Friday, 29 July 2016


"......when Milton Obote attacked the Lubiri, some of us were not happy that the Baganda had not reacted. I and five friends decided to respond to Obote the best way he could understand." 

                 Daniel Kamanyi - a Muganda nationalist who plotted to shoot President Obote dead.

Buganda Kingdom and its people, the Baganda have since time in memorial been at the forefront of Uganda's politics.  They invited, welcomed and hosted the European colonialists and decades later the same Baganda took the lead in pushing them out of Uganda.  Successive post independence governments have had to cope with Buganda's role as a game changer.  However,  it now looks like Museveni has succeeded in taming Buganda and the Baganda into submission.

Here below is an astonishing classic example of Buganda's nationalism:

In June 1966, the central government led by Prime Minister Milton Obote sent troops who attacked the palace of the Kabaka (king of Buganda).  The attack led to loss of life, destruction of property, exile of the Kabaka, and abolition of Kingdoms.  The central government managed to contain the pockets of resistance from Baganda nationalists and Uganda became a republic with Milton Obote as President.  Daniel Kamanyi and his brother secretly drove the now fugitive deposed Kabaka out of Kampala into the countryside on his way into exile.  Earlier at the safe house he had reported to the Kabaka that in Kayunga area angry locals had set police stations on fire and killed six policemen.

In March 1967, Dan Kamanyi organised six other of his colleagues for a plot to kill President Obote.  Among them was John Obbo, Henry Kyeyune, Captain Mugarura and Katabarwa who had been officer cadets before they had been dismissed from military service and were very bitter with the government.  After the plotters had bought machine guns from Somalia, ambushing Obote was the easiest option and the only problem was when and where.  They had zeroed on Suguku hill along the Kampala - Entebbe road as the suitable spot for the ambush but abandoned it when they learnt that President Obote was to preside over the pass out of Prison Warders at Luzira Prison in Kampala.

Dan Kamanyi surveyed the Port Bell road to Luzira with view of identifying an ideal site for the ambush.  They zeroed on a bushy spot in Bugolobi opposite the soap factory on the Mutungo junction that is now occupied by a petrol station.  On D-day, they moved in daylight with their machine guns stacked in gunny bags.  They had wanted to kill him on his way to Luzira and all the five machine gunners took their positions.  A getaway car was also positioned on the other side of the Mutungo junction.  Dan Kamanyi whose role was to patrol the road, met a military officer who had come from the celebrations at Luzira Prison and unknowingly provided him with very good intelligence.  President Obote was already at the celebration and because it would climax with a dance, the function is likely to end late in the night.  Dan Kamanyi shared this vital information with his colleagues and they agreed that whatever the case, they were to wait even if it meant staying for the whole night.  It was agreed that Dan should go and get them something to eat and off he went to Nakawa.

On his way from the celebrations, President Obote had passed unnoticed the same way he had done when going.  Instead, shortly after 10p.m his Vice President Babiiha whose convoy had the police siren car switched on entered the ambush and was sprayed with bullets from the machine guns in a mistaken belief that it was President Obote. Immediately after the five machine gunners vacated the ambush site using the getaway car and fled to Namugongo at the farm home of Dan Kamanyi's father.  After depositing their machine guns there, they dispersed.  Dan Kamanyi who at the time of springing the ambush had not yet returned  from buying food in Nakawa, did not return to Bugolobi after hearing the sound of rapid machine gun fire.  He simply went to his home in Lungujja and the following day heard on radio that it was Vice President John Babiha who had been injured and Obote was safe.

Security swung into action by combing the area of the  ambush and  when  they landed on the sticks that the Israel trained, Captain Mugarura had used in making the ambush sketch, they concluded that it had been the work of experts and not mere disgusted Baganda peasants.  Dan Kamanyi was placed under surveillance after his girlfriend, Lillian had secretly given all the information to the security agencies. He was eventually arrested from his home in Lungujja and a search at his chicken pen led to the recovery of bullets and a pistol. Upon learning of his arrest, his mother in Namugongo disposed off the other machine guns that had been left there by the  gang of five.  She threw them into the deep ponds for the cattle drinking water at the far end of the farm.  It took a very big contingent of police trainees from the police college at Kibuli to search the entire vast farm without success.  Following a tip off, the search party zeroed on the ponds by bringing in fire brigade trucks to empty the ponds before they found  the machine guns at the bottom.

After learning of his arrest, three of Dan Kamanyi's colleagues had fled to Nairobi, Kenya.  His girlfriend Lillian who had been giving the security agencies information about the plot, was assigned to go to Nairobi together with a female police detective called Martha to help track down the three fugitives.  In Nairobi, the three fugitives who had learnt about the deployment instead waylaid Martha and Lillian before they killed them and  dumped their dead bodies in Athi river. The backup team comprised of Uganda's security operatives reported to the police in Nairobi and helped in identifying the dead bodies of the two ladies but also to track down the three fugitives.  In one of the Police raids at Stanley Hotel in Nairobi, the three managed to escape from the third floor and dispersed but it did not take long before they were all picked up one by one and killed by hanging in Nairobi.

