicable to urban centres will have to remain in place.   On the other hand, he may have to rebrand it moreover he already enacted other laws that allow his repressive police to arrest and detain in the name of state security.    


Saturday, 27 February 2016


Uganda's military dictator, Gen. Museveni has been declared the winner of the presidential election in an exercise that has been described both the local and foreign observer groups as irregular and grossly unfair.  Foreign governments,  international bbodies, and the
international community in general have cone out to condemn the entire exercise.  Within Uganda, civil society, human rights, and religious groups have had the courage to criticise the irregularities that took place during the electoral process.  For Museveni, its not his being announced winner that he has to celebrate because it was expected since he is the only one with the vision to lead the country.  That is why ever since he was announced the winner, there has been no jubilations by the regime supporters. Instead, he has been silently jubilating over his success in carrying out his repression in front of the cameras with impunity.      

   As had been the case with his coming to power, forr the last 30 years, Museveni has been systematically working on institutionalising violence as a means of retaining power.  He had been militarising every aspect of life thus building a personal army, police, militias, militant regime cadres, and dreadful intelligence services.  He has destroyed all institutions of government  thus fused the state with the regime into one entity called Museveni.  There is nothing like a ruling party but himself thus he does not recognise the existence of opposition  political parties.  Through those personalised coersive arms of his regime  he aimed at intimidating, coersing and subduing  Ugandans into submission to his dictatorship.  For over two decades, his gross violation of human rights, autocracy, military dictatorship, destabilisation of neighboring countries, etc have been highlighted but nothing has deterred him.  Instead, he has intensified his evil designst that have culminated into what the world is witnessing out of the just concluded sham elector process.    

 Museveni has repeatedly made it clear that no amount of criticism and condemnation of his actions can deter his designs and schemes.  His popular proverb; "Kahendekye teita mbogo". (merely wishing a Buffalo to break its leg, dies not guarantee its death.) is becoming relevant every hour, day, month and year that passes.  The just concluded electoral process passed a unique challenge to his evil designs.  For over two decades he has been struggling without success to destroy an form of political opposition; thanks to the education system whose destruction he commenced a bit late.  This time around the opposition successfully mobilised pro change Uganda's to discern their fear and voter apathy and overwhelming cone out to demand for change.  Because of the overwhelming level of enthusiasm and readiness not only to turn up and vote for the opposition but to guard their vote, he realised that he had been cornered with no option but to unleash terror on Ugandans.  He made it clear that even if he list the elections he would not hand over power,  he threatened to arrest opposition leaders and he did arrest them, he vowed to shoot dead anybody who dared to openly protest the election results
and he has done so.  He had been worried about if Ugandans would come out in big numbers on the streets to protest the rigged election and that is why he unleashed all forms of intimidation by his security machinery on every inch of Uganda. Save for a few areas, pro change Ugandans have not come out to public protest on the streets in what USA presidential contender, Donald Trumph described thus:  "Ugandans are cowards.  They scampered like sheep instead of beating up the Police......".        

   Ugandans are terrified and living in uncertainity.  The international community is equally concerned about the destiny of the country in view of the ongoing political impasse.  For Museveni, all that state of uncertainty is where nonsense; he has managed to break the spirits of Ugandans to such an extent that they now view him as the Alpha and Omega of Uganda.  Members of his security forces are also viewed as demigods who can do any harm as they wish while they enjoy the regime's political backing.  That is how the Police Commander who commanded the last brutal terrorism on pro change activists in the center of the city had been and is still is on Warrant of Arrest for murder by courts of law but who can execute that warrant!!!! He has managed to frog match diplomats from Western Embassies accredited to Kampala who had gone to meet the leading opposition leader, Dr. Kiiza Besigye who is under house arrest.  Therefore, his conduct during the election and the ongoing wanton brutality against the opposition has earned him approval of his excesses and Ugandans and the world should expect the worst of his authoritarianism.    If he manages to get away with it,  it is that fear and the state of hopelessness in Ugandans that will reign and unfortunately it will be mistaken for political sttability.    


Thursday, 25 February 2016


Bazungu is a term used by Ugandans to refer to Europeans or Whites in general.  During the just concluded Presidential elections campaigns, at a rally in Bushenyi Museveni told  residents that Gen. Ssejusa had ran to London where he had accused him of autocracy before he posed the question thus:  "...... What can those Bazungu do to me?"  Throughout his bush war and during the initial years after taking over power, Museveni often attacked the Bazungu accusing them of being responsible for Uganda and Africa's problems.  They were called all sorts  of names ranging from capitalists, imperialists, neo-colonialists, exploiters etc and the collective Kiswahili word was Babepari/Babeberu.  He allied with the Eastern block, Libya, Cuba and adopted their political  and economic policies.  With the end of the cold war era,  Museveni shifted goal posts and adopted capitalist economic policies though he often claims that they were imposed on him.  Ever since his dictatorial tendencies became an open secret, he has been at log heads with the west over their criticism of his autocracy.  He has made no secret of his preference for allying with the East  (Russia, China, North Korea) - he has repeatedly publicly stated that  ".......... they don't interfere in the internal affairs of other countries.".   When NATO came to the aid of the Libyan people against dictator Gaddafi, Museveni condemned the West and vowed to aggresively resist the west.  Like any other African dictator, he too had all along thought that they would continue to suppress internal political dissent as the would looked on basing on the univercial principle of noninterference in the internal affairs of other ├žountries.  Since then he openly switched to the East and indeed together with the repressive regine of Egypt, its facilitating the  capacity building of his coersive machinery. Coupled by the ICC's targetting of African despots,  he adopted his much cherished slogan of 'African solutions for African problens'  while advocating for African countries to pull out of the ICC.  Its for the same reasons that some regional election observer groups have endorsed his reelection as having been a free and fair exercise.    

