Monday, 30 May 2016


The President of the main opposition party (FDC), Gen.  Mugisha Muntu is in the spotlight for having made a decision for FDC MPs to take  up the official position of opposition in Parliament.   This comes at a time when the party and its flagbearer Dr. Kiiza Besigye are insisting that they won the February polls and can not be the opposition in parliament.


1.  When Gen. Muntu contested  against Dr. Besigye for the position of flag bearer in the February polls, they disagreed on strategy.  Dr.  Besigyye argued that he would win by defiance thus a mass uprising that would guard the vote and even overrun the Museveni regime in the event of rigging.  Gen. Muntu who lost the contest had argued that with proper mobilisation and strong structures, the FDC could win the polls.  In his acceptance of defeat speech, Gen Muntu warned that without a clear and strong organisational strategy, the so called defiance or mass uprising would be smashed by the regime.  It is natural for anyone to wish seeing his prediction come true thus its wrong to expect Gen. Muntu to work towards the success  of the defiance strategy.

2.  The FDC campaign strategists knew very well that the only chance they had to directly reach out to the masses was during the countrywide campaigns.  During that time they ought to have put in  place a concrete countrywide structural network for mass protests.  Moreover, they knew that at any cost Museveni's Electoral Commission would not declare the FDC as the winners.

3.  There is no doubt  the FDC and Dr. Besigye won the February polls. His taking of oath of office at a private function was a wise move.  It is unfortunate he was arrested before he could form and announce his government.  The recently released not well thought out  cabinet lineup that went viral lacked his wise input.

4.  The museveni regime driven by guilty consciousness was more prepared for the countrywide mass protests than the advocates of the same.

5..  The masses were and still are ready for mass action but they continue to lack guidance  and direction from the top advocates of the same.  The strong security deployments would not make an significant impact if the masses had been organised for a massive action. Actually, you would witness security forces joking the people while isolating Museveni's elite force under the command of his son.

6.  Dr. Besigye's repeated processions in the city without concrete and coordinated  plan of action like taking over of a specific government installation, had the effect of putting his life and that of his supporters in potential danger.

7.   When the regime's  security forces besieged and took over the FDC   offices    decreed that all the FDC activies had been banned, it implied that the FDC as a party had been banned thus sufficient ground for it to go underground.  Did the regime lift the ban for the FDC to convene and select the official opposition in parliament???

8.  Museveni's illegal regime needed the opposition in Parliament more than does the FDC.  By accepting to form the the official opposition in parliament, the FDC is reinforcing the Mbabazi court petition in legitimizing the regime.  The decision undermines and contradicts FDC/Dr. Besigye's persistent claim of victory in the February polls and the defiance campaign.

9.   The international community is disappointed by lack of action by Ugandans and in particular by the compromises being made by the FDC.

10.  Despite the few setbacks, the masses remain resentful and ready for action if well organised and guided.  The cry and need for change in Uganda can only be halted but its unstoppable.   There is a a high likelihood of an emergence of a stronger and radicalised pro-change movement.   The regime is much aware of this possibility than does the proponents of change.

11.  Its unfair to equate the current situation with the 1980s DP's taking up the official opposition in parliament and UPM's sole candidate, Dr. Kiyonga's boycott of parliament.  DP's presence in parliament greatly supplemented the efforts of the armed fighting groups including Museveni's NRA.  Dr. Kiyonga boycotted because his presidential candidate Museveni had taken up arms to fight government.  Dr. Kiyonga fled to exile leaving Dr. Besigye as the sole Doctor in the bush initially.  Parliament during Obote's time was not a business centre or cash machine for M.Ps as is the case now.  Even if Gen. Muntu had not flagged off these M.Ps, they would have defiantly formed the opposition in parliament.  Some of these MPs may even with time cross to the ruling party or accept Museveni's cabinet positions.  Gen.  Muntu simply flagged off ready and willing MPs. However, assuming the defiance campaign had taken off and gained momentum by stopping the composition of Parliament and Museveni's swearing in, the current FDC MPs saga wouldn't be in place.

Therefore, the differing in opinion between Dr. Besigye and Gen. Muntu has been there only that this time around it has taken a different twist.  The fertile grounds for dissent that have created the heroism in Dr. Besigye are still in place and continue to grow by every passing hour.  Gen. Muntu, the over 30 FDC MPs and the pro-change Ugandans who are craving for change should share the blame for failing to play their part and instead solely relying on Dr. Besigye to perform miracles.