In Kampala, Dan Kamanyi had  been convicted and sentenced to 8 years for illegal possession of firearms together with his father who was handed six years.  However, when the expert opinion linked the guns recovered from his possession to the blank catridges recovered at the scene of the ambush, Dan Kamanyi was charged with attempted murder and sentenced to life imprisonment.  His appeal to the East African Court of Appeal was quashed and the sentence upheld.  When Obote was overthrown by Iddi Amin in 1971, King Mutesa's remains were brought back for a descent burial.  During the function, Baganda royals pleaded with Iddi Amin to pardon Dan Kamanyi and so he did and he regained his freedom.

1.  Where group action fail, individuals can act. In the event of suppression, its the unimaginable individuals who sacrifice to get rid of the problem.
2.  Why did the machine gunners assume that Obote's motorcade would be identified by a police siren yet they had failed to identify it when he  was going to the venue.
3.  Spouses should desist from sharing any of their clandestine political dealings.
4.   In the 1960s Police would investigate first before arresting unlike now when its the opposite.
5.   If the plotters had had to sit in boardrooms with top officials to lay their plot, it would have leaked even before taking off.
6.  Though the plot did not achieve its intended objective,  at least it was not a massage action but a paralyzing action that delivered the message that was well understood by Mr. Obote.


Thursday, 28 July 2016


"............its not good for the regulations not to take action against Chinese and Indian retailers who unfairly compete against our retailers.  Retailing should be preserved for the Ugandans or possibly, the other African immigrants as well."  

                           Museveni addressing a cabinet retreat at the Institute of Indoctrination -  July, 26/2016.

Gullible Ugandan traders are jubilating over the above proclamation.  This is the same Museveni who has always been threatening his officials against bothering "investors" by calling them economic saboteurs. For decades, Ugandan traders have been complaining against Asian traders to have been engaging in retail business but no one could listen to their cries.  Last year the Uganda Investment Authority (UIA) awarded the Indian High Commissioner to Uganda with a certificate of recognition for being the overall best foreign mission for promoting trade and investment in Uganda between 1995 - 2015 and China was the first runners up.  In October 2015, at the India Africa Summit in New Delhi, Museveni praised the Indian community to Uganda's social economic development. 

These so called foreign investors have been enjoying tax holidays, free land and now they are poised to be given financial bailouts in trillions of tax payers money.  What about the indigenous company, Sembule Steel Mills of Christoper Colombus Ssembuya that collapsed because he wrote a book titled "The Other side of Iddi Amin."  Museveni,s sudden change of heart is driven by the need to win over the gullible Ugandan traders at a time when he is sleeplessly anticipating massive protests under the opposition's defiance campaign.  Moreover, the decades old Investment Code only requires such foreign investors to have US$100,000 deposited at Bank of Uganda to be specifically used for importation of direct purchase of goods for business and to incorporate his trading enterprise before he is allowed to engage in any business enterprise.

Should the government of South Sudan also impose restrictions on Ugandans who are involved in all sorts of small business ventures in Sudan including motorcycle riding for public transport (Bodaboda)?  Maybe the leaders of South Sudan are not as patriotic as their Ugandan counterparts.  However, what Ugandans ought to seriously interrogate is Musevenis assertion of  "the other African immigrants" to whom he extends preferential treatment.  Is he being racist by targeting Asians while protecting "the other African immigrants" yet the law talks about non Ugandans/foreigners and non nationals as opposed to Chinese, Indians and  "the other African immigrants".  Otherwise, it wont be long before you rise up again against these so called "the other African Immigrants."   Museveni is at it again with his usual gambling and manipulation.



"........our Banyarwanda comrades stayed here as refugees for 34 years (1960 - 1994).  We gave them all the support we could afford............through Rwanda Airlines, Uganda is currently contributing about US$24.1M to the prosperity of the people of Rwanda."  

                        Museveni addressing a cabinet retreat at the Institute of Indoctrination - 26/7/2016

Uganda's aviation industry dates to the early 1930s when the first flying boat landed around Port Bell on Lake Victoria near Kampala city.  Its mission was to deliver mail - a service that had started in Kenya by Wilson Airways and proved to be a vital intercommunication tool in the region's colonial centers.  In 1947 Entebbe was identified as being suitable for Uganda's future international airport and in 1951, a new Entebbe International Airport was inagurated by the Queen of England.  Uganda Aviation Service and United Airways were set up and after independence it became a subsidiary of Uganda Development Corporation (UDC).

Following the collapse of the East African Community (EAC) in 1977, the then President Iddi Amin started the Uganda Airlines from scratch because Kenya had taken all the planes and routes.  By 1978, Uganda Airlines had acquired a fleet of 15 fully owned by the government under Uganda Air Cargo.  It plied the domestic, regional and international routes to London, Rome, Cologne, Cairo, Brussels and Dubai.  It had been created as a strategic entity with the aim of mitigating the impact of sanctions imposed against the Iddi Amin regime and its landlocked Uganda - a task if effectively fulfilled.  The 1978/79 war to oust Iddi Amin from power heavily impacted on its operations.  After his overthrow its role was changed to profit making but it lacked the technical backup and capitalisation from government.