  USA presidential aspirant, Donald Triumph has vowed to send Museveni to prison once he wins the presidency.  During the recent live presidential debate, Museveni criticised the USA for masquerading as lecturers on global peace and security before tormenting them over the 9/11 terror attack on New York.  On 6th January, at a function in Fort Portal he accused the West for being responsible for the fall in the price of tea because of what he described as their inteference in Arab North Africa and  the Middle East. Both the EU and Commonwealth Election Observer Missions have discredited the electoral process as a sham. Museveni has reacted by  arguing that   "those Europeans don't understand the local political dynamics.". The USA has repeatedly intervened in the ongoing repression against the opposition and Museveni must be in constant telephone contact with Russia's Putin.  The level of repression is expected to reach unimaginable proportions once the foreign election observers and the foreign media leaves the country.  Indeed, the Bazungu can not do anything to him because its him and not Uganda who is their strategic regional ally in the fight against global terrorim.


Wednesday, 24 February 2016


Uganda's military dictator, Museveni has always used the global fight against terrorism to suppress internal political dissent while at the same time blackmailing the West. He has enacted draconian laws aimed at suppressing internal dissent by curtailing freedom of movement, assembly, privacy, and gross human rights abuses.  Whenever he is politically cornered both domestically and at the international scene, he uses the terror scare as a gat away.  The same scare is used to blackmail the West whenever they close in on his autocracy whereby he either threatens to withdraw his army from the Somalia Mission or he organises both hoax and stage managed terror scares that target specific targets in the capital Kampala.  In 2010 when the West had come out tough against his seeking another presidential term, he was reluctant to even declare that he would contest in the Feb. 2021 general elections.  When Kampala was allegedly attacked by Alshabab, USA's Obama gave him a call promissing all sorts of assistance in fighting terrorism thus Museveni simply embarked on a campaign trail for another round of a sham electoral process.  Since then no other terror attack has taken place in Uganda save for the so called 'foiled terror attacks' designed to curtail internal political dissent and freedoms. In the same regard, had it not been for the Pope's visit in late last year, another terror attack would have taken place in Kampala aimed at curtailing opposition campaigns and instilling fear among the voters.   The absence of that scare accounts for the huge enthusiasm, stiff campaigns, and vigilance  exhibited in the just concluded general election.      Even in the ongoing electoral standoff between the regime and the main opposition party over the disputed election results, there is no doubt that Museveni and co. must beorganising either a stage managed terrorist attack (which they will blame on the opposition) so that they get an excuse of carrying out a bloody crack down on the opposition and other dissenting Ugandan thus ending the impasse.  Also, they must be organising a concocted armed attack on government installation hence treasonous charges that will achieve the same results.  Its for the same reasons that rebel ADF's Jamil Mukulu has never been tried - there is some negotiations going on between the regime and his team so as to implicate some leading opposition leaders in treasonous activities.  


Tuesday, 23 February 2016


Uganda's military dictator is fond of using, abusing and discarding those that work and serve his interests.  He  heeps prises on his new catches and demonishes those ha has discarded and fallen out with.  Since the 1970s when he embarked on his journey to the presidency, he raided on the back of the Uganda Peoples' Congress (UPC) and its then President Milton Obote in order to build his own political profile.  Years later, he accused the same UPC and Obote of being political devils whom he had to destroy.  The first post Iddi Amin President Prof.  Yusuf Luke was undermined and overthrown by the same Museveni who was at the time the Minister of Defence under UNLF government.  When the pro-Yusuf Luke protesters took to the streets in the capital Kampala, its the same Museveni as Minister of Defence who unleashed terror on them leaving several dead and injured.  A year later Museveni sought to trick the same Prof. Lule  into a an alliance for a guerrilla war against the UPC government simply because he wanted to win over the support of the Baganda.    

 As Minister of Defence under UNLA, he speared the persecution of forner soldiers who had served under Iddi Amin but shortly after during the bush war he used the same soldiers to help him build his personal guerrilla force but after getting into power its the same soldiers who were the first to be purged.  During the bush war he used his brother General Sale to fight for him in fierce military battles and even appointed him Army Chief but a few months later he dismissed him and retired him from the army accusing him of being incompetent.  Its a fact that he feared that Gen. Sale was planning to overthrow him.  He appointed Gen. Muntu as the Army chief and he served for nine years - the longest period anyone has ever served as Uganda's history.  After nine years of service replaced Gen. Muntu and later when the General wanted to leave the army Museveni pleaded with him to stay so that he appointed Minister of Defence.  The naturally principled and incorruptible Gen.  Muntu insisted on retiring and later when he joined the opposition, Museveni accused him of having failed as Army Commander and that he had to sack him.  The same applied to Col. Besigye who had been Museveni's close confidant right from the days of the bush war.  Ever since he disagreed with Museveni and they eventually fell out, the later has repeatedly accused him of having been a non performer while he was still in the army.   In ordder to let his own AGenerals Aronda and Kaziini rise to the office of Army chief, he diverted Gen Katumba Wamala to the Police only to shortly dismiss him on accusations of moblising resources for a community policing scheme; challing it 'nonsence'. 

