Tuesday, 29 March 2016


Gen. Kahinda Otafiire is Museveni's Minister of Justice and Constitutional Affairs.  He is the the outgoing Member of Parliament for Ruhinda in the Bushenyi sub region.

He is the only top politician among all  the non Hima who participated in Museveni's bush war who is still clinging on Museveni.

Being an ethnic Mwiru from Bushenyi, Gen Otafiire was also a victin of Museveni's ethnic scemes during the bush war.

Like several other University graduates who hailed from other non Hima geographical areas, he was systematically kept out of the mainstream military and instead assigned to civilian political work.

He never at one time throughout the five years of the bush war got involved in combat not because he was incapable or a coward but because Museveni did not want him to.

This was the same case with the likes of Mushega, Butime, Kigongo, Kategaya, Mbabazi, Dr. Kamanyire, Katenta Apuuli, and others.

Museveni kept them off the mainstream military service in order to control their influence in the military while at the sametine ensuring that his Hima  dominated the top command positions of the military.
Around 1985 when the NRA had established an interim administration in the western region, Museveni sent Otafiire to Rwanda's Habyarimaana to secure veterinary drugs for the cows in Nyabushozi.

After taking over the government, Gen.  Otafiire was one of such people who were assigned to civilian executive positions.  When he threatened to shoot the wife of Sam Kuteesa for having called him a Mwiru, he had to resign his ministerial post.

Instead Museveni appointed  him to head his External Security Organisation (ESO) - a spy outfit charged with gathering external intelligence and assassination of dissidents.

When formal ranks were introduced in 1987, Gen. Otafiire like his colleagues in that category were supposed to be awarded only honorary army ranks  just for ceremonial purposes.

Unlike Kategaya who was outrightly awarded an honorary Brigadier and Army Number RO/002, Gen. Otafiire like his colleagues (Butime, Mushega, Mukwaya, Etc.) sneaked on the list but were awarded lower ranks compared to their junior school dropouts like Sale and Rwigyema who were made Generals on grounds that they had been militarly active in the bush.

Most astonishing is when Museveni made Gen. Rwigyema a known Rwandese refugee and senior 3 dropout Minister of Defence!!!

While Kategaya accepted the honorary rank of Brigadier, until his death he never donned a military uniform.

While Otafire  and his colleagues made attempts to become army officers, Museveni deliberately kept them outside the military while at the same time hoodwinking them with promotions in military ranks even in retirement.

During his reign at ESO, the country witnessed among other  security scandals, the killing of Congolese gold dealers by a notorious ESO operative Humphrey Babukiika

I enjoyed full protection from Otafiire.   The same Otafiire used Lt. Col. Ronald Kawuma in infiltrating dissidents in Kenya where he declared war on the Museveni regime. But Otafiire sooned turned against Kawuma. The latter was  incarcerated in Makindye dungeons where he later died.

Otafiire used his position in the regime to steal cooper rivets from an Indian  businessman in Uganda.

During Museveni's Congo military expedition, he asigned Otafiire as the defacto Governor of Ituri province.  Otafiire presided over the worst war crimes  in Ituri.

He actively participated in the facilitation of Congolese war lords with recruitment, training and arming of militias for them.  During the Kisangani clashes with the Rwandese army in Congo's eastern city of Kisangani, Otafiire was almost taken hostage by the Rwandese forces.

The civilian soldiers in Otafiire and Mayombo set a record when they were giving wrong ammunitions for the machine gunners during a fierce siege at Hotel Wagenia.

After being smoked out of Kisangani city, Otafiire relocated to Bunia together with Congolese RCD-Kisangani Chairman Prof. Wamba Dia Wamba.

In Prof. Wamba's security detail was a one Bosco Ntaganda (indicted by ICC).  

While in Bunia, Gen. Otafiire arrested Bosco Ntaganda for killings and detained him in Mbuya Barracks in Kampala.

However, shortly after, the same Bisco Ntaganda was released and dispatched back to Ituri for further carnage.

Among all the key players in Congo like  Wapakhabulo, Kaziini, Mayombo, Nuzoora, Peter Kerim and others, it is  only Gen. Otafiire who is still alive.

In the event that the ICC had opted to go after Ugandan officials, it's only a few like Museveni, Kayihura, Saleh and Otafiire that were to be indicted.  

It's his involvement in the Congo and the potential threat of being indicted by the ICC that partly contributes to his clinging on Museveni who apparently seems to enjoy immunity against war crimes both at home and in neighboring countries.

Museveni later brought back Otafiire into Cabinet and as such he has held different ministerial positions.  At one time Otafiire boasted that Museveni can not drop him from the cabinet because he (Otafiire) is ' capable of causing trouble'.

Museveni is running a scheme of getting rid of all his former comrades commonly referred to as 'historicals' as a way of preparing the ground for the succession by his son.

Otafiire is such one historical who all along viewed himself as very close to Museveni because of historical (FRONASA) connections, appeasing the Bairu and Bushenyi in general, and the illusion that Museveni fears him.

When he vied for the position of party Secretary General, Museveni favoured Amama Mbabazi.   When Amama Mbabazi was chased, Otafiire had hoped that he would be the one to replace Mbabazi as Secretary General.