Its survival depended only on ground handling services and to a lesser extent on royalty fees from third party carriers for designated routes. The ground handling services that covered air cargo, passengers and aircraft handling operations generated 65% of the revenue.  Under the guise of privatisation, in 1994, the Civil Aviation Authority (CAA) by an act of parliament.  In mid 1990s, Museveni awarded the ground handling services to his in-law and permanent Minister of Foreign Affairs, Sam Kuteesa. Since then ground handling services for Entebbe Airport is handled by Kutesa's private company called Entebbe Handling Servicesa (ENHAS).  With loss of its vital source of revenue in form of ground handling services, Uganda Airlines which had accumulated a debt of US$ 6M was liquidated in 2001.

By destroying Uganda Airlines, Museveni was extending his wider scheme of destroying whatever had been started by past regimes which he accuses of mismanaging Uganda.  More so, he was trying to economically disable those Ugandans more especially those hailing from those regions he considered were politically linked to the past regimes that he had fought and replaced.  After over two decades since the death of Uganda Airlines,  last month Museveni told his cabinet that lack of a national airline was "a big shame" before criticizing Kenya, Ethiopia, and South African "brothers" for ditching the comradeship and instead opting to exploit Ugandans.  He promised to set up a national airline - Uganda Airlines Corporation.

Will Rwanda afford to loose the US$24.1M contribution from Uganda through its Rwanda Airways?  An uneducated military dictator in Iddi Amin who faced sanctions managed to build a booming national airline and an educated military dictator in Museveni destroys it!!!!


Sunday, 24 July 2016


Incitement is was common law offence in England and Wales that consisted of  persuading, encouraging, instigating, pressurizing, or threatening so as to cause another to commit a crime.  In many legislations, the offence of Incitement could only be proved before courts of law if the following ingredients could be successfully brought:
           Mensrea -  the alleged inciter must have intended to the others to engage in the behavior constituting the offence.
           Acteus reus -  the inciter must have reached out and sought to influence the minds of another to commit a crime.

The Oxford dictionary defines incitement as the act of encouraging or stirring up violent or unlawful behavior. 

Independent Uganda, adopted and maintained some of these laws  because they suited the oppressive post independence leaders.  Uganda's Penal Code Act S.83 (1) creates the offence of Incitement to Violence. 

It was abolished in 2008 and replaced with the new offence of encouraging and assisting crime.   African dictatorships use different methods and laws to curtail their citizens' freedom,of speech, assembly,  expression and association. They enact different draconian legisilation and decrees all aimed at suppressing political dissent.  Since coming to power 30 years ago, Uganda's military military dictator has applied different legisilations to suppress the rights and freedoms of Ugandans.  When he took over power in 1986, his much cherished Ten Point Program had Unity as the number three priority.  Because he knew that he was to run a system based on sectarianism, nepotism, exclusiveness, patronage etc, he immediately enacted the Anti-sectarian law by amending section 41 (1) of the Penal Code Act.   This law states thus:
                "Any person who prints, publishes, makes or utters any statement or does any act which is likely to;
                 a)    degrade, revile or expose to hatred or contempt;
                 b)    create alienation or despondency of;
                 c)     raise discontent or disaffection amongst  or promote in any other way, feelings of ill will or hostility against any group or body of persons on account of religion, tribe, or ethnic or regional origin commits an offence and is liable on conviction to imprisonment for a term not exceeding five years .

The above law is good but the spirit in which it was brought is suspect because it was designed to silence anyone who dared to speak out against acts of sectarianism.  It's for the same reasons that it is silent on those who practise broad daylight sectarianism but only criminalizes those who dare to point it out.  No wonder, 30 years down the road, no one has ever been convicted of sectarianism save for Hon. Nsubuga Nsambu who was charged for referring to Museveni as a "Mujjananyina" (child who is already fathered by a different man at the time its mother enters a new marriage).   Instead the country is more divided along tribal, regional, religious, selective economic development to the extent that some regions are contemplating secession from Museveni's Uganda. If anybody dares to point out such injustices, he risks being accused of incitement. The same would apply to whoever dared to question if it was by coincidence that the Spokespersons of the Ministry of Defence and the Ministry of Internal Affairs are Paddy Ankunda and Pamella Ankunda respectively.  Someone will argue that it's what it means to defeat and replace the Okellos (Tito Okello and Bazilio Okello) of the past regimes.