Friday, 27 May 2016


The Baganda is the biggest tribe in Uganda. They have their Kingdom of Buganda which is geographically located in the central region of Uganda.  The Islam, Christian and other religions first reached Buganda before they spread to other areas of what later came to be known as Uganda.  Buganda's pre-colonial sophisticated administrative system was used by the colonialists to run other areas of the Uganda Protectorate.  Therefore, the Baganda and their Kingdom of Buganda had remained the most economically developed and civilised of all the Ugandan societies until recently when the Museveni regime embarked on its systematic destruction.  Its home to the Uganda's capital city,   the best institutions of learning in the country,   commercial centre,  best infrastructure etc.

The struggle for independence of Uganda was spearheaded by the Baganda and their Kingdom of Buganda.  They remained key players in the post independence politics of Uganda.   The artchitects of the overthrow of Iddi Amin had misconception about Buganda's centrality  in the country's politics - the first two post Iddi Amin Baganda figurehead Presidents of Uganda (Prof. Lule and Binaisa) who each ruled for less than a year.  When Museveni chose to wage his guerilla war in 1981, he established bases on Buganda soil whereby peasant Baganda and migrant Hima/Tutsi pastrolists and casual labourers played a key role in the survival of his guerrilla forces.  The elite and prominent Baganda were supporting their own UFM and FEDEMO.   Since  Museveni took over power  31 years ago, he has been preoccupied by containing, taming, and destruction of Buganda's social, economic and political influence.

With the systematic elimination of top Baganda  commanders during the bush war, the neutralisation of the rival Baganda dominated UFM and FEDEMO under Andrew Kayiira and his subsequent cold blooded murder by "thugs",  the systematic harassment and elimination of UFM and FEDEMO commanders who had joined hands with his NRA, the killing of  Vice President Bukenya's son, Officer Cases Brian Bukenya in a "motor accident", and other schemes, made Buganda to loose out on the military arena.  Forget about the CDF in the name of a figurehead, Gen. Katumba Wamala;  the likes of Col. Sserwnga Lwanga and Col. Fred Bogere who attempted demonstrate independent mindedness were sent into oblivion.  Museveni  successfully deliberately imposed poverty on Baganda through the dismantling of cooperative societies, refused to rehabililate the war torn Luwero triangle and grabbing of land by his regime middle class.   Alongside those schemes, he has successfully suppressed the Baganda's agitation for a federal status for Buganda Kibgdom by among other means removing the capital Kampala out of Buganda.  Some few regime orchestrated incidents of bloody clashes with Buganda agitators has sent a clear message to their King that unlike the past idiotic regimes from whom his father had managed to escape but only to die in exile, the Museveni regime will take him hostage thus trimmed his wings.

Convinced that he had succeded in politically paralysing  the Baganda and Buganda, Museveni turned his attention to the northern region.  All along Museveni had convinced himself that  he had succeded in rendering Buganda and Baganda  politically lifeless.  However, early this month he had a shock of year when the youthful independent M.P for Kampala city , Mohamad Nsereko garnered overwhelming backing for the position of Deputy Speakership of Parliament.  Museveni who was still nursing bruises sustained following another lost battle for the Speakership, summoned Mohammad Nsereko to State House in the home that he would as usual intimidate and manipulate him into stepping down in favour of his choice of the stooge, Jacob Oulanya.  Nsereko defiantly refused to step down after telling off Museveni of how he was interfering in parliamentary affairs.  The shocked and bemused Museveni angrily ordered Nsereko out of the meeting.  Its almost a taboo for any Ugandan other than a few like Joseph Kony, Dr. Besigye sang Gen. Ssejusa and others that have the courage to defiantly disagree with Museveni. 

Museveni did not take Nsereko's defiance lightly.  He had to pay a minimum of five million shillings to each of the over 400 regime M.Ps so as not to vote Nsereko.  As if that was not enough, he had to break the parliamentary rules of procedure and came to the floor of parliament to intimidate the M.Ps during the voting exercise.  The situation was aggravated by the fact that despite his loss, Nsereko still managed to get slightly over one hundred votes.  Museveni is reported to be investigating the source of the extra votes when the opposition M.Ps are less than 50.  His major concern is the likelihood of an emergence of a new political grouping around Mohammad Nsereko and comprised of youthful independent minded politicians.  This comes at a time when he is rallying youthful politicians, army officers, civil servants, etc behind his son Gen. Muhoozi who he is preparing to succeed him.  Worst of all, the man at the center of this defiance is a Muganda from Buganda whom Museveni had presumed to have become politically lifeless!!!  Watch the space.