Little did Otafiire know that Museveni no longer needs him.  His constituency was split after creating the new district of Ruhinda.  And When he declared his intention to vie for the regime party Deputy National Chairmanship for western region against the incumbent Gen. Kyaligonza, Museveni sent in his son-in law Odrek Rwabwogo to vie for the same.

When the going got tougher, Museveni pulled back his son-in law following an understanding that Otafiire was to also withdraw his candidature.  Otafiire had entered the trap and members of the first family led by the First Lady and Sam Kuteesa led the 'Operation Destroy Otafiire'.

He lost in the party primaries to a little known Capt (rtd) Kahonda.  The retired Captain was nominated while in police detention on charges of forgery.

If he had not been an opponent of Otafiire, the Electoral Commission would not have nominated him on grounds of his questionable academic papers.  

If Museveni had wanted Otafiire to return to parliament  he would have not released Capt. Kahonda to contest.

Museveni helped Musa Abiriga in West Nile by prevailing over the Electoral Commission to allow his nomination.

The same applied to the Eastern region Youth M.P  who had lost in the primaries but was not in the voters register. DP's Norbert Mao whose name was missing on the Voters Register  could not be helped and did not vote.

For a long time Otafiire has not been disapproving of Museveni's ways but like Mbabazi, he too has been hoping that Museveni had been breeding him for top leadership.

Little did he know that Museveni was bent on doing away with historicals while the first family badly wanted his head.

In January 2013 Otafiire attended the graduation party of a top regime critic, Theodore Ssekikubo  in Rwomuyaga.

Otafiire used the occasion to react to the coup threats that had been issued by Gen. Aronda by stating thus: "I heard that some leaders in the army were plotting to overthrow the government.  

I warn them that they should keep in their barracks because the Arny's role is to defend the country and the constitution, not managing government.

You should not be tempted to abuse the constitution. Both Parliament and the executive derive their mandate from the electorate. The government neither belong to the President, his cabinet nor Parliament but the population."  

Hon.  Ssekikubo has issues with Museveni's father in Law, Hon Sam Kuteesa in Ssembabule and by inviting Otafiire who had earlier threatened to shoot Hon Kuteesa's wife to attack the regime and Museveni in particular, was enough to spark off a war against Otafiire.  

Otafiire ought to have left the regime many years ago but he felt he had no space in the opposition so he opted to remain a hostage within the regime.  This and other reasons outlined above leaves Otafiire clinging on Museveni.


Tuesday, 15 March 2016


Museveni has always been preaching to Ugandans about the killings and violence in general under the past regimes of Iddi Amin and Obote II.  Much of such narrations have been exaggerated for purposes of propaganda hence not been backed by solid evidence.  By comparison, for the last 30years of Museveni's hold on power,  well documented violence has by far surpassed all the alleged violence by the past regimes.  While the past regimes had the courtesy of either disguising their alleged violent actions or a feeling of remorse, under Museveni torture and killings are carried out in full view of the public anf before the cameras.   That is why apart from speculations, hardly have the perpetrators of the regimes have never been made to answer.  On the contrary, majority Ugandans know the date, place, perpetrators, and victims of such atrocities under the reign of Museveni.       

   While technological advancement has played a big role in exposing the atrocities committed by the Museveni regime, the regime has not taken trouble to conceal their actions.   The reason is simple and clear -  to instill fear in the population by creating an impression that the regime can act with impunity against dissent.   That is why top government officials always come out to defend the perpetrators and give justification for such atrocities.   Coupled with his militarisation agenda,    Museveni in his estimates believes that a terrified  and stigmatized population is easy to surpress and subdue for ease of furtherance of his authoritarian scheme.  In the same regard, the rampant incidents of mob justice where suspected thieves are lynched and burnt alive in full view of the cameras is part of that agenda.  Much as mob justice is a result of loss of confidence in law enforcement agencies, the police has in most cases stood by as victims are lynched.  The regime keeps silent as TV stations and social media reoeatedly play such gruesome footages. The most recent shooting dead of protesting civilians by soldier in Kasese district is being used by the regime to spread fear in the rest of the population throughout the country so that they should not dare to exercise their right.

 The regime has not expressed any form of remorse but instead they are commending the shooters for a job well done, warning Ugandans, as the video footages are circulating everywhere. Since Museveni's presidency can not thrive in an environment that is democratic, free of insecurity and violence in general, if this regime is not brought to its end, the country is to witness a generation of a violent population whose consequences will be dire.  Unlike during the past regimes, our children are getting used to scenes of worst forms of violence.   These days it is very common for police to video record their field operations, whether in quelling protesters, arresting leaders of the opposition, or interrogating suspects, among the security officers in such operations there is one who is busy video recording whatever is going on.  Such videos are meant to be used to spread fear among the population and it is in this respect that the gruesome incident of Kasese was preplanned, video recorded by the police and is now circulating and spreading psychological terror among Ugandans.  