Museveni's trademark suppression of political dissent right from the time he took over power against the traditional political parties, DP and UPC for over a decade and now the FDC,  is out of the fear that these parties would tell the masses the truth about how he is manipulating and holding them hostage.  His restrictions on traditional, religious and civil society institutions also aimed at the same goal leave alone the suppression of the independent press.  By imposing draconian laws to curtail their activities, he fears that they will enlighten the masses on their rights and freedoms.  Therefore, the offence of Incitement that has been outlawed by civilized societies, is the darling of the Museveni regime just because it is the easiest criminal charge that the regime can prefer with ease to anyone deemed not towing their ideology of manipulating and holding the masses at ransom.


Friday, 22 July 2016


In 2013 Tanzania's Kagera region that boarders with Rwanda and Uganda was hit by a wave of insecurity caused by migrant gun wielding cattle keepers who were accused of killing, maiming and robbing.  Kagera region led in hosting a big number of Rwandese migrants who pose as either Wahangaza, Wanyambo or Wahaya who are the indigenous local people of the area.  Its vast savanna lands are reputed for providing good pasture for cattle keepers. 

In an operation dubbed Operation Kimbunga, the Tanzanian government rounded up thousands of migrants and expelled them.  While thousands went back to Rwanda, about 5000 sneaked to Uganda's Rakai district that borders with Tanzania. That development came amidst tense relations between Rwanda and Tanzania owing to then President Kikwete's suggestion that Rwanda and Uganda ought to initiate talks with their armed groups based in the eastern DRC.  Shortly after, Tanzania contributed troops to a SADC pacification force that flushed out the Rwanda and Uganda backed M23 rebels in the eastern DRC. While Kigali reacted angrily to Kikwete's suggestions, Kampala simply kept silent.

The Kampala regime settled those 5000 expelled in 2013 at Sango Bay in Rakai district together with another 704 who are alleged to have been expelled earlier in 2007 and had been camping in Isingiro. Sango Bay is a government land that was in the past growing Sugarcane and even had a sugar factory and an airstrip but now it has been given to an investor.  By sending them to Sango Bay, Museveni was buying time to avoid public scrutiny and as Ugandans went to sleep as usual, late last month he moved them from there to Kyaka in Tooro. 

In October 2015, about 200 Balalo migrants from Bukoloto in Luwero to Rakai moved and settled at Sango Bay.  Another group of 70 Balalo families who had been followers of Prophet Bushaara and led by Sam Kaliisa left Nakaseke in a convoy of hired Fuso lorries and entered Rakai district settling at Sango Bay in preparation for being moved to Tooro. In May 2016, Disaster Preparedness State Minister, Musa Echweru was sent to Sango Bay to deliver the good news.  He disclosed that priority in relocating them to Kyaka was to be given to those who had been expelled from Tanzania.  The camp was reported to have been hosting Congolese, Burundians, and Rwandese whose status was not made clear because it was not a refugee camp. 

It was after the locals and their leaders in Kyaka complained over not being consulted before bringing these migrants that Museveni sent his Prime Minister to sweet talk the enraged locals and Kyenjojo district leaders, that the matter went public.  For Museveni, the opinion and consent of the locals and their leaders does not matter. The splitting of Kabarole district into small districts was part of the design to deny the Tooro a united voice against this sinister move.  No wonder, the area where these Rwandese are being resettled is represented in parliament by the powerful cabinet Minister Frank Tumwebaze whose origin is linked to the same Rwandese.

Moreover, of all other Museveni kingdoms, the Kingdom of Tooro has no geographical boundaries.  In 2000 alone, 2792 Rwandese allegedly expelled from Tanzania were resettled in Kahungye in Tooro.  In 2003, 900 Rwandese allegedly expelled from Tanzania were resettled at Rwamwanja in Tooro.  Rwamwanja, Kahungye and Kyaka are huge chunks of public land that had since the 1960s been gazetted as refugee settlements.  Since the departure of Rwandese Tutsi refugees in 1994, they have been targeted by land grabbers.  Museveni has repeatedly referred to this geographical area as being part of the so-called cattle corridor and cattle keepers (Balaalo) from Ankole have been flocking the areas.

Ugandans don’t have a history of crossing its national boundaries and settling in neighboring countries in search of pastures or arable land.  Even the cattle keeping Bahima, Karamojong, Iteso and a few others have never crossed the Uganda border in search of pasture and end up settling in neighboring countries.  Even the arable land scarcity prone Bakiga and Bafumbira have instead been moving away from being closer to the border with Rwanda and DRC further inside Uganda and establishing new homes. 

It is only in Kasese that some of the cattle keeping Basongora at one time moved to Congo but had to later return only to find part of their land having been gazetted into Queen Elizabeth National Park.  Even though, those Basongora returnees did not migrate to another part of Uganda but squeezed themselves into their indigenous area of Kasese. There is no doubt that, apart from the Masai of Kenya and Tanzania who move between the two countries, the only cattle keeping community that roams the interlocutrice region are Rwandese Tutsis. 

The 1995 Museveni Constitution granted Ugandan citizenship to Rwandese Tutsi immigrants and created a new tribe called Banyarwanda.  Did that citizenship extend to even the Banyarwanda who at the time were residing in neighboring countries? Where were those Ugandans who were expelled from Tanzania residing before they had gone to search for pastures there?  Can’t any other people from neighboring countries illegally enter Tanzania so that they are expelled and they come to Uganda and be given free citizenship and land?