Tuesday, 24 May 2016


When Speaker Kadaga repulsed Museveni's heavy attack that had been designed to finish her off, Museveni withdrew with heavy casualties but left behind Jacob Olanya taken as a prisoner of war by the Kadaga forces.  As usual, Museveni through peace talks that involved payment of five million shilling each to over 400 MPs, secured the freeing of Jacob Oulanya from captivity.  Oulanya contended that he had been humiliated and that he had learnt lessons.  Of course one of the lessons was that Museveni was using him and wllllllllllllould dump him one day.  Museveni who had been present in Parliament in order to intimidate MPs, informed them that by electing Oulanya, the MPs had passed the 'First Test'.  This test was nothing but his fear of the mighty influence of Kadaga and Nsereko in ditching his choice of Oulanya.

The over 30 FDC MPs won mostly because of FDC presidential flagbearer, Dr. Besigye's popularity. The FDC and Dr. Besigye in particular claimed the elections were rigged.  The party offices were besieged and ransacled by security forces, top party officials including Dr. Besigye placed under house arrest followed by massive countrywide arrests and kidnapp of party supporters, party acities were banned, a media ban on coverage of FDC was imposed, Dr. Besigye was arrested and banished into the remote Karamoja region and is now incarcerated in Luzira Maximum Prison.

 The FDC and Dr. Besigye claimed to have won the February elections.  Dr. Besigye went ahead to be sworn in as President at a private function.  Throughout the electoral process, the FDC and Dr. Besigye insisted on the Defiance campaign.  They aimed at defying any form of illegalities, injustice, dictatorship, totalitarianism and gross abuse of human rights.  For the first time in the history of the Museveni regime the international community has come out to overwhelmingly condemn the Museveni regime while at the same time expressing solidarity with the people of Uganda.

The defiance campaign is growing but unfortunately the regime seem to have been more prepared for it than the FDC!!  The FDC MPs have a role to play in furtherance of the the defiance campaign that is now taking a liberation posture.  Unfortunately, those MPs could not afford to boycott the parliament as a way of protesting.  They have been sworn in and are looking forward to forming an opposition in Parliament.  The regime needs the opposition in parliament more than does the opposition because their presence legitimizes its illegal government.  If the FDC invokes their patriotism and refuse to elect a Leader of Opposition in Parliament (LOP), refuse to take up chairmanship of sectoral committees allotted to them, and refuse to sit on the opposition side, etc their message will be heard loud and clear.  Their heroism will fuel the struggle for liberation that Ugandans are craving for. Its the NRM MPs who should instead sit on the opposition side in Parliament.

On the contrary, the regime is ready to go an extra mile to heavily pay bribes to some of these MPs so that they may take up the opposition posture.  Intimidation and blackmail are some of the tactics the regime will use in entrapping them - promises of Ministerial appointments and slamming treasonous charges.  If they give in it will be a big betrayal of the party, Dr. Besigye, and the millions of pro change Ugandans And their international comnunity friends who are craving for change.  It will be the beggining of the end of the defiance campaign and the FDC as a pro change party.


Monday, 16 May 2016


There is a lot of talk about Museveni's recent repeat of attack on the ICC and the West as if such attack is new!  During his swearing in ceremony on May 12th he attacked the ICC describing it as a bunch of useless people.  He 'spit in the face' of the West by accusing them of hypocrisy. Museveni used the West and the ICC to fight off the LRA rebellion and Sudan who were challenging his hold on power.   As a result, top LRA commanders and the President of Sudan were indicted by thee ICC. 

Museveni comitted war crimes while fighting his 5 years guerrilla war against the UPC government in the early 1980s.  He committed war crimes in northern and eastern Uganda during the insurgency.  He contributed to the war that culminated to the genocide in Rwanda. He recruited, trained armed, provided command and political backing to Congolese militia groups in eastern DRC.  He sent his 19th Battallion together with Bemba's MLC militias into the CAR where they committed war crimes.   He flew to the northern DRC city of Gbadolite to receive and congratulate his victorious troops who were returning from CAR before ordering plane loads of bead to be airlifted from Uganda for them.  How could the ICC and its investigators have turned a blind eye on Museveni but went ahead to arrest, investigate, try and convict Congolese militia leaders like Tom Lubanga, Bemba, Bosco Ntaganda, and others!  In order to erase evidence, Museveni had to eliminate his to key players in the Congo expedition like Gen. Kaziini, Brig. Mayombo, Col. Muzoora, Col. Sula Semakula, Col. Kerim, James Waphakabulo but the evidence is just in abundance.  Moreover, the ICJ found Uganda culpable of having inflicted grave damage the  DRC's Ituri region before ordering the former to pay US$ 10b in reparations.  Its only that the ICC and the West did not want to indict Museveni. His troops have of late committed war crimes against  war crimes in South Sudan during the fall out between President Silva Kiir and his Vice President, Riel Marcha. He has and continues to commit heinous crimes against Ugandans who are craving for change from his 30 years of military dictatorship.