Sunday, 13 March 2016


As the polical dark cloud continues to engulf the country ever since the February 18th rigged general elections, Museveni is taking another gamble aimed at diffusing the tension. He has met all his regime MPs of the 9th Parliament (including even those who lost in the recent polls) at State House.  He is scheduled to hoard those who have been elected for the 10th parliament into the regime's Institute of Ideological  Indoctrination at Kyankwanzi for a week long retreat.  Speculations are high as to the intention and agenda of the entire move.  What is clear is that Museveni is very worried of the political tension that is characterised by the brewing anger and uncertainty in the country.  He is trying to take advantage of of the lull in the situation that has been brought about by the Mbabazi election petition.  He is not sure of what will happen at the close of the petition if it is dismissed.  Much as his security forces are concentrated in the capital Kampala, he is worried about the countryside.   Actually, there is an underground schemes to involve the independent MPs, local government officials elect and some other regime cadres who lost at the polls.       These people are to be equipped with propaganda and billions of the tax payers money to go on the ground and diffuse the boiling tension.  He is mindful of the fact that his respective regime officials at different levels like the RDCs, DISOs, regime secretariat etc who are responsible for the rigging can not face the aggrieved populations.  He used the same gamble in 2014 when he closed down parliament by sending his MPs to the countryside to 'popularise' his sole candidature' for the February 2016 polls.  Is the opposition keeping contact with its supporters who are about to be preyed on by the regime's gambling scheme?     



The UN has just released a damming report outlining the worst war crimes committed against civilians caught up in the most recent conflict in South Sudan.  The report implicates the government of South Sudan in what it describes as "scotched earth policy" against civilians.  It further alleges that the government of South Sudan allowed its soldierst and allied militias to rape women in lieu of wages, to torture and murder suspected opponents and deliberately displace as many people as possible.  Civilians suspected of supporting the opposition were suffocated in shipping containers, burnt alive, shot dead and hacked into pieces.   The report goes ahead to reveal that burning of food stores and seeds was intended for starvation.   While the report accuses both sides of committing serious violations and abuses, it unequivocally asserts that:  "the government appears to have been responsible for gross and systematic human rights violations."  

 The current conflict in South Sudan started in December 2013 and Museveni immediately sent in his troops to the aid of President Silver Kiir who was facing a rebellion from within his own SPLA.   Contrary to the constitutional requirement for parliamentary approval of troops deployment outside the country, it took Museveni one month before acknowledging that his forces were in South Sudan.  Even though, he claimed that they were there simply to evacuate Ugandans from the capital Juba.  Later on he claimed that they were also securing vital installations like the airport, State House, and other government installations.  It was only in mid January 2014 while at a conference in Angola that Museveni revealed how his troops were involved in combat operations in South Sudan.  He stated that with the help of his troops the government of South Sudan had "inflicted a big defeat on rebel groups outside of Juba".  He added that a large number of rebels had been killed in the incursions.  The Ministry of Defence Spokesperson, Col. Ankunda confirmed that the Uganda army was set to launch a combat offensive in rebel held areas more especially in the Jongley State capital, Bor.   Indeed both ground troops and aerial bombardment by his jet fighters did leave collateral damage at the battle.  

    Museveni's miliitary intervention did escalate the conflict to the level as contained in the UN report.  It undermined IGAD's efforts to mediate the conflict at an early stage thus minimizing the carnage that ensued later.  Being a member of the regional block (IGAD), Uganda had taken sides in the conflict.  If he had not intervened on the side of the government in South Sudan,  either the rebels would have easily overthrown President Silver Kiir or cone to an amicable settlement under the mediation of IGAD much earlier thus minimization the carnage that ensued as the conflict escalated.  Some of the methods of carrying out atrocities like burning of food stores, suffocating civilians in shipping containers, cutting Bodies of victims into pieces, and deliberate displacement of civilians are similar to the methods that Museveni's army used during the war in northern and eastern Uganda.   Museveni withdrew his army from South Sudan in October 2015 but the UN report has unfairly kept silent about its role in all the carnage that took place.  The situation was the same in the Congo where there is no way you would separate the different militias leaders from the eastern DRC who were indicted by the ICC for war crimes.


Thursday, 10 March 2016


Though Uganda's military dictator , Museveni has a track record of brutally suppressing and killing peaceful protesters, its not possible now to do the same against election protesters.

   In 1979 after the overthrow of Iddi Amin, when Prof. Yusuf Luke was the President, Museveni was the Minister of Defence.  When Museveni conspired with other to overthrow Prof. Lule - hardly six months in office, Ugandans came out on the streets to protest under the slogan 'Twagala Lule, We want Lule).  The new President Godfrey Binaisa and the Tanzanian army Commanders refused to give orders for shooting at protesters.  Minister of Defence, Museveni who has a personal faction (FRONASA) of the national army (UNLF) took it upon himself to deploy troops who in turn killed, maimed, and arrested hundreds of protesters.      

  In 1991 he brutally suppressed protesting Muslims at the Old Kampala Mosque  but the protesters were so organised and determined that the incident keft 04 Police officers and 04 Police dogs dead.      

    In 2002, Nuseveni brutally suppressed a UPC party peaceful protest leaving one Journalist, Jimmy Higenyi shot dead, scores of protesters injured.  

 In April 2007 about 1O00 protesters matching through the streets of Kampala city protesting Museveni's leasing of 7100 hectares (1/4) of Mabira Forest to sugarcane investors.  The peaceful protesters were confronted by the Police and the Army who shot dead three people. 