What is the status of these people - are they refugees, Ugandans or stateless?  If they are Ugandans, what factors could have made them to qualify to be internally displaced?  If Uganda had a functioning parliament this is an issue that it would aggressively take up.  The other day, the Minister of internal Affairs, Rose Akol was dropped from cabinet because she pocked her flat nose into the issue of Rwandese who were holding Ugandan national identity cards.

Unlike Uganda, Tanzania has no tribe called Wanyarwanda despite the fact for decades it hosted Rwandese immigrants and refugees.  It has repeatedly been rumored that Museveni's origin can be traced from these immigrant communities of Tanzania's Kagera region.  During the fight against the Iddi Amin, he exploited his close relationship with these migrant communities in the Kagera region to establish bases that he used to undermine the then Kampala regime.  Some of his nasty sabotage schemes against the Iddi Amin regime have been included on the list of atrocities attributed to Iddi Amin. 

It was from these bases that he provoked the Iddi Amin regime into incidents that lured the Uganda Army into making incursions into Kagera region thus a full-scale war that saw the fall of the regime and the coming to the scene of Museveni.  He rewarded the people of Kagera region with two multi-billion dollar schools that are named after him.  The other day he drove to the area to visit some of the people he considers his own.  Before the Tutsi refugees in his NRA invaded Rwanda to wrestle the Hutu from power, preparations for the invasion involved physical contact with the Banyarwanda of Kagera region.  Gen. Fred Rwigyema would make frequent visits to Kagera to make contact with 'his people' there.  Hundreds of Banyarwanda Tutsi from Tanzania had been smuggled into NRA's training schools before the invasion in 1990.

I stand to be accused of promoting sectarianism but the truth must be told.



When the opposition strongman Eriasi Lukwago was elected by the people in 2011 as the Mayor of Kampala, Museveni refused him to take up his office.  Museveni used the Kampala Executive Director, Janepher Musisi, the Minister In-charge of Kampala, Frank Tumwebaze, some Councilors, and the Police to enforce his wishes.  Lukwago's unrelenting commitment to opposition ideologies and his close association with the firebrand opposition leader, Dr.Besigye swelled his popularity among the predominantly opposition leaning residents of Kampala city.  The recent overwhelming vote for the opposition in Kampala amidst the fear for the much anticipated mass protests against Museveni's rigging of elections forced Museveni to rethink his stand on Lukwago.  In his accurate estimates,Museveni rightly knew that by continuing to block Lukwago from accessing his office, he was preparing the fuel that would ignite the anticipated mass action. 

There is no doubt that behind the scenes efforts to lure Lukwago into distancing himself from Dr. Besigye were made.  It is highly probable that such approach involved threats of dire consequences on his life and political future.  The only people who could sweet talk Lukwago must have been Gen. Kayihura or Gen. Saleh.  That is why Gen. Saleh has been and continues to pitch camp in Lukwago's back yard of Rubaga Division.  From the trend of events, it most likely that Lukwago did not give a definite answer but atleast a ceasefire deal was secured.  This is what gave rise to a series of cosmetic attacks by Museveni on Janepher Musisi's alleged maladministration of Kampala City Authority.  The appointment of Betty Kamya, a Muganda though he had lost at the polls, as the Minister of the newly created Ministry of Kampala city, was meant to neutralise the power and influence of both Lukwago and Janepher Musisi.  We are yet to see who of the two will act as the Permanent Secretary in the Ministry of Kampala City!!!!  Betty Kamya has the task of diffusing and dismantling the opposition influence in Kampala as a counter measure to the threat of mass protest under the defiance campaign.  Therefore Betty Kamya is Museveni's political mobilizer for Kampala City. 

The public was taken up by debates of whether Lukwago will this time round work with Janepher Musisi but forgot that the later was only fighting Museveni's proxy wars against the former.  Without Museveni's interference the two can amicably work together.  However,  because of the billions of taxi revenues generated by KCCA, the land grabbing, the need to contain the influence of the unpredictable Buganda Kingdom, and the containment of the politically hostile residents of Kampala, Museveni has to poke his nose into the running of Kampala city.  Therefore, its only Museveni who allowed Mayor Lukwago to assume his office just as a counter defiance campaign measure.  Once he will have diffused  the Defiance Campaign, there is doubt Museveni will once again be on Lukwago's neck unless the Lord Mayor dances to his tune.


Thursday, 21 July 2016


Upon assuming office as the new Chairman  of the General Court Martial, Gen. Guti warned members of the court against corruption and leaking court secrets.  The General Court Martial is a Museveni tool to suppress political dissent.  The Constitutional Court has made several pronouncements over the General Court Martial's illegality in trying civilians but Museveni has continued to indict his political opponents before the same court as a way of denying them justice though detention without trial.