Its because of the above heinous crimes that he strongly believes that he is a potential suspect of indictement by the ICC.  Its against this background that he resorted to opposing the ICC.  In his wisdom he has interpreted the ICC and the West's coverup of his heinous crimes to mean they are a bunch of useless people.  He dupped the West into helping him to retain power for the last 30 years and now he is paying them in their own currency.   He now feels that he can do without their suppot thus 'they are a bunch of useless people'.  He is deriving his arrogance from the West's support in  building his counter terrorism capacity which he has instead used to suppress internal political dissent; Russia's support for his arms factory in Nakasongola and a few fighter jets;  Chinese financial aid to his security forces and infrastructural development;  North Korea and Egypt's  support to his brutal anti-riot paramilitary force;  the EAC regional military alliance, etc.

We are yet to see if his usual blackmail of threats to withdraw troop from Somalia will this time around once again bring the West to their knees.  Without the Somali Mission, he can afford the general welfare of his troops but instead Ugandans will bear the double huge defence budget and bear the brunt of poorly paid security personnel.


Saturday, 14 May 2016


Rwanda's President, Paulo Kagame and Uganda's military dictator Museveni are currently enjoying cordial relations based on blood, historical, and the regional EAC block.  Paulo Kagame had been a refugee in Uganda when Museveni deliberately and knowingly recruited him and other Rwandese refugees into his guerilla war of the early 1980s.  Both in the bush and when he had capture power, Museveni accorded special treatment to the Rwandese because they were 100% loyal to him and not Uganda.  It is still the same situation even now for a good number of  Rwandese who opted to stay in Uganda and the new entrant settlers courtesy of the free movement of people under EAC.  Fred Rwigyema was the Minister of Defence while Paul Kagame was the No. 2 in Museveni's military intelligence not to mention other positions both at the time and now.

Because of the dominant number of Rwandese in Museveni's NRA, many Ugandans more especially from the northern and eastern regions referred to it as a bunch of Rwandese occupational force thus giving rise to the two decades insurgency. Museveni too has always personally been branded a Rwandese by big sections of Ugandans. When Rwigyema and Kagame (with Museveni's backing) led the Rwandese from the NRA to invade Rwanda in 1990,  many Ugandans breathed a sigh of relief for the departure of the Rwandese.  The anti Rwandese resentments subsided. The bad blood between Museveni and Kagame that had arisen out of the disagreement over influence and control of resources in eastern DRC ended with no looser and winner.  Because of Nuseveni's nepotism, sectarianism, racism, and tribalism, the anti Rwandese sentiments in Uganda have resurrected of recent.  These days there is talk everywhere of Rwandese in reference to the Museveni regime.   Unlike in the late 1980s and early 1990s when it was the so called 'enemy' regions (Northern and estern),  this time around the central and western regiobs are speaheading the talk of 'Rwandese'.

During the just concluded electoral process, it was widely alleged that Rwandese had registered for Ugandan National IDs and that they were registering to vote for Museveni.  The regime vehemently dismissed the allegation.  However, last week, the Minister of Internal Affairs gave an aultimatum for those Rwandese to were holding both Uganda  and Rwandan national IDs.  The plane that was carrying fresh ballot papers from South Africa to Uganda is said to have first landed in Kigali where some ballots papers were secretly removed and smuggled into Uganda by road.  During the polls, Rwanda closed its border with Uganda so that no one would accuse Rwandese of having entered Uganda for purposes of voting.  The defeated Rwanda backed Congolese Tutsi under the M23 rebel group whom Museveni had encamped at the Bihanga Army barracks have been accused by Ugandans of having been rearmed and deployed on the streets of Kampala to brutally suppress opposition leaning city residents.  Bother the opposition leaders and the public in general have reported the presence of French speaking  soldiers among the troops on the streets of the capital Kampala.