After his longest surviving comrade, former spy chief, supper Minister, regime party Secretary General, and former Prime Minister,  A mama Mbabazi fell out with him, he has repeatedly accused him of having been incompetent thus why he sacked him. The list of individuals who after falling out with Museveni he has repeatedly accused of having been incompetent.  In some instances, Museveni uses appointment of some individuals  to public offices as a bite to trap, use, abuse and discard individual whom he suspects of harboring top leadership positions.  He has accused opposition Members of Parliament for failing investments and economic development plans.  Ever since he transformed the Police force into a personal force of coersion and filling the Judiciary with cadre judges, he no longer accuses them of being incompetent and corrupt.  He has repeatedly accused leaders of  different local government structures of being corrupt and failing is his development plans before describing them as rants. The latest victim of Museveni's 'use, abuse and discard' policy is Miss Janepher Musisi - the Executive Director of Kampala City Council Authority (KCCA).  Museveni has used her to fight the democratically elected opposition leaning Lord Mayor for Kampala city.  He has also used her in order to provide a safe conduit for theft of huge chunks of cash under KCCA and to get rid of street and market traders, those in the public transport business, and the urban unemployed youth, from the city for fear of being potential rioters.  He has repeatedly publicly hailed Janepher Musisi for being a role model in terms of competency and performance.  However, yesterday he told a press conference that his party lost miserably in Kampala because of the same Janepher Musisi's poor methods of work!!!!  That is the Museveni whose true colours many are yet to see.  As to who is next on the list of victims of use, misuse, abuse and discard, your guess is as good as mine.  Madaam Musisi should have wondered as to why Museveni would rate her as a performer while at the same time rating his historical confidants as non performers.  In the same regard, Dr. Tanga Odoi left Makerere University to become the regime's head of its Electoral Commission without knowing that he was being detached from the university's troublesome teaching staff body.  Brig. Muhoozi is Museveni's son who commands the 15.000 man strong special forges group that has spearheaded the violence that has just led to Museveni being declared the winner of the Feb. 18 poll.


Sunday, 21 February 2016


As expected, the regime's Electoral Commission has declared Uganda's military dictator, Museveni as the winner of the February 18th general elections.  The 3M Ugandan voters whom the regime's Electoral Commission chose to allocate to FDC's Dr. Besigye;  the 5M Ugandan voters who were allocated to Museveni;  the 5M Ugandan registed voters who did not cast their votes and the rest of the 26M Ugandans - the ineligible and those who did not register for voting ;  have for the last five days been and continue to be under siege by the regime's security forces simply because Museveni wanted to be and has been declared the winner of the Feb. 18th poll.  

From the time the FDC set the pace by having a successful Democratic party primaries to elect its flag bearer,  the rallying of party members behind Dr. Besigye by the party President - Gen. Muntu, the vigorous and well coordinated countrywide grassroot based presidential campaigns and mobilisation; to the time Ugandans went to the polls, it was clear that pro-change Ugandans, the FDC, and Dr. Besigye in particular would win in a free and fair electoral process.  Going by the level of panic by the regime  arising out of the FDC's organisational capacity, it became obvious much earlier that that the criminally evil regime would unleash terror on the polls in order to rob the FDC of victory.  I doubt if there is any pro-change Ugandan expected the regime's Electoral Commission to declare the FDC as the winner.  Museveni ferried artificial supporters to his campaign rallies and obviously he had to ferry ballots to the polls.  While pro change Uganda's wholeheartedly generously donated resources to the campaign efforts, Museveni supporters fought over state resources that were used in his campaigns. 

   I  congratulate you for successfully rallying Ugandans to fparticipate in a  process aiming at a democratic change of government, exposing the regime's blatant excesses and winning the support of the international community and other key global players.  Museveni had for decades managed to deceive the world by concealing his autocracy but you have now stripped him naked.  His main worry now is the fear of  being isolated which is making him behave like a wounded lion.    Since Museveni's current presidential term expires in May 2016 , from now on you need to consolidate the above achievements in order to consolidate the achievements and transform them into victory by that date if the dictator Museveni will not have desisted from taking up another illegal five year term.  Just ignore yesterdays' declaration by his Electoral Commission.  Moreover, right from the start pro change Ugandans did not intend to win by EC's declaration but by defiance thus the current defiance of the Electoral Commission's declaration of Museveni as the winner of th  Feb. 18th poll. For now, just help each other to keep standing because the journey is still on, moreover the USA has opted to stand with you though Museveni is trying hard to make you kneel. 


Saturday, 20 February 2016


Uganda's military dictator, Museveni feared the 1st round of the presidential debate simply because it was centered on domestic policies - governance, service delivery, rule of law, human rights, economic development etc.  There are the areas where he has performed most badly and he couldn't risk to facing Ugandans straight into the eye and explain the failures.  He feared to be pinned on his failures by his co-contenstants in front of the cameras.  To shed off the embarrassment he fidget with a number of excuses ranging from his being too busy with campaign, the debate attracting less audience, to the debate being childish.

The first round of the debate did take place without the presence of Museveni.  Issues to do with security, education, health, agriculture, economy, governance, human rights, etc were thoroughly debated.  It became evident that Museveni indeed took a wise decision to dodge the debate or else he wouldn't have withstood the embarrassment and humiliation because of his 30 years of mismanagement.  He had one of the moderators compromised because of close association with the First Son, Brig. Muhoozi Keinerugaba.  The debate attracted an overwhelming audience both locally and internationally thus Museveni realised he had lost out that attention. Like any other opportunist, after he leant that the 2bd round of the debate would dwell on foreign policy only, he as usual changed goal posts by choosing to attend it.  In his calculation, he thought that this was his area of specialisation whereby he would defend his regional military adventures, fast tracking of the EAC integration, lecture on African Solutions for African Problems, his usual attack on the west, etc.

However, he did not want to take chances thus through negotiations with the organisers he set conditions and some concessions were arrived at.  Among the compromises were a requirement that renown VOA Ugandan born Journalist, Shaka Sali should not ask any questions to Museveni and that nothing like past issues should be brought up.  That way, he had hoped that domestic policies wouldn't be brought up and that way he would have escaped the humiliation of poor service delivery, lack of democracy and gross human rights violations.  In the same regard and unike in the first debate, this time around candidates were not given the opportunity to ask each other questions.  However, since foreign policy is dependent on domestic policy, the debate could not keep off the domestic policies thus Museveni found himself trapped in the same net that he had earlier evaded.

 He was pinned on the following issues:

 1.  He was attacked over militarisation of politics whereby every aspect of political and economic life is being militarised.