In September, 2009 the army and police blocked the King of Buganda from visiting Kayunga.  His subjects peacefully protested but were confronted by heavily armed police and the army who were even using armored cars shot dead 14 people, 100 were injured, and 164 were arrested and detained.

 In March, 2010 Buganda Kingdom's Kasubi Tombs went up in flames.  Given the bad blood between Museveni and the kingdom at the time, Baganda subjects were suspicious that the fire had been started by the regime.  They made attempts to block Museveni from visiting the scene by erecting barricades and booing him.  In the ensuing scuffle, his elite guards (SFC) shot dead three people.

 In April 2011,  during the Walk to Work protests, security forces shot dead five people including a two year old baby who had bulkets lodged in its head and ches, dozens were injured and hundreds arested.  The protest was organised by civil society grouos under the umbrella of Activists for Change.  They were protesting against soaring fuel and food prices that had been prompted by the regime's  lack of fiscal discipline during the 2011 electoral process,  the acquisition of fighter jets at $740M, spending $350M on Museveni's campaigns, spending $1.3M on his swearing in ceremony, etc.  Inflation had soared from 6% to 11% and frustration over poor social service delivery of boiling.

   In 2012  he brutally suppressed protesting Muslims of the Kibuli faction after they were intercepted at Clock Tower in Kampala.  At Old Kampala main mosque, Military Police fired live bullets to disperse protesters. The Muslims were protesting leadership wrangles orchestrated by Museveni.     

All the above incidents of killing peaceful protesters arose from matters that could be classified as having arisen from factional  internal social discontents and not national politics that have regional and international impact.  They took place at a time when the international community still had a false image of Musevebi.   Also, at the time Ugandans still had a false hope in Museveni.  The just concluded sham electoral process has taken place at a time when Ugandans have woken up to the reality that Museveni has been holding them hostage.  That is why they could nolonger be intimidated and bribed but instead they turned up in big numbers and voted him out.  The rigging of the polls and excessive use of force has exposed his dictatorship and brutality to the international community.  He has always thrived on manipulating situations so as to create for himself a false image of a liberator and peacemaker.    

  He very well knew that he would miserably loose at the polls as had always been the case but was worried over the level of vigilance among the pro-change Ugandans following an effective mobilisation mobilisation by the opposition.   He was also convinced that the masses would come out to physically protest his rigging.  Therefore, because by nature he is power hungry, he had no alternative but to deploy his security forces at every corner of the country in order to scare off  the would be protesters.  Those security personnel that are armed to the teeth and patrolling key areas of the country can not shoot any single peaceful protester other than scaring them off with combat attires, battle vehicles, water canons and teargas.  The highest they can go is to shoot rubber bullets at victims and live bullets in the air.  This is because his security officers have been pestering him without definite answers on the question of criminal responsibility in the event of political killings. Museveni so much fears adding another count on the ICC charge sheet on top of those already in place.  That is why he has of recent been decampaigning the ICC and spearheading the push for African countries to pull out of the ICC.  For the same reasons he has been sending envoys to Dr. Besigye so as to lure him into dropping his claim on victory in return for a negotiated settlement.   In the same regard, Museveni felt a sigh of relief when former Presidential candidate Amama Mbabazi petitioned the Supreme Court challenging the election results as in his estimates he thinks the court process will divert public opinion while at the sometime cooling down tampers of the pro change Ugandans.   He hopes to use the court petition to legitimize his fraudulent victory and hold on power.

     Therefore,  this is the first time Museveni has come under threat of protests challenging his hold on power.  If well organised, he would simply run away rather than killing Ugandans and then risking being taken to the Hague before the ICC.      


Tuesday, 8 March 2016


Transitional Democratic Alliance (TDA) is a political grouping that was initiated by civil society, opposition political parties and groups.  It was intended to be an umbrella organisation for a political alliance of opposition parties and groupings with view of joining hands and fronting a single candidate against dictator Museveni in the February 18, 2016 polls.  It was composed of all opposition political parties and groupings notably FDC, UPC, DP, CP, JEEMA, GO-FORWARD.  Its efforts to cone up with a single opposition presidential flag bearer hit a snag after FDC's Kiiza Besigye and Go Foward's Amama Mbabazi could not agree on a joint candidate between themselves.  Consequently, the FDC opted out preferring to have its own Dr. Kiiza Besigye at its flag bearer. Go Forward's A mama Mbabazi remained in the raptures TDA and contested under the banner of Go Forward.   At the end of the polls, Museveni allotted himself 60%, Dr. Besigye 30% , and Amama Mbabazi 1% of the total votes cast.   Dr. Besigye and his FDC have claimed that they had won the elections but only to be announced 2nd.  The regime denied them an opportunity to prepare and lodge a petition in courts of law.   Its leaders are under detention, party offices ransackled and besieged, supporters arrested countrywide, opposition polling agents hunted and arrested.  A mama Mbabazi opted to go to court to challenge the election results.  Local and international election observers  have discredited the polls describing them as a sham.  The army has taken over each and every corner of the country on claims that the FDC and Dr. Besigye are planning to lead countrywide protests. Peaceful protests in Uganda is a constitutional right and history has shown that its only when the regime security forces violently intervene that such protests turn violent.          Both the Museveni and the opposition supporters are  in a state of fear, anger, and uncertainty.  The Mbabazi election petition has provided Museveni with a sigh of relief but he may not easily overcome the political stalemate.