Museveni was selected and announced  as the next President of Uganda on February 20th.  Rwanda's Paul Kagame did not send Museveni a congratulatory message after the polls. E  Even if he had not been hosting an international economic conference  still he would not have attended the swearing in ceremony.  Being a former special Intelligence Chief for Museveni,  Kagame must have already sensed that Museveni is getting more issolated and heading for doom thus his keeping a distance from him.  His silence is also meant to tame the growing anger by Ugandans against the so called Rwandans.  Despite those deceptions, there is no doubt Rwanda  and Kagame in particular have more stake in Museveni's hold on power than even does the Ugandans themselves.   Hopefully, the pro change Ugandans won't be deceived by Kagames's silence such that the get tempted to seek the aid of Rwanda the same way it had been the case after the 2001 electiions.


Thursday, 12 May 2016


When Gen. Ssejusa fled to London in 2013 and then returned to Uganda in December 2014, many gullible Ugandans argued that he had been on a spy mission on Ugandan exiles in the UK.  However, the events that have followed his return have exonerated him and he is now vowed by Ugandans as one of the parrots who may rescue them from the claws of Museveni's dictatorship. However, for those who are craving to know what a real spy is, here below find the short script:-

Major Tom Mugizi served under Military Intelligence in the late 1980s and early 1990s when it was still called DMI and housed at Basiima House.  The highest he rose under M.I was to become a Division Intelligence Officer  and was at one time the 3rd Div. I.O based in Mbale.  He opportunistically left DMI and went to serve under the Directorate of Supplies.  In the mid 1990s he did a Diploma in Law at the  Law Development Centre in Kampala.  Following the rigged 2001 general elections and the political persecution that ensued, Col. Kyakabale and company fled to Rwanda from where they declared war on the Museveni regime.  The then director General of Internal Security, Henry Tumukunde infiltrated the Rwanda based group of dissidents by planting in it Maj. Tom Mugizi and Captain Muhammad Kiwanuka. The two made contact with the internal contacts of the dissident group who facilitated their travel to Rwanda and joined the dissident group.  What surprised his colleagues there is the level of preparedness that Maj. Tom Mugizi had made - he had moved from Uganda armed with maps for military purposes!

Later, the group was relocated to Eastern DRC with the aim of establishing bases.  From eastern DRC, Maj. Mugizi and Capt. Kiwanuka supplied intelligence that enabled the the Museveni regime using the Congolese rebel group and Gen. Bosco Ntaganda to attack, overran, kill and capture some Ugandan dissidents.  Among the captives that were handed over to Gen. Kayihura were Maj. Mugizi and Capt. Kiwanuka.  Upon arrival in Kampala, as other captives were being detained, tortured and interrogated, the two were separated from the group and kept at a safe house in Makindye.  They spent months in this safe house that was housed in a house owned by Museveni's son Brig. Muhoozi near the Magistrate's court next to Brig. Kasirye Gwanga's controversial residential house.  Earlier on, this same house had been used by CMI as a safe house for Rwanda's Maj. Alphonse Fuluma before he was relocated to the USA.

Later on, Maj. Mugizi was deployed to the passport control office to with the task of monitoring the suspected illicit acquisition of 5ravel documents by suspected dissidents.  Captain Kiwanuka was deployed to the Anti-Stoc Unit in Karamoja.  At the time, opposition leader, Dr. Besigye was in exile in South Africa and the regime believed that with improved relations withheld Rwanda, South Africa was becoming the major host of Ugandan dissidents.  Maj. Mugizi was again assigned to proceed to South Africa and infiltrate the groups there.  In South Africa, he successfully carried out his assignment rising to become the Chairman of opposition FDC South Africa Chapter thus neutealising the once vibrant South Africa based vibrant anti- Museveni political activism. That is how as opposition activists have been carrying out successfull protests in major capitals of the world, those in South Africa remained dormant.  On the other hand, Capt Kiwanuka was arrested and detained without trial around 2005 over charges of swindling money meant to pay the auxiliary forces in Karamoja.

This week the Museveni regime's Chief of Military Intelligence paraded Maj. Mugizi as a returnee from exile who in turn also made an appeal for other exiles to return home.  Depending on which angle you are standing, you may view Maj. Mugizi as either a patriot or a traitor. He is not the first and last traitor to return and rejoin the dictatorial military regime.  A decade ago, one of the Kigali based dissidents under Col. Kyakabale, Lt. Richard Bakarweha struck a deal with the regime to return from Sweden where he had been relocated after relations with Kigali had improved.  Recently, Col Kyakabale himself returned from exile in Sweden.  Maj. Mugizi's case differs from others in that while others had genuine reasons for fleeing and personal reasons for returning, he left the country twice on a purely spy mission.  At the next national public function, the regime will award him with a medal for distinguished service.