2.  Fears of mismanagement of the oil resource by his an unaccountable and corrupt regime were expressed.
 3.  Failure to set a timeline for the Somali mission eight years down the road yet his army has no exit strategy and has not built the capacity of Somalis to manage their own security.

4.  Plunder of Congo by his army whereby the ICJ ordered Uganda to pay 10billion dollars in reparations.
5.  Formenting security in neighboring countries through external military expeditions under the guise of protecting its own security thus assuming the role of a regional policeman.

 6.  Scrapping of presidential term limits  but at the same time pushing for the political integration of the EAC where key member states have maintained presidential term limits.
 7.  Pushing for the integration of EAC at leadership level while ignoring the role of ordinary Ugandans.
 8.  Not doing enough to protect Ugandans who are sent to the Middle East for casual jobs but instead they are grossly mistreated.  In the same regard, the deployment of political failures to mann foreign missions in an appeasement move.
 8.  Deployment of troops to foreign lands without following the set down laws like seeking parliamentary approval.

 9.  A stern warning to anyone to desist from claiming ownership of the oil resource.  Museveni has always claimed that  the oil is his and even during the debate he repeated the same assertion.
10.  Candidate Kyalya blantly revealed that when she was still a Presidential Aide she borough to the attention of Museveni the plight of suffering Ugandan labourers in Saudi Arabia but Museveni did nothing at the time.
10.  The Regine's insensitivity to the question of citizenship citing the involvement of Rwandese, Congolese, Sudanese etc who will participate in voting.

11.  His war mongering tendencies, repression, corruption, and state inspired insecurity were highlighted as impacting negatively on serious foreign investors.

 12.  The regime was accused of deliberately attracting 'fake' investors who are given, free land, tax holidays and they simply fleece the country of its resources.

13. HHis regime's poor economic performance was pointed out as being unattractive to serios foreign investor.

14. Preferential treatment of Indian investors/entrepreneurs who mistreat their local employees.

15. Inflated cost of infrastructural developmental projects citing dams whose actual cost is trippled.

16.  Failure to enable local investors in economic development and in the same regardtthe failure to help Ugandans in the diaspora who contribute $1bn annually in remittances back home.
  17.  Failing to do enough over corruption that is currently institutionalized whereby regime cohorts scavenge on public resources with impunity.

18.  Poor healthcare system, welfare of the elderly and poor healthcare while the regime top cadres ferry their own to Europe for better medical treatment.

  19.  Being insensitive to environmental issues whereby wetlands, forest and wildlife reserves are being dissed out to the so-called investors.

 20.  His regime's parliamentary caucus  takes precedence over the constitutional legislature.  Whenever there is a sensitive matter to be legislated,  the regime's majority members of Parliament are hoarded into a retreat in a military camp, dressed in military uniform, taken through military drills where they renew their allegiance to the Commander in Chief and then forced to take a position that is later passed on the floor of parliament.  That is how it happened with the controversial oil law.

Museveni is reigning over a military dictatorship on which the military is his power base.  He is using the Somali Mission to blackmail the West so that they don't caution him on his internal governance excesses. He is also using the mission as an income generating venture for his soldiers and swindling by top commanders as repeated reports have suggested.  He would therefore wish that the mission lasts as long as it can.  His  scheme to create client regimes in the neighboring countries accounts for his military expeditions into those countries and support for dissident rebel groups.  With the oil revenues, his aggression agenda is likely to soar.  His only interest in the political integration of the regional EAC block is the securing of a regional military alliance that will guarantee his stay in power. Also, he is interested in becoming the first president of federated EAC.  He does not recognise the existence of parliament, the judiciary or any other independent institution but assumes all the powers thus by passing parliament in most crucial national interest decisions.  He has preference for certain refugees and immigrants from the region under the guise of pan-Africanism.  His taking of sides in conflicts in Kenya and later South Sudan, was driven by the urge to contain the Luo influence in the region and Uganda in particular.  His military aggression generates refugees into Uganda who in turn attract huge donor funding.  He has a policy of keeping Ugandans in abject so as to easily manipulate them into submission.  He fears that an educated and economically empowered society is a liability to his political designs.  His cadres have swindled pension money with impunity because most of the pensioners subscribed to the past governments. His preferential treatment of Indian entrepreneurs and so called investors is driven by the fact that the are in partnership with some of his top cadres and family members and they even bankroll his sham electoral campaigns.  Institutionalized corruption and abuse of office by regime cadres is a means of ensuring loyalty to the regime and luring fence sitters.   By  ferrying educated youths to the middle East for cheao employment where the suffer sex slavery and other forms of inhuman degrading treatment, he thinks he is reducing on the pressure for employment by the youths.      His regime believes that the majority of Ugandans in the diaspora are those who left the country after the fall of the regimes of Iddi Amin, Obote II, 1985 military junta, those who have fled his regine, and the economic refugees thus he perceives them to be hostile to his regime.   Big sham infrastructural development is a conduit for and a smokescreen  for swindling public funds thus their inflated cost.

Following the introductory remarks by the different candidates that sharply touched on the domestic issues, the visibly irritated Museveni started the debate with threats thus:  "I am to talk about big issues not fiction..... Democracy means the people support you, if they don't support you, you don't win , that all."  Later during the debate he he went ahead to state the following:

 1.  That the Somalis will never build capacity to take care of their security situation implying that he has no intention of his forces exiting from Somalia.

   2.  He jusfied his invasion of Congo  as having been a preemptive strike against Ugandan dissidents but he must have forgotten that throughout the occupation his troops never at anyone time and place made any contact with the so called dissidents.  Instead he was more concerned with the creation and arming of local Congolese militia groups who in turn with his aid caused mayhem.

3.  When pinned over ignoring national laws on deployment of troops on foreign soul and the plunder of the host country's resources, he lost his cool thus:  "No body  can play about with the security of Uganda when am still President.