In our previous articles we have extensively highlighted the internal operations of the General Court Martial, the incompetence and the corruption of its members - a factor that has fueled swindling public resources in the army with impunity. Any army officer who swindles huge sums of money and is able to bribe his way out gets off the hook thus the warning against corruption.  No army officer has ever been convicted for swindling of money thus some of the richest Ugandans are army officers.

The nature of secrets in the General Court Martial take the form of directives from 'above' (Museveni, Some top army Generals, and the intelligence services) as to how it should execute its functions thus total lack of independence.  The GCM entertains capital offenses which under normal courts would only be tried by the Judges of the High Court because of the gravity of the offence and the corresponding punishment, and the tested experience of a Judge of the High Court in dispensing justice. Such charges are also only sanctioned by the DPP him/herself.  On the contrary, the General Court Martial is chaired by a lay person may of whom are mere secondary school dropouts save for Gen. Elly Tumwine and Brig.

Dibba Sentongo who are university graduates in other fields other than law.  This is regardless of the fact that since the Bush War, the NRA has and continues to have hundreds of professional Lawyers in its ranks some of whom are even Generals.  The constitutions vests all of overseeing all criminal investigations and prosecutions in the DPP who is supposed to be independent but the army has of recent its own DPP under CMI.  The army DPP is used by the regime to selectively  prefer preferential criminal charges to victims and even to withdraw them like was the recent case of a former Mbabazi aide,Pte Katabazi.  Behind the scenes, it is the family, friends, or even Katabazi himself who lobbied Museveni to release their son and in turn he directed the Army Chief to set Katabazi free.  In such a scenario, the GCM and the army DPP only prepare the paper work for formality.

In most cases  the GCM carries out its hearings in camera (closed to the public) under the guise of protecting security secrets. In actual sense, the so called security secrets are nothing but traces of influence peddling, interference, human rights violations, evidence of torture, financial scandals, nepotism, etc that they dont want the public to get to know about. Those are the so called secrets that members of the courts martial are not supposed to leak. The constitution provides for a public court hearing except in very rare cases involving minors (children) that are held in chambers (trial Judge's office) as opposed to open court trial.  The GCM has a huge budget has has on several occasions been swindled and a cause of internal bickering and intrigue among members.



Last week the media was awash with the sad story of a one Edrisa Kamoga a former soldier who claims that his well being is in danger owing to failure by the government to pay his pension for the last 24 years. He claims to have joined the NRA in late 1885 and served as a Signaller (military radio operator) whereby he was injured by friendly fire in the course of duty and became disabled.  He goes ahead to claim that he was discharged from military service in 1992.   RIF was part of the World Bank imposed  Structural Adjustment Program that ran in two phases i.e RIF I in 1992 and RIF II in 1995. The army leadership used the opportunity to get rid of the medically unfit, the undisciplined, malingerers, etc while some commanders used the opportunity to get rid of their juniors and rivals with whom they had grudges.  There was also a small number to soldiers who used the opportunity to leave the army in protest of its mismanagement. One of such officers is then Major Kaka Bagenda who was at the time the Director of Transport and he has since then lived quietly in Ssese Islands. The entire exercise saw the army significantly reduce its size. The discharged soldiers came to be known as Veterans. They were given peanut in terms of benefits and soon after they became a public nuisance.  Many of them died of preventable diseases coupled by hardship. Some were jailed for crime, while some joined anti-government armed rebellions and many rejoined the NRA more especially during Museveni's military expeditions in Congo in the late 1990s.  However, among this category was a very small group of officers who had accumulated some reasonable wealth that enabled them to successfully integrate into civilian life.  Uganda Veterans Assistance Board (UVAB), the body that was put in place to manage the resettlement of these soldiers mismanaged the entire exercise only to benefit those who were managing it.

The law in force at the time stipulated that for someone to qualify for retirement he ought to have served for a minimum of 13 years uninterrupted. Therefore all those soldiers who were discharged under RIF I&II had not yet served for 13 years and did not qualify for retirement.  Because they did not retire from the army but were simply discharged for various reasons, they do not qualify for pension.  Even Gen. Saleh whose services were allegedly terminated in the late 1990s had not yet reached the retirement time does not qualify for pension. Given the history of post independence Uganda, the services of most soldiers would both be interrupted and terminated by change of governments through military take overs.  Many of those who had been soldiers at independence in 1962 under the colonial Kings African Rifles (KAR) became Uganda Army (UA) and some of those who joined the service after independence had their services interrupted by the Iddi Amin take over in 1971.  This particular takeover saw a good number of soldiers desert the army for various reasons of which some fled to exile only to resurface in 1979 as liberators from Tanzania.  Can it be said that during their 8 years stay in Tanzania they were in active military service to the government of Uganda!!!!  Even some of those who joined the post Iddi Amin Uganda National Liberation Army (UNLA) had to desert and join the NRA rebellion during 1981 - 1986.  Those who continued to serve under the UNLA had their services terminated in 1986 when Museveni and his NRA took over power.