Tuesday, 10 May 2016


Uganda's military dictator, Museveni is scheduled to be sworn in on May 12 for another 5 five year term on top of his 30 years hold on power.  During the campaigns for the February 18 sham generals elections he came to the reality that Ugandans were fed up of his dictatorship.  Even after being selected again as the President on February 20 he has noted with great concern the anger, resentment, and hopelessness amongst millions of Ugandans. Though he pretends to be in charge of the state and threatens to dire consequences for dissenters, he is very worried that he may end up like Libya's Gaddafi.  Therefore, in order for him to have some breathing space, immediately  after being sworn in on May 13 he will roll out a set of a few cosmetic  reforms aimed at cooling down the anger and disillusionment of gullible Ugandans.  Such cosmetic reforms are also aimed at diffusing the on going defiance campaign by the pro change Ugandans and to lure Ugandans into believing that he is set to usher in a new era of hope.

He is likely to dissolve some useless Ministries thus creating a smaller cabinet comprised of members drawn from mostly the northern and eastern regions in order to create an impression that his government is national in character.  However, 'his people' who will dominate strategic positions like Permanent Secretaries, Commissioners and head of statutory bodies will continue to wield more powers than those figurehead Ministers.

He will pretend to be fighting corruption whereby some few government officials and security officers will be suspended and indicted for corruption charges. Otherwise, corruption will continue because it the the lifeline of the regime as it is used as a measure of loyalty and a bite for fence sitters.

Health services will register some slight improvement.  Poverty alleviation measures will not yield any positive results because Museveni believes that an impoverished society is easy to politically manipulate.  Under the guise of financing agricultural projects, billions of tax player's money will be pumped into NAADS to cater for more soldiers who will be seconded to Agriculture for fear to retire them.

The human rights record will be worse owing to a grand plan to finish off the opposition any form of political dissent.

Billions of tax payer's money will be dumped into youth empowerment programs with view of attracting the unemployed into forming groups for ease of close security monitoring.  To Museveni, unemployed youths provide a healthy situation  that eases conscription into security forces thus the millions of paramilitary Crime Preventers.

The education sector will be boosted by commissioning of construction projects for regional technicals schools under the guise of promoting skills development. Pronouncements of expansion of students loans and free secondary school education but with no positive impact because the regime has a grand plan to destroy the education sector so that it reigns on an ignorant population.

He will threaten to withdraw his forces from Somalia just as a way of blackmailing the West which is currently heaping pressure on his autocracy.  He can afford to withdraw them from Somalia because the mission is a welfare project for his poorly facilitated and paid soldiers.

A year of two later when he will have fully entrapped gullible Ugandans, the regime will revert back to business as  thus "No change " and "Paka Last".  Otherwise what can he change that he has deliberately refused to change in the last 30 years. Moreover he is responsible for delibarately destroying much of the country's past achievements.


Wednesday, 4 May 2016


Operation Wembley is a codename that was given to a countrywide security operation to arrest, detain, torture and arbitrarily execute "armed robbers".  It was initiated in 2001 as a political response by the Museveni regime amidst  fears that following the rigged election and the persecution of the opposition that ensued, some patriotic Ugandans were contemplating taking up arms to fight the regime.   After the then figurehead IGP, Katumba Wamala refused to oversee it, Museveni appointed then Col. Elly Kayanja who had been on Katebe as the Commander of Operation Wembley assisted by among others ASP Magara, Godfrey Musana, Bageya, Col. Tusiime and a couple of city armed robbers like Kawere, Kiwana and others.  With secret torture chambers at Clement Hill road behind the MTN head office in the heart of Kampala that later shifted to Kireka army barracks, regional branches in all parts of the country except Karamoja, hell broke loose in Uganda.

The regime's fear was based on its own experience during during its own 1981-1986 Bush War rebellion against the UPC government whereby those who had been notorious armed robbers had proved to be vital assets.   In 2001 Museveni feared that such people could boost the opposition if it had opted to take up arms.  Operation Wembley wrecked havoc by arresting, torturing, maiming, arbitrarily killing, stealing and extorting from suspects etc.  A special military court was hastily constituted with Gen. Tumwine as its Chairman.  The special court was not for trying the suspects but just to legtimize the detention without trial and that's why no single Operation Wembley suspect was ever accorded a full trial.