 4.  He made his usual attack on the West and particularly the USA accusing them of masquerading as lecturers on peace before tormenting them over the 9/11 attack on New York.  5.  He blundered when recklessly stated that at the time he took power 30 years ago, the country produced only 400 million tons of maize and 200 million litres of milk and
that currently the country is producing 2 billion litres of milk and 4000 million tons of maize of which only 800 million litres and one millions tons respectively is consumed in the local market thus the need for regional markets. He forgot that in Karamoja region people are dying of hunger while millions of children in Uganda are suffering from malnutrition!!!!!!!!  

5.  He also used the opportunity to once agaidiscredit the ICC simply because he is mindful that he is a potential suspect who will at one time appear before it.


Thursday, 18 February 2016


In Uganda, Kampala is geographically used to refer to the capital city of Kampala and the neighboring districts of Wakiso, Entebbe sub district and to some extent Mukono district.  These and other urban centres throughout the country have always overwhelmingly vote for opposition in the past elections.  It is this respect that after the 2011 general elections, Museveni blocked the opposition leaning popular Lord Mayor of Kampala city from accessing his office. 
He is in the process of deceeing that the next Lord Mayor is not elected by adult suffrage.  This time around, the same Kampalans showed overwhelming support for the opposition during campaigns.  The same applies to all the urban centres throughout the country.  Unlike in the past elections where voters were discouraged from turning up to cast their votes by way of intimidation by the regime's security agents, this time around Kampalans have been effectively mobilised to turn up and vote for the opposition.  Museveni too hacked a grand plan of massive rigging in order to reclaim Kampala.  The
 plan involved delaying the election material for the polling stations so that voters could get discouraged and they abandon the voting.  Though the voting was supposed to start at 7.00a.m and end at 4.00p.m, many of the polling stations could not commence the exercise by as late as 3.00p.m.  This development resulted into the aggrieved voters clashing with the Police in a number of areas in Kampala.  The Electoral Commission to extend the voting time to 7.00p.m. 
That way, the regime intended to take advantage of the darkness in order to carry out massive ballot stuffing.  However, the vigilance most Kampalans seem to have outwitted the regime.  The riotous mood demonstrated in many parts of Kampala, the arrest of an undercover security agent who was carrying pre-ticked ballot papers in Makindye and the surprise raid on the regime's rigging centre in Naguru helped to slow down the satanic schemes. That way, Museveni lost the battle for Kampala but the war still rages.



Ugandans are going to the polls in the next few hours to elect the President and Members of Parliament (MP).  After 30 years in power, Museveni who scrapped presidential term limits is seeking another five year term.  He reigns over a military dictatorship that has fused the regime with the entire state where the military is its power base.  He has built a personal army, personal police, regime militias,ppatronized all state institutions, undermined the independence of the legislature and the judiciary.  It is through this scheme that he has tirelessly attempted to suppress and subdue any form of political dissent.  With deliberate impoverishment, gross human rights abuses, patronage, corruption, etc, he has always been announced as the winner in every sham election that he organises.

However, the few remaining elite patriotic Ugandans have resolutely maintained a sustained an opposition amidst grave danger to their lives.  This time around they have successfully mobilised Ugandans who are craving for not only change of leadership but a national salivation and liberation.  Ugandans are tired of repression but most crucial they are fed up with Museveni's lies and deceit. Those patriotic elite leaders of opposition have effectively mobilised the masses at all levels , reassured them to turn up at for the polls and designed a popular vote guarding mechanism.  This reassurance and enthusiasm as demonstrated by the masses during the campaign period is sending the regime berserk. It is so desperate that it not only worried of loosing the polls but having its traditional rigging machinery and methods exposed to the world. The only option left at its disposal is outright violence that will ensure that Museveni retains power.  Mindful of the ICC as had been the case with Kenya's violent elections, Museveni is caught between the rock and the hard surface.

Given Museveni's thirst for power, he will have to use violence once again because he has realised that the other traditional methods of rigging like bribery and ballot stuffing can't work for him this time around.  He has made clear that he won't hand over power even if he lost the elections.  His top security chiefs have echoed the same message while the regime Secretary General has decreed that whoever will come out to protest the elections will be shot and killed.  Indeed, on Monday security forces shot dead one youth, injured several and arrested scores during a scuffle with candidate Dr.  Besigye's campaign procession.  The same Secretary General  went ahead to reassure members of the security forces that the regime will guarantee their political protection for their brutal actions.  Obviously, in a free and fair electoral process, Museveni can not win;  where Ugandans maintain the vigilance that they demonstrated during campaigns and turn up in big numbers to cast the votes, Museveni can be forced to relinguish power. Therefore, this time around its the ballot Vs the bullet who are competing for governance  of Uganda.  The ballot represents majority of Ugandans who are craving for change and the bullet represents the minority who have held hostage the majority Ugandans for the last 30 years. 
As to
 what is supreme between the bullet and the ballot,  your guess is as good as mine.  Immediately after the close of the polls, Museveni will carry out a countrywide crackdown on opposition  leaders.  The pre-election campaign repression that had been suspended will resume immediately after the polls.


Thursday, 11 February 2016


Katebe is a Luganda language to mean a stool, chair, seat or a bench.  It is commonly used in Uganda's military circles to refer to the practice where some of its officers are rendered redundant but continue to be counted as being in active service.

The term was coined from the practice in the game of football where by coaches place some players on the bench.  In Uganda's military such officers remain in service but are not deployed or assigned to any positions of responsibility.  Museveni adopted this scheme in his efforts to personalise the army and applied it on those he felt were not being loyal to him and his schemes of retaining power unconstitutionally.

Because command and administrative positions are associated with accumulation of  ill-gotten wealth, depriving such real or perceived so called disloyal officers of promotions and positions of responsibility is a way of punishing them while at the same time beating them into submission. 

In some instances such officers are removed from positions of higher responsibility and reassigned to insignificant positions or letting their juniors surpass them in terms of rank and hierarchy just to overwhelm them.