The first batch of formal retirement from the NRA was comprised of a group of 24 officers and men in 2000.  The army spent 230 million shillings in sendoff for this small group thus suspended any further retirement claiming that it was proving expensive.  However, among the 23 was a one Pte Kibuule from the then PPU and brother to tycoon Abib Kagimu who had not made the mandatory minimum 13 years of uninterrupted service.  A few years later there were isolated retirement of the likes of the likes of Dr. Besigye, Gen. Muntu and others at different occasions.  For political reasons the regime had indifinately suspended the retirement of its personnel due to fear that retired soldiers were joining the opposition. Its only of recent that the retirement process was reactivated with thousands being discharged with many of them having exceeded the minimum 13 years thus qualifying for pension.

For fear that the retired soldiers could join hands with the oppressed people of Uganda who are struggling against the Museveni dictatorship in the event of an armed rebellion, the regime initiated to a countrywide identification and registration of all former soldiers (UA, UNLA, and NRA) and the families of the deceased ones.  Slightly over 30,000 were identified and registered before the regime promised to pay them their pension and other benefits well knowing that majority of these soldiers did not qualify for pension and other such other benefits.  It is also most likely that a number of former soldiers did not come out to register for fear that the regime may have had sinister motives. Priority was given to those areas like West Nile, Buganda and northern Uganda which have the biggest number of former soldiers with the potential to militarily challenge the regime.  All those Ex-soldiers including those who were referred to as Veterans have now come to be referred to as Veterans were told to open bank accounts in their respective home areas.  Some of them had started getting monthly remitences in form of pension and other benefits before the exercise was halted.

The Ex-soldiers pensions program was affected by a mulit-billion financial scam that hit the Ministry of Public Service Pensions Unit.  The army also has a department of Pensions that has been one of the lucrative avenues of swindling cash meant for Ex-soldiers and benefits for the families of those who died.  In 2009 the officers under that department including a one Capt. Richard Nana were arrested and detained for swindling hundreds of millions of cash meant for the benefits of these so called Veterans and families of the deceased.  The matter just ended the usual way and the scam continued under a change of guards.  Since time in memorial, financial benefits for widows and orphans of deceased soldiers was one of the top areas of abuse by fraudsters in the army.  These heartless officers would connive with workers of the Public Service Ministry and specific banks to have money approved, processed and deposited on the bank accounts of fake claimants created by and for the benefit of these very officers.

As away of further buying time and keeping an eye on the Ex-soldiers, in 2014 the scheme was suspended on the pretext that a new system of payment was being devised.  The new system required District Chief Administrative Officer (CAO) to be the principal focal point officer for processing military pensions at district level.  The army was supposed to deploy Zonal Pensions Officers to liaise between the districts, the beneficiaries and the Ministry of Defence but it has not taken off.  Whenever there are campaigns for general elections, the issue of payments to Ex-soldiers is given priority by Museveni and in his new cabinet lineup he has designated a Ministry in-charge of Veterans.  However, the definition of Veterans is not clear because there are even civilians who helped Museveni rise to become President and they are also called Veterans.  Those are mere political rhetorics designed to dissuade the so called Veterans from allying with the opposition.  They are just victims of Museveni's 30 years of mismanagement and 15 years (1971 - 1986) of his treacherous journey to gain the presidency.  It is this mismanagement that is partly responsible for the madness of primitive accumulation of wealth by army officers through illegal means when still in active office.

May be Veteran Edrisa Kamoga who is now living with his family in the open at the parking yard of Mulago hospital does not know that the Executive Director of Kampala Capital City Authority earns 432 million shillings a year or that the regime is suffocating a 169 billions shillings pensions scam!!!!!!



Capt. Kabali Masembe is reported to have returned from exile in Sweden last week.  A Muganda by tribe in his early 50s, the Arnold Swatzeneger like build joined the NRA in the mid 1980s.  He underwent an Officer Cadet training at Jinja in 1988 and upon completion of his course he was posted to Mbarara Training School as an Instructor.  As was the practice at the time for the officers to manouvre their way from those postings considered to be dry for the green pastures, Capt. Kabali also ended up serving under the logistics department (CLE) at the army headquarters.  

At that time Col. Samson Mande was the Military Attache in Tanzania.  The port of DarEsSalaam was the entry point of Uganda's imported military logistics and Col. Mande was to some extent responsible for the clearance and transportation of such logistics to Uganda though the officer directly responsible was Fred Zakye.  That is how the two (Mande and Kabali) came to get closer.  Capt. Kabali's troubles started when he became the first army officer to own a mobile phone in the early 1990s.  The mobile phone made him become a subject of close scrutiny by the intelligence services led by Aronda.  Possessing a mobile phone at the time implied that Capt Kabali was communicating with with unknown people but more so he was presumed to be wealthy which at the time was considered subversive save for those who had permission to accumulate wealth.