Also, this was so because of the fear that a full public trial would reveal the horrific ordeal that the victims had endured at the hands of the security goons.  More so, a full trial would link the army as  the source of arms, ammunitions and military uniforms owing to its poor control and safe storage of those lethal equipments that fell into wrong hands.  Moreover, almost 95% of the suspects were army deserters, militias and those who the army had taken through paramilitary training.   It was after the local and international human rights organisations raised a red flag over the carnage that was being netted out by Operation Wembley operatives that  the operation was renamed Violent Crime Crack Unit (VCCU).  Later it became Rapid Response Unit (RRU) and now its Flying Squad but the mission and method of operation is the original one.

Following the February 2016 rigged sham elections  where as had been expected Museveni was once again announced the winner, the opposition and other pro change Ugandans have been threatening not to recognise Museveni's victory through a campaign dubbed 'Defiance'.  As had been the case in 2001, Museveni's security machinery is in full swing arresting, detaining and shooting dead unemployed urban youth under the guise of fighting criminality.  The aim is to deplete urban centres of such youth in order to deny the pro change Ugandans the numbers in the even of street protests.  The regime is very worried and panicky over the impending defiance protests.  The so called urban criminal gangs have been proven beyond doubt to be in league with Museveni's security machinery in order to justify the presence of soldiers on the streets and the ensuing crackdown.


Monday, 2 May 2016


The centre stage that has been taken by the parliamentary speakership saga is a clear manifestation of Museveni's military dictatorship.  While Parliament is supposed to be independent of the executive, Museveni has usurped its powers by assuming the role of appointing the Speaker of Parliament.  Though the current Speaker, Rebecca Kadaga is a top regime cadre, she has to some reasonable extent defied Museveni's directives and exercised independence during the 9th Parliament. Her independent mindedness placed her in Museveni's firing line. That is why on some occassions , the regime had to rely on her Deputy, Jacob Owlanya to preside over the passing of controversial matters.  There is no doubt even in the ongoing saga Museveni is supporting Owlanya following a public outcry over his behind the curtains push for his in-law, Sam Kuteesa.

1.  Earlier intelligence reports had indicated that she had harboured intentions of running for the presidency.

2.  She defied Museveni when she sided with those who strongly belived that the youthful M.P Cerina Nabanda had been poisoned as opposed to Museveni's version of death due to drugs. Museveni blocked a parliamentary debate of the said M.P's death by threatening :  "over my dead body" and parliament backed off.

3.  There is an audio recording that went viral where Speaker Kadaga is alleged to be expresing her dissatisfaction over the Banyankole and Banyarwanda dominance of each and every sector of the Uganda society.  To Museveni, Kadaga touched the leopard's a..s.

4.   Being so independent minded that at one time she defied Museveni's directive to expelled some M.PS from Parliament after he (Museveni) had expelled them from the party for their being independent minded.  Its a few people who have dared to publicly disagree with Nuseveni that are still breathing and even those few have difficulty in breathing.

5.   She has gained popularity among M.Ps (both regime and opposition) and the general public is what Museveni hates most.  He has repeatedly made it clear that its only him who has a vision thus all other politicians who gained popularity have had to pay heavily.  It becomes worse where such popular politicians are top members of the regime where contesting against him is reasonable (Sole Candidate).  olisting and registering support from opposition M.PS is treasonous because according to Museveni the opposition are enemies of Uganda.

Other than the above crimes, Museveni who has finalised the suffocation of the Judiciary with regime cadre Judges and Justices and held the M.Ps hostage  through blackmail, he has at any cost to do away with the independent minded current Speaker Kadaga.  The next parliament is supposed to rubber stamp a lot of his dictatorial policies thus Kadaga's independent mindedness is a stumbling block to the scheme.

Amidst all the above 'subversive' activities by Speaker Kadaga, Museveni had  been boiliing with anger and waiting for a moment when he would strike and dicisevely deal a heavy blow on Kadaga and now is the time.  However, Kadaga has has extensively mobilised the M.PS and has overwhelning support.  The saga is threatening to further tear the regime and the country along Museveni/Kadaga, regional and ethnic lines.  Its no longer a contest between Kadaga and Olanya but a Kadaga victory would be a victory against Museveni the same way it had been the case with the Kampala Mayoral contest between Museveni and Lukwago.  Since he cant threaten Kadaga into dropping dropping out of the race, the only option is for him to use his powers as the Chairman of the regime's central executive committee (CEC) and bloc the nomination of Kadaga. However, he is mindful that Kadaga could go ahead to contest as an independent and obviously win the Speakership.