Since even retirement at a certain point became a matter of personal loyalty or what Museveni calls political clarity, indeed Katebe has tamed many of them into submission.

For the last over one decade Museveni has been working on schemes to personalise and militarise the police force and now that he is making tremendous success in that direction, his focus is on the Uganda Prisons Service.  However the scheme is having devastating effects on the cohesion of the police force and the entire institution of policing in the country.

Reports of bribery, nepotism, corruption, nepotism, sectarianism, and favouritism in recruitment, specialized training, deployment, promotions etc have always been swept under the carpet.   Inquiries into such anomalies have always been announced but the outcome remains mysterious. 

It is an open secret that Police officers from certain regions of the country are exclusively assigned to head specific strategic admistrative departments and field command positions.

The central region specifically is exclusively for officers hailing from a specific region of the country; Commander Sam Omara was the last officer who doesn't hail from the most preferred region to hold a top command position in the central region.

It is for the same reasons that the Commander of Central Kampala business district, Aron Baguma is still in-charge despite a pending warrant of arrest against him for murder recommended by the DPP and issued by Buganda Road Court can't be effected.

Following the most recent promotions of over 400 police officers, allegations of bribery, nepotism, sectarianism and favoratism have reemerged.  A big section of officers are grumbling for having been unfairly left out while undeserving officers were considered.

Specifically, the officers in the Traffic and Criminal Investigations department are complaining over having been left out.  The police leadership has as usual pro missed to carry out an inquiry while the government Ombundsman has taken up investigations.

Whatever the case, there is nothing that can be done to save the situation because its a well designed scheme to personalise the police force the same way it was done for the army.  What the regime will do is simply to either identify or victimise individuals it suspects of grumbling and accuse them of indiscipline and subversion before they dissent is totally silenced.

What is clear however is that the recent promotions were meant to morale boost the police officers in view of the forthcoming tightly contested general elections.

Because the regime is in a tight corner, its only available option is to use the police  as lead agents of rigging, intimidation, and orchestrating the much anticipated polls violence.  Fresh sophisticated anti-riot police logistics  have bee procured and will be applied by the recently promoted officers  against Ugandans.

In the estimates of Museveni and his defacto Vice President, Gen. Kalekyezi who also doubles as the police chief,  the other officers in the Traffic, Criminal Investigations, Police Band, etc are insignificant at this material time thus why they were not considered in the last promotion.


Wednesday, 10 February 2016


Kwame  Ryondo is a prominent crook businessman in Uganda who has strong connections with the Museveni family and regime.  His father, the late Nathan Ruyondo was a Town Clerk of Masaka Municipality when he gave Museveni his car to use on the first attack on Kabamba Barracks.  His mother, the late Doreen Ruyondo was a sister to Museveni while his brother the late Col. Patrick Lumumba was one of the 27 men who launched the bush war by attacking Kabamba barracks in 1981.  The late Col. Lumumba died in 1991 leaving a now 25 years old daughter, Anna Lumumba who is one of the richest people in Uganda and these days is being paraded by Musevei at his rallies because is vying for the youth parliamentary seat.  During the bush war Col. Lumumba commanded the elite and battle hardened 3rd Battalion and at the time of his death he was the Commander of the 3rd Division and a member of NRC (Parliament) representing the army.  Therefore Kwane Ruyondo is Museveni's nephew while Anna Lumumba is his grand niece.

Kwame  Ruyondo came to prominence when it emerged that he had been the middleman in the infamous procurement of the junk helicopter saga that fleeced the public coffers of billions of shillings.  The deal that involved a UK based company, Consolidated Sales Corporation (UK) procured the junk helicopter gunships from Belarus.  Kwame  Ruyondo acted as a middleman in  a deal whereMMuseveni's brother, Gen. Saleh  confessed to have pocketed US$800,000.  A commission of inquiry led by Justice Julia Ssebutinde recommended that Gen. Saleh, businessman Emma Kati and Keane Ruyondo should be charged under the  Prevention of Corruption Act of 1970 but Museveni moved in to protect his own and the matter ended there.  On top of other shoddy deals, Kwame Ruyondo and Gen.  Saleh who owned Uganda Coffee House Ltd fleeced the government of thousands billions of public funds ostensibly to add value and promote Uganda coffee in Denmark.  They also owned  M/s Elgon Coffee which they used in furtherance of the scam thus why Museveni was fighting Mandala Mafabi and Bugisu Cooperative Union. Despite theprobe by the parliamentary committee, the matter was swept under the carpet as they enjoyed their loot under Museveni's protection.

 In 2005 former Army Commander, Gen. Kaziini was charged before the General Court Martial for abuse of office, causing financial loss, and forgery. He was granted bail after depositing 2M cash and  his two surities, Kwame  Ruyondo and Francis Nyiine an Advocate were bonded 1M not cash.  During the bail application prosecution attempted to rise an objection arguing that allowing civilians to stand surety for a soldier before a military court would set a dangerous precedent.  The defence team argued that that that line of argument was not backed by any law. After about 15 minutes of arguments,  the then Chairman of the General Court Martial, Gen. Elly Tumwiine went ahead to rule that Gen. Kaziini qualified for bail. While on bail, Gen. Kaziini was allowed to attend a one year course in Nigeria!!! Museveni claimed that he had reached an understanding with him that he would return to stand trial. While in Nigeria, he was summoned back to Uganda to appear before a High Command commission of inquiry into the creation of ghost soldiers in relation to Gen. Kaziini's pending charges.