Ugandans  have no trust in courts of law basing on history and a well founded belief that they are manned by Museveni's 'Cadre Judges and Justices'.  However going by the controversy that surroubded the appoibtment of the current Chief Justice, the composition and profiles of Justices who are on the pannel, the overwhelming visible trail of rigging and irregularities,  the political stalemate , anger and uncertainty engulfing the country, the unanimously negative observations by local and foreign election observers,  Ugandans may be set to witness their greatest surprise of the century.  These Justices have an uohill task of disproving and dispelling the widely held belief that they are Museveni's cadres.  Museveni will as usual attempt to exert pressure and influence on the Supreme Court, but such pressure can be neutralised by counter pressure from a coalition of pro change players who are outside the petition.   They just need to ignore the presence of security forces on the streets and every village path but maintain and boost the enthuasism that was demonstrated by their supporters  during the campaign season.  By restricting their verbal protests in boardrooms in Kampala, the pro change entities stand the risk of loosing the vigour of their supporters in the countryside.  Supporters want to hear  and keep uodated about what concrete plans are in place to rescue their victory and not stories of boycotting music shows and not working on Thursdays. Fortunately, the international community is standing side by side with the pro change Ugandans.  For obvious reasons, I can not indulge in outlining the details of the modalities of how to keep the candle burning.  Maybe reactivating, consolidating, and galvanising a redefined TDA as a nationwide pro change movement can help sustain the pressure.


Sunday, 6 March 2016


In early 2013 amidst political tensions between Museveni and Parliament over institutionalized corruption, the regime issued stern warnings to the effect that the army would take over in case of a political stalemate.   First it was the Minister of Defence, Mr. Crispus Kiyonga who warned that the army would takeover in case of a political stalemate. He stated that the army was watching and that if there was a possibility it could reassert itself should the politicians continue not showing seriousness that they can solve the country's problems.  His assertion was echoed by Museveni during his parliamentary caucus retreat at Kyankwanzi where he told them that if this 'confusion' in Parliament persists, the military would not allow it.  This was during manoeuvres to coerse his parliamentarians into backing his secret oil exploration deals.   The issue was more boldly brought  to light by the then Army Chief, Gen. Aronda Nyakairima  who a week later while addressing a press conference when asked about the treasonous statements by Museveni and Kiyonga.  He  asserted thus:  "the message was deliberately sent out.  ; I can't do more what they said.  The message was well taken for those to who it was intended.  Stand warned.  Stand advised.  Should you not change course, other things may be brought into play.

   As usual, the gullible Ugandans just took the matter lightly as Museveni went ahead to build capacity for that military takeover.  Some opposition politicians tried to protest the treasonous utterances and event went to court but the matter was not followed up.  The army under Gen. Around a whom Museveni hastily moved to the Ministry of Internal Affairs, took charge of preparing the Voters Register.  Militarisation of the police intensified with the police undergoing battle drills during short courses in military camps.  Army officers were deployed to take charge of vital departments of the police.  Countrywide enlistment and training of millions of regime militias dubbed Crime Preventers was initiated.  Before, during and after the polls, the army took a center stage in managing and mismanaging the electoral process.  The now militarised police force together with the army (under the command of Museveni's son) jointly swung into action arresting, intimidating, shooting dead, kidnapping, taking over of vital government installations and the regime's so called Independent Electoral Commission, ransacking and taking over of opposition offices, arresting and curtailing the movements of opposition leaders, etc.  Shortly before the polls, Museveni retired his in law Gen. Tumukunde so that he could take charge of the intimidation and bribery of opposition polling agents and supporters.   It is the army that ensured that Museveni was announced the winner and it is the army that is currently holding the country hostage to Nuseveni.  There is nothing like NRM as a party but only Museveni his military machinery.  The so called party Secretariat was dissolved at the time Museveni sacked its Secretary General, Mbabazi for showing interest in running for presidency.  Ugandans are now crying foul over the army's take over of each and every corner of the country as if Gen. Aronda  never warned them in early 2013.  Unfortunately, Gen. Around a was 'struck by lightening' before he could see his dream come true. Ugandans rallying behind Dr. Kiiza Besigye won the elections but Museveni is using the army to undermine the will of the people.  Who and where is the the Minister of Internal Affairs in all that is going on if it is not a military takeover??????   


Saturday, 5 March 2016


For the last 30 years Uganda's military dictator, Museveni has been preoccupied with personalizing the country's security forces as a foundation for the wider scheme of remaining in power.  He has succeeded in turning the security forces into being a coercive branch of his regime party (NRM).  These security organs are highly partisan and they are presumed to be regime cadres who owe their allegiance to Museveni as a person and not Uganda in return for political protection from the regime.  In order to prove their personal loyalty to Museveni's hold on power, top security officers have to carry out  excesses against the opposition and political dissenters in general.  With Museveni's son Brig. Nuhoozi at the top of the special forces (SFG) that is responsible for ensuring that Museveni remains in power.    