That is how he came to be arrested and inarcerated together with Col. Mande in Makindye Barracks on allegations of subversion.  Upon release, they both fled to Rwanda where they were reported to have become part of the alleged Rwanda backed PRA rebel group that was at the time announced by Col. Kyakabale.  Following a deal that was mediated by the UK Secretary of State, Claire Short, Kabali became one of the officers who were relocated from Kigali to Sweden by the UNHCR.  His return brings the number of Army officers to return from Sweden after Lt. Bakarweha and later on Col. Kyakabale.

However, the ever jolly Capt. Kabali had no ideological differences with the Museveni regime but simply jumped the queue of accumulating wealth.  It is hoped that Capt. Kabali has returned without a mobile phone set or else he suffers a repeat of his woes of the early 1990s!!!!!!


Wednesday, 20 July 2016


The current South Sudan crisis can be traced to the 1960s when black Sudanese from Southern Sudan sought to secede from Khartoum.  They started an armed uprising that was dubbed The Anyanya rebellion under the leadership of Joseph Lagu.  Both the Obote I and Iddi Amin governments in Uganda of the late 1960 and 1970s respectively supported the Anyanya uprising. Ethnically. the two leaders were related to the struggling people of Southern Sudan.  Actually during the Iddi Amin regime, people of Southern Sudan origin held key positions in the security circles.  When Iddi Amin overthrew the Obote I government in 1971, the Acholi and Langi came out openly to oppose his government.  The situation was worsened by the 1972 failed invasion from Tanzania that prompted the Amin regime to crack down on its suspected opponents.  The Acholis and Langis who had fled to Sudan were housed at Owiny Kibul as refugees but they instead turned it into a military base for training the the rebels to fight the Iddi Amin regime. Iddi Amin protested to the government of Sudan and the camp was closed down and militants were shipped from Sudan's Red Sea port to Tanzania's Indian Ocean port of Tanga.  The deposed former President, Milton Obote at the time was exiled in Tanzania.  It is this group that was many years later came to form the core of the main anti-Amin regime fighting group, Kikosi Maluum (Special Force) that fought alongside the Tanzania army and Museveni's 50+ FRONASA soldiers in 1978/79.

Throughout the 1970a, the Anyanya rebellion in Southern Sudan thrived but with no support from the Iddi Amin regime and relations between Uganda and Sudan were cordial throughout.  When Khartoum dispatched its then army officer Col. John Garang to the Southern region to lead operations against the Anyanya rebellion, he instead defected and joined the rebellion.  The Anyanya rebellion was reorganised, renamed Sudan Peoples Liberation Army (SPLA) with Col. John Garang as its leader.  When Iddi Amin was overthrown, a bulk of his soldiers fled to Southern Sudan and Northern Eastern Congo where they established bases to fight the new government in Kampala.  As Museveni was rebelling against the Obote II government in Central Uganda, former Amin soldiers from West Nile also made occasional military incursions into Uganda from Southern Sudan.  In 1985 when Generals Tito Okello and Bazilio Okello overthrew the Obote II government, they invited all the different fighting groups to come and join hands with the new government.  Save for a few splinter groups, the bigger groups aligned to the former army of Iddi Amin left their bases in Southern Sudan and North Eastern Congo to join the Okello Junta.

Museveni's NRA refused to heed to the call and instead opted to go for the Nairobi Peace Talks just as a way of buying time to strengthen its military muscle for total annihilation of  the Okello Junta and its new found allies in the form of  former soldiers under Iddi Amin.  In order to undermine the alliance in Kampala, Museven's NRA propaganda machinery coined the term Anyanya in reference to the armed groups from West Nile who had joined the Tito Okello government in Kampala.  Soon, the term was adopted by all people from the Western and Central region to refer to all the people from the Northern Eastern, Northern and West Nile regions and in particular the dark skinned soldiers who hailed from those areas.  In his schemes Museveni had succeeded not only in instilling fear  for the 'northerners' in the Bantus but divided the country along ethnic lines.When Museveni took over power in 1986, the so called Anyanyas refused to recognise his government which they in return referred to as Rwandese occupation.  They fled to Southern Sudan from where they launched a comeback attempt through cross border military incursions that marked the beginning of the disastrous over twenty years of the insurgency in northern Uganda.

The Acholi rebellion culminated into the LRA under Joseph Kony. As Museveni was battling the Acholi rebellion in northern Uganda which had bases in southern Sudan, Khartoum was also battling the SPLA rebels who also had bases in Southern Sudan.  Museveni has opportunistically jumped into aiding the SPLA rebels against Khartoum in the hope that the move would contain the Acholi rebellion. Khartoum retaliated by also supporting the Acholi in their fight against Museveni.  Even some sections of the SPLA supported the LRA and in particular Riek Marcha and Anum were singled out as being LRA's contact people in SPLA. Under the guise of  halting the spread of Islamic Fundamentalism from Khartoum, Museveni registered the help of the USA in aiding the SPLA. The leader of the SPLA, Col. John Garang made Museveni's State House his second home.  Museveni claimed that he was aiding his black. Christian, African