 After completing his course in Nigeria, Gen. Kaziini was taken through a sham trial whereby he was convicted to three years.  He applied for bail pending appeal in the Court Martial Appeal Court.  That court granted him bail after he presented Generals Saleh, Otafiire and JJ Odong as surities.  His attempt to present civilian surities like Kwame Ruyondo, Mwine Francis and Enock Rukidi were rejected by the appelate court.  He was murdered during that period when he was awaiting for determination of his appeal.   In the ongoing persecution of Gen.  Ssejusa before the same General Court Martial, his bail applications was rejected on grounds that he presented civilian sureties instead of army officers of same or above his rank. 
That is the monster in the Museveni Court Martial which he uses to suppress dissent the way he wishes.  Why didn't the precedent set in the  Gen. Kaziini trial be applied in determining Gen.  Ssejusa's bail application if the court martial is a court of law????


Tuesday, 9 February 2016


The ongoing criminal charges against Gen. Ssejusa before the General Court Martial (GCM) is being prosecuted by Col.K Kagoro Asingura and assisted by Maj. Mugisha Raphael.  The later is the substantive Prosecutor of the GCM but Col. Asingura was smuggled into the court martial purposely to handle this sham criminal trial with Mugisha as his assistant.  This blog has in the recent past exclusively highlightedt the role Col. kagoro has been playing in sustaining the regine by suppressing dissent using the court martial. His role in defending the commando raid on the High Court during Dr. Besigye's treason trial is very fresh in the minds of Ugandans.

 In his late 50s, Major. Mugisha Raphael hails from the village of Bikurungu, Bwambara, Rukungiri District.  After completing a Diploma in Business Studies, was briefly employed by the defunct Uganda Posts and Telecommunications Corporation (UPTC) before joining the army under the Internal Security Organisation (ISO) in the late 1980s.  He underwent basic military and intelligence training at the ISO training school at Makajjo, Ssekanyonyi in Mityana.  Upon completion of training the entire  batch was disbanded by ISO on account that they had been recruited in furtherance of then ISO Deputy Director General, Maj. John Kazoora's alleged subversive activities.  The entire group was instead sent to the mainstream army for deployment prompting a number of them to desert the army. 

When then Private Mugisha Raphael was deployed under the Military Police to guard private business premise on Nkuruna Road in the city centre that was producing and supplying army uniforms, he had trouble being seen by his school old boys and girls; he opted to desert the forces.  After over one year, he  approached the then Director of Planning in the army Gen. Henry Tumukunde (on account of hailing fron the same area) for help in deployment to a greener pasture.  Instead, Tumukende told him that he too was grassing but instead choose to send him to Around a Nyakairina who was at the time the Deputy Director of Military Intelligence for the same.  Eventually, Raphael Mugisha ended up being incorporated into the newly created Special Investigations Bureau (SIB) under the Military Police which was later placed under CMI.

Around 1997 he joined the Law Development Centre (LDC)  where he did a Diploma in Law before he eventually joined Makerere University for a Bachelor of Laws.  Since then he has been serving under  different hierachies of military courts.  During the 2011 general elections he led the assault against the opposition tally centre in the Kampala suburb of Nnakulabye.  Last month he was appointed the Prosecutor of the General Court Martial where he had been the Judge Advocate.  Early last month, before the General Court Martial the Kabamba attack suspects protested against being prosecuted by Maj. Mugisha Raphael on grounds that he had earlier  been the court's Judge Advocate (legal advisor) in the same matter whereby he advised court to reject bail application by one of their co-accused, Lt. Lutwama who had been badly tortured and he eventually died in detention.   Is it prosecution or persecutiion!!!!


Monday, 8 February 2016


All the past and current controversies surrounding Gen. Ssejusa's woes point to one issue - wressling power from Museveni.  Right from the days of the bush war, Museveni seem to have mastered the art of handling Ssejusa.  From the time he defied Museveni in the bush prompting Museveni to carry an AK 47 all the time with threats of breaking his legs,  to the time he attempted to leave the army in the late 1990s, his controvercial report about Museveni's scheme to groom his son as his successor, fleeing to exile in London and declaration of intentions to dislodge Museveni from power, his controvercial return from exile, the ongoing treason charges against his former military aides, and his recent association with the opposition in the ongoing treason electoral process and finally the arrest, Museveni has always had an upper hand over Ssejusa.  However, for Ssejusa to have repeatedly poked his finger into the a..... Of a leopard and is still alive is something for which the Gen. deserves credit.  Its for the same reasons that he delibaraty refused to retire him. There is nothing like a Commissions Board but Museveni solely decides who is to ground, deploy, retire  or promote.

Since his return from exile in December 2014, Museveni had opted not to any legal or disciplinar action against Ssejusa simply because he did not want to him to benefit from publicity but more so to create an impression there is cohesion in his army.  It is because of the fear for a mass uprising after Museveni will have rigged the polls that he opted to isolate Gen.  Ssejusa by way of arrest and detention.  The Gen. has been a strong advocate of a mass uprising dubbed Peoples' Power arguing that the forthcoming elections are alread rigged by Museveni thus a waste of time.  His last appearance before the Court Martial was only for purposes of legalizing his detention and no one should expect his trial and that is why its only trivial charges that were preferred.  The Court Martial is a tool that Museveni uses to suppress and subdue political dissent more especially where there are some military connotations.

 During his first appearance at the Court Martial the Gen. used the opportunity of plea taking to make more stinging attacks on the Museveni regine thus stealing the show.  The Chairman of the Court Martial must have been reprimanded for letting the Gen. to make those strong statements.  The decision to transfer him from the military dungeons to Luzira Prison could only have been approved by Museveni himself as a way of humiliating him but also because of the military facility's proximity to the city centre  in view of the fragile political situation in the city in relation to the General's popular support among disillusioned civilians.  However,   by comparison Luzira Prison is the best for Gen Ssejusa because of some factors that I can state here for obvious reasons.  His next court appearance is likely to change from the usual one to Mbuya Barracks because of its proximity to Luzira Prison and its restricted accessibility by members of the public. 
Therefore Ugandans should not expect to see the Gen. make any political statements in the court martial as had been the case during his first appearance.  His freedom or continued inceration will depend on the outcome of the Feb 18th polls.