 For many years now,  members of the security forces and Museveni's secret services have been arbitrarily arresting, kidnapping, torturing, detaining without trial, running ungazetted places of detention, killing, harassing, intimidating, and exiling political dissenters.  Reports of such excesses and gross violation of human rights have always been highlighted by local and international human rights bodies, civil society, and some religious organisations but the regime has always rubbished them as baseless.  Despite the highlighting of such gross excesses, the regine has remained steadfast in its schemes of detention unleashing terror against political dissenters with the aim of subduing them into submission to the military dictatorship.

Museveni has been riding on the country's past where members of security forces of past regimes were associated with wanton brutality.  Obviously, the alleged excesses of the past armies were exaggerated by Museveni in his schemes to gain the presidency and remain in power for life.   That is why apart from former Governor of Kampala under the Iddi Amin regine, Col Nasur Abdalah who was convicted under the 2nd UPC government for murder but only to be pardoned by Museveni, no any other member of the past security forces was ever subjected to any semblance of criminal proceedings on account of alleged abuses.  Instead,  it is these very members of the past security forces that played a pivotal role in his bush war and have continued to sustain his hold on power for the last 30 years.  For reasons of personal ego, when he came to power he decreed that members of the past regimes' secret services like State Research Bureau (SRB) under Iddi Amin   and National Security Agency (NASA) under the Obote II government were to be excluded from vying for any elective office in the local government structures.   This was because he held no grudge against those regimes other than seeking to achieve his childhood dream of becoming the President of Uganda.  On the other hand Museveni is culpable in some of the alleged attrocities by the past regimes thus any serious inquiry would lead to his backyard.            

  Because of this overshadowing by Uganda's past history as exaggerated and exploited by Museveni, the Ugandan masses seam not to realise that under Museveni, the security forces have conducted themselves in a worst manner than  those of the past regimes.  For the first time in the history of Uganda, the country registered incidents of senior Police and army officers carrying out armed robberies against civilians and banks in broad daylight.  They have not only excelled in theft of public resources but run secret torture and detention chambers code-named Safe Houses.  In spite of all the above unique negative attributes, Museveni has need commended for building a professional, disciplined and pro-people army compared to the past ones.  

  That way, he has deliberately allowed them to accumulate ill gotten wealth so that unlike the past armies, they have to defend the regime's stay in power at all cost if their wealth is to thrive.  In so doing, his security officers have the license and Museveni's blessing to unleash terror on Ugandans in the name of state security.  They are mandated to do anything within their means to ensure that Museveni remains in power in return for enriching themselves through criminal ways.  Here below, find a few incidents of how security agents use and abuse their positions in order to terrorise Ugandans with impunity:    

   1. In February 2009 Robert Kigundu was murdered around Kololo in Kampala and his body burnt to ashes before robbing his car.  Later the number place of his robbed car was used on another car driven by Lt.  Adubango of CMI.  When the police intercepted the CMI vehicle and arrested the Lt, he revealed that the vehicle belonged to his unnamed 'boss' at CMI.  The family of the deceased was subjected to silence by CMI and the matter was  swept under the carpet at very high levels by Gen. James Mugira who was the CMI at the time.  (observer.ug/CMI in murder, robbery scandal).  

    2.  Around February 2016,  owing to the fear of politically motivated violence, security forces carried out a security swoop in Kampala where 13 police and army officers were netted on charges of being behind rampant murders and armed robberies in the city.  The suspects revealed that they were working for top police and army officers to whom they would deliver the loot.  The top commanders gave them extra guns, information, assurance of protection and 20% of the loot.  One of the suspects, Corporal Tito revealed that he had made about 300M shillings for his boss and 80M for hinself and that he had managed to construct a house, acquire and own a car and three motorcycles.  The identity of the said 'boses' remains a mystery and the matter will be swept under the carpet. 

   3.  In the same month of February 2015, for the same political considerations security agencies arrested their own officers over allegations of armed robberies.  A Capt. under CMI who was in-charge of the phone tracking unit would monitor the conversation, movements, and exact locations of the targeted wealthy people using CMI's phone tracking system and give the information to the armed robbers on the ground for effective targeting.  In the same operation, Maj.  Mushabe was found with two illegal guns at his home in Mbarara.  A one Lt.  Kàranzi was also arrested but as is the usual practice, the matter will be swept under the carpet once it is established that their actions were not politically motivated.  

  4.   In the same month of February 2016, the police shot seat three youths in Ndejje on grounds that they were plotting to carry out a robbery on a businessman.   The order of 'shoot to kill' is being abused as innocent souls will be taken out of action.   It was designed to instil fear into Ugandans in the run up to the February Polls.

   5.  Around the same time, army officers under Brig. Ramadhan Kyamulesire used his official car to attack the residence of a city businessman from whom they robbed 5M shillings at gunpoint.  The matter was swept under the carpet as long as Brig. Kyamulesire's political clarity is not dented.  

   6.     Sometime back a soldier attached to State House was  intercepted as he attempted to sweep clean a fat bank account of billions of shillings through electronic fraud.  A strong cabinet minister from the west had been behind the attempted fraud claimed that security had been suspecting the account to be run by terrorists and that they were also testing the banks preparedness to avert serious electronic fraud.  The matter was swept under the carpet.