As had been the case with the General Elections last February, the only option available to Museveni in order for him to defeat Kadaga is to use outright intimidation, bribery and outright vote rigging.  With those strong weapons at his disposal, Museveni can as well appoint his in-law, Sam Kutesa as the Speaker of the 9th parlianent.  However, being what he is, if faced by a stiff resistance Museveni is likely to change his stand and let Kadaga take the day but wait for her at the right time.


Sunday, 1 May 2016


During his last 30 years of military dictatorship, Uganda's Gen. Museveni has successfully destroyed all sectors of in his efforts to suppress dissent and subdue Ugandans into submission to his military dictatorship.  He has socially, politically and economically destroyed the Ugandan society.  However, the only pillar though shaky that still stands out amidst the rubbles of what was once described as the Pearl of Africa is the education sector. 
Uganda's flourishing education standard was inherited from the colonial era at independence.  Even the previous so called 'bad regimes' that preceded the current 30 years old Museveni dictatorship did not tamper with the education sector.  Actually the sector flourished more during the reign of the semi illiterate President Iddi Amin.
Since coming to power, Museveni has introduced several measures aimed at destroying education but because of its strong foundation that was laid down by the British, the post independence UPC government, and the Iddi Amin era, though limping the sector has thrived.  He destroyed government technical colleges (UTC), colleges of commerce (UCC), national teachers’ colleges (NTC) and teacher training colleges (TTC) that had been set up in different regions of the country.  The education curriculum and syllabus has repeatedly been changed without consulting teachers.  
Museveni has repeatedly despised the studying of arts subjects and in the same regard a total of 32 courses related to political science and other humanities were recently scrapped from public universities.  They will instead be replaced by the regime's ideology that will be taught at its indoctrination centres - Kyankwanzi, Patriotism Clubs and the National Service (mandatory military training and service).    Next he will ban religious studies before declaring Uganda a secular state under the guise of promoting national unity.
After unsuccessfully attempting to introduce Kiswahili in schools with the aim of destroying local languages and English, now the regime is reintroducing vernacular as a medium of teaching in lower primary schools.  Since time in memorial vernacular had been the medium of teaching at lower primary schools; then what happened so that it is now being reintroduced.  The aim is to gradually destroy the English language in our education system while preparing the way for the reintroduction of Kiswahili. 
Once vernacular as a medium of teaching will have proved problematic in urban schools where pupils are from different tribal backgrounds thus diverse languages then it will be accused of undermining national unity, banned, and replaced by Kiswahili.  Museveni hides behind national unity to destroy local languages in preference for Kiswahili.  If a single language brings about national unity countries like Rwanda, Burundi, Somalia, Libya, Syria etc.  wouldn't be in turmoil.
By targeting the English language, Museveni is attempting to promote ignorance and isolate Uganda in this era of globalisation.  Its a fact that the destruction of the English language in Uganda will gravely negatively impact on the quality of education and languish the country 200 years back.  To better appreciate this argument, one needs to interrogate why parents from neighboring countries are craving to send their children to Uganda for primary and secondary education.  
By killing the English language, Museveni aims at limiting access by Ugandans to information in the global village for information is power. For Museveni, an ignorant population is easy to manipulate and oppress as they clap hands for the oppressor thus information is power.  The thriving semblance of political dissent and activism is because of the sound education base that wad laid by the previous governments and he must be regretting as to why he delayed in launching an assault on education. 

His current advocacy for vocational education is not in good faith but designed to achieve the above mentioned evil designs.  He is aiming at replacing knowledge based education with an illiterate and semi illiterate dominated society who know nothing other than metal fabrication, brick laying, performing artists, craftsmen, musicians, sportsmen, herdsmen, cultivators and others in that category.  The current situation is that even such categories have some basic knowledge of political, social and economic dynamics that empower them with the means to question and challenge some of the regime's actions and manipulations.  
The other day a commercial motorcycle transporter challenged an attempt to manipulate their group by the Kampala region police commander thus:  "Why should we fear to die while protesting for our rights when those who were killed in the Luwero bush war 30 years ago did not fear death?"   This kind of reasoning is what he intends to destroy so that such people don't understand why the shilling is loosing value, the effects of over borrowing, the job description of a Member of Parliament, their human rights, democracy, constitutionalism, rule of law, causes of unemployment etc. 
However, quality education is already becoming a preserve of a few Ugandans more especially his regime cronies whose children and grand children will inherit the domination of key administrative and managerial positions of the economic, social and political arena.  Poor education breeds ignorance that breeds a poverty and disease stricken society that in turn makes it easy for manipulation for political expediency.    There Ugandans need to stand up and defend the education sector because its all that remains of Uganda.