Friday, 5 February 2016


Uganda National Liberation Army (UNLA) was the post Iddi Amin national army of Uganda.  It was born out of the post Amin political arrangement dubbed Uganda National Liberation Front (UNLF) which had been the umbrella organization for all the anti-Amin groups.  The UNLA was born following the reorganisation of the anti-Amin fighting groups that had fought alongside the Tanzanian army to dislodge Iddi Amin.  It is during this reorganisation exercise that Museveni's FRONASA group has a number of its fighters eliminated from the new army because they were Rwandese refugees.  However, Museveni who was the Minister of Defense at the time retained them as his private army and were to form the nucleus of his NRA when he opted to launch a guerrilla war. 
This reorganisation of the army came amidst a tense atmosphere within the UNLA characterised by a recruitment race between Museveni and his FRONASA and the OOs and their mainstream UNLA.  Right from the early days of exile in Tanzania, Museveni had broken off from Obote and promoted his FRONASA as a force comprised of southerners and westerners in order to counter what he perceived as dominance of the army by the northern and eastern regions.  This posture was maintained during the 1980 elections and his subsequent bush war thus fighting the dominance of government by the 'northerners'.
During the bush war, some UNLA  personnel from western Uganda kept defecting from the UNLA  to join the NRA.  Its only when an Acholi, Captain Okwera opted to lead his Fort Portal based 13th Battalion and join hands with the NRA in July 1985, that the door was opened up for 'northerners' to join the NRA.  The defection of UNLA personnel though not acknowledged by Museveni, proved to be a big game changer for the military conflict.  Its UNLA's joining of hands with the NRA in Fort Portal that sparked off the coup against President Obote and tremendously weakened it.  Also, around August 1985, a group of 27 men escaped with two Armed Personnel Carriers (APC) from their base in the capital Kampala and defected to the NRA controlled western region. 
The UNLA was at the time building its mechanised capability and had no tanks but only APCs based at the former Army Shop and now Mutes a Royal University in Mengo. It was called the Mechanized and Commando Unit and under the command of Ochero Nangai.  The Unit whose personnel had been trained in Egypt and DPRKorea gave the ULA infantry specialised back up in the battle field.  From Mengo, the defectors left stealthily and headed for Busega round about where they were supposed to link up before taking the Mityana road.
The group comprised of two  Lieutenants, two Warrant Officers, one Staff Sgt, one Sgt, one Corporal and one L/Cpl also had civilians of which two were clad in full military attires.
They took with them two APCs, two military Land rover jeeps, one TATA military breakdown truck, after emptying the armoury of an assortment of different types of riffles, pistols and
RPGs.  The majority in the group hailed from Tooro and included Lt. Patrick Monday as the group leader, WOI John Kusemererwa, S/Sgt Kyomuhendo, Sgt Charles Monday, the two civilians in military uniform and Cpl Magyemagyye Zambogo who drove the second APC. The others not hailing from Tooro were Lt. Duncan from Ankle, L/Cpl Nyakaana from Bunyoro  a certain Pte from Acholi Cpl Michael Oguta from Lango who drove the second APC.  After failing to link with another group of defectors under 2Lt. Lukanga who had taken the third land drover in order to pick them from Makindye State Lodge, the group took the Mityaana Road route.  The UUNLA roadblock at Buloba which was the last line of Defence between government troops and the NRA was overcome using a forged Movement Order purportedly signed by Lt. Col. Ochero Nangai  and the cover story of how they were going to Mityana to rescue their own.
However, the 2Lt Lukanga group was suspected and arrested before they could leave Kampala and a message was sent to intercept the Lt. Monday group but it had already passed the roadblock at Buloba.  Instead a helicopter gunship attempted to intercept them but when they fired at it, it never came back.  In Mityana, they were received by the NRA who had been expecting their defection.  They were sent to the NRA liberated Zone in the western region before they were deployed under Saleh's Mobile Brigade in Masaka.  The group actively fought in the battle for the control of Katonga Bridge before UNLA's 12th Battalion under the command of then Lt. Julius Oketta in Masaka opted to join hands with the NRA in overrunning Katonga bridge and heading for Kampala.  
Their defection was widely reported locally and internationally because of the fact that they were from an elite unit of the infantry leaving it with no significant ground support formation to deploy against the NRA.  Apart from the Egyptian trained Commando, a certain Cpl from Bugwere who was killed by friendly fire around Ndeeba in Kampala on 23rd Jan 1986 and Cpl Oguta who had earlier driven the second APC and was killed on the 25th Jan 1986 along Parliamentary Avenue during short battles to capture Radio Uganda, all the rest survived into the next government.
Upon coming into government, the group was deployed under the newly formed Support Unit based at Bombo and comprised of artillery, some semblance of mechanized and field engineering. In the late 1980s the unit was accused of plotting a coup, its then Operations and Training Officer (OPTO) - Major Mugarra (a former soldier under Iddi Amin who hailed from Tooro) and his alleged conspirators were arrested and detained without trial in Karamoja.  Consequently, as had been the case with the pro-Buganda fighting groups like UFM and FEDEMO, the incident provided an opportunity to secure this vital component of
the new army while weeding out personnel who had served under the former armies of UA and UNLA.  It was split into Mechanised which was first shifted to Katabi in Entebbe before moving it to Masaka; the Artillery unit was taken to Masindi while Field Engineering was taken to Masaka too.  Its during the reign of James Kaziini as the Commanding Officer of the Mechanised Regiment that he harassed Maj. Patrick Monday into early retirement from where he miserably died a bitter man.  The entire group almost suffered the same fate with Lt. Magyemage Zambogo exiled in Europe.
The big question is:  Was it an NRA victory or an NRA/UNLA alliance??????  For all those who lost their lives, we can only dedicate to them this chorus:  "..............until when their blood was shed for Muhoozi."