 7.  Early this week the police's VIP protect unit shot a lunatic who had now died of bullet wounds in Mulago Hospital.  After the shooting the police alleged that the man had intended to assassinate the Chief Justice who has interestingly come out to refute those claims.  In his statement he states thus: "I only saw a man running out with policemen.  He never came close to my car and I never heard him demanding to speak to me.  In fact the shooting happened after I left the scene.  I don't believe the man intended to attack me.   I think this was a mad man who had blockaded many other vehicles on that part of the road.  My convoy was just caught up in this situation.  So this was not an assassination attempt as the media has put it.". The police Spokesperson had earlier stated thus:  "VIPPU disabled the suspect on suspicion that he wanted to harm the Chief Justice.  We have taken him to Mulago but is still in our custody.  We are waiting for him to recover so he records a statement.".   Following the Chief Justice's protest over the police's extra judicial killing, the victim Shaban Ayela was anounced dead!!!    

     8.  The cultural head of the Kooki was brutally assaulted when his car attempted to overtake the Vice President's convoy.  He is not abroad for medical treatment.  Unlike the Chief Justice who is not patriotic, the Vice President never made any public comment over the incident.     

9.  This week, the police stealthy broke into the chambers of  two of the legal firms that are representing the petitioner who is challenging the Musevveni's alleged election victory.

The list of incidents is endless and the worst is in the offing but all in the name of state security.   INFORMATION IS POWER


Wednesday, 2 March 2016


Ever since Museveni was declared the winner in the of the just concluded sham presidentiale elections he had been having a rough time because of uncertainty.  The opposition rejected the outcome alleging massive rigging and irregularities.  The Western election observer groups also discredited the entire exercise.  Fearing repercussions from millions of Ugandans whose victory was stollen, he had to unleash terror on each and every corner of Uganda.  He has curtailed the freedom of the main opposition leaders  through repeated brutal and humiliating arrests.  He has curtailed the freedom of association and assembly by putting a siege on the offices of the main opposition party.  He has branded Western diplomats and the Western world in general as being in league with the opposition in its alleged designs to destabilize the country.  

        His main worry is over the possibility of the angry masses to take to street protests whereby he will have to give orders to his security officers to shoot them.   However, with such a scenario he would obviously have to be accused of crimes against humanity before the ICC.   That is why he has been sending emissaries to the incercerated leader of the opposition, Col. (Rtd) Dr.  Kiiza Besigye with view of reaching an amicable settlement.  Unfortunately the main opposition leaders very well understand that he does not believe in peaceful settlement of political disagreements.  He has a track record of using peace talks simply as a way of encircking and overwhelming his political adversaries.  The current political stantoff is between the millions of dissenting Ugandans as represented by the opposition and the beneficiary and custodians of Museveni's autocracy as represented by the security forces thus Ballot Vs the Bullet.  Fortunately the main opposition leaders and Dr. Besigye in particular  are so principled that they can not fall prey to Museveni's manipulation.  These leaders are determined and resolute in championing the cause to free Ugandans from Museveni's bondage.      

      The main opposition  fDC had earlier vowed never to petition courts of law over irregularities in the electoral process.  Owing to that,  the regime had not bothered to conceal their rigging such that evidence of of serious irregularities is overwhelming.  The arrogantly took no precautions in erasing traces on the trail of rigging.    After the European Union and the Commonwealth election observer groups expressed disappointment with the electoral process, he panicked that if the opposition opted to go to court it would be a disaster.  That is the reason they moved very fast to have leading opposition leaders' freedoms curtailed so as to make it impossible for them to prepare and lodge a petition challenging the election results.  The opposition polling àgents are being hunted  and arrested so as to confiscate the election results declaration forms in their posession while the opposition FDC offices have been ransacked and placed under siege.   Much as he has positioned cadre Judges  in courts of law,  the overwhelming internal and external pressure coupled by overwhelming evidence, he saw a high possibility of courts of law ruling against his fraudulent victory.   Having got convinced that the ongoing impasse needs some development to divert the attention of Ugandans and the world,  the Mbabazi petition provided him with a sigh of relief.  After weighing the Mbabazi petition against a concocted terror attack, he found the former to be the best option to settle the dust down thus allowed it to continue. That is why even the Supeme Court received the petition beyond the usual court hours and immediately after senior court Registrars like Mr. Tom Che tai and Mr. Kisauzi made a rare visit to NBS and WBS television studios respectively to give live interviews for purposes of publicizing the petition.  

   With the matter now before court, Museveni issue a decree banning any public discussion of the election results on grounds of the principal of sub Judice.  He will also use the same excuse to intensify his brutal clamp down on political dissent linked to the election results.    In the same regard, the development provides him with an opportunity to either ignore or silence both internal and external pressure.   "The matter of elections disputes is a matter before courts of law and whatever the court will decide is what we shall abide by"  he will argue.  He has already publicly stated that even his votes were stollen or else he would have won by 80+%, but will he testify in court in support of this assertion!!!!!      



The Cattle Corridor is a term used to refer to a semi arid region in Uganda that stretches from the southern border with Tanzania through some parts of Ankole in Western Uganda, Sembabule, Mubende, Kiboga, and Nakasongola in the central region of Buganda.  It is a home to pastrolists commonly known as Balalo whose livelihood depends on herding cattle.   Though Balalo is a term used to refer to nomadic cattle keepers, it has ordinarily been used to refer to all the ethnic Hima and their cousins the Banyarwanda Tutsis.  It is in the same regard that Museveni who is an ethnic Him a was during the election campaigns referred to by his supporters as 'Omwana wa Omulalo'. (Son of a Mulalo) and he was very comfortable with it.   Because of the privikkeged econonic position of these Balalos, they have been expanding the Cattle Corridor through  the acquisition of large chuncks of land in other parts of Uganda.  This land rush explains the ongoing land grabbing by the econonically privilleged few.  It is this feeking of econonic superiority that tempts them to develop a feeling of being politically superior -  the just concluded Youth Members of Parliament for the western region was contested by only ethnic Hima/Balalo sons of Army Generals hailing from the cattle corridor.  Museveni's attempt to replace his bush war veteran Generals  with his Mulalo son-in law Idrek Rwabwogo was also in this vain.  Following the release of the just concluded sham presidential elections results, the social media is awash with criticism over Museveni's 100% vote from the polling stations in most areas of the cattle corridor.  It is reported that in most of these areas, opposition supporters were not allowed to cast their votes hence 100% vote for Museveni.    

    It is this cattle corridor areas of Bulemezi in Buganda region that harbored Museveni's bush war fighters in the early 1980s.  During that war, a special arrangement was made by Museveni for those Balalos in the areas of Ngoma and Bulemezi to handover their cows to his army in return for safe evacuation of the population.  They handed over their over 21000 heads of cattle which were used to feed the fighters during the eight months (1983/84) during the government troops' offensive in areas of Bgoma and Wakyatot hat was codenamed ''Operation Bonanza'.  These Balalos were helped to flee to Teso, Butuku in Tooro and a bigger number fled to Nyabushozi in Ankole.  When Museveni took over power in 1986 those Balalos who had earlier fled from the war in Bulemezi were provided a temporary camp at Kanyaryeru in Nyabushozi.  From the  Kanyaryeru camp, those who had had land in Bulemezi were helped to go back to Bulemezi.  Those who had had no land in Bulemezi were advised to stay in Nyabushozi whereby Museveni degazetted 250 square km of lake Mburo national Park and the Nshaara government farm in order to ressettle them.   Both grouos were given cows bought and imprted from Tanzania in which even those who had not given the fighters cows benefitted from the government donations.  

    While the Balolo were compensated with cows and flee land,  the Baganda cultivators from Luwero who had also given the fighters their food gardens, goats and chicken were given meagre cash payments.  This cash was to soon fall victim of inflation and Museveni's currency reform scheme of 1987 thus the persisting graviances of the Baganda Luwero War Veterans.   At Kanyaryeru, Museveni built a modern school (Ngabo Academy) managed under State House by its permanent semi illiterate Maj. David Bashaija.  Ngabo means army in Kinyarwanda and the graduates of this academy have always been accorded preferential treatment in terms of placements and slots for further studies and job opportunities.  One such graduate is Dr. Diana Atwiine who is Museveni's Assistant on Medical Services.  They have over the years been the major beneficiaries of the State House Scholarship under Canon Rubunda.  Kiruhura and Nyabushozi county in particular is the cradle of the Balalo and its the home area of Museveni. This area has for the last 30 years dominated some key government sectors like Revenue collection, State House, security services etc and the regime has often defended this dominance by arguing that its because of the resident's early association with the war that brought it to power.

In return these Balalos have always demonstrated their total loyalty to Museveni first and to Uganda last. It is in the same regard that during the president campaigns, anonymous audio and video recordings depicting the Hima/Balalo as a superior race that is entitled  to rule over other Ugandans often unconcontrolably trended on social media.  Unfortunately the regime never expressly came out to condemn and curtail such sectarian sentiments.  During the campaigns, non Balalo ethic communities resident in this area were harassed on account of their persived suppor for the opposition.  A female  military officer at the rank of a Major ransancled the opposition FDC offices in Kiruhura.  It is reported that even during the polls non Balalo residing in those areas were stopped from casting their votes on grounds that they were to vote for the opposition.  

   Therefore, it is not a surprise that the polling stations in those areas had Museveni allocated all the votes hence his scoring of 100% at most polling stations.   This implies that there was no single opposition vote and not even their polling agents did vote for them.  Much as there was an overwhelming 400,000 million invalid votes from the whole country, its only at the polling stations in the area under discussion  did not register any invalid votes; maybe its because of the higher level of education and understanding by the people of that area.  The truth is that at the polling stations in that area voting was done on the open table where every resident was required to come on the table and openly tick Museveni as the candidate of choice. Even the sick, dead, imprisoned, the absentees all voted because the voter turn up was also 100%.   Its a taboo for anyone in those areas not to support Museveni.  Otherwise, the Bahima/Balalo are very good Ugandans who are only being manipulated, used and abused by Museveni for his selfish and sectarian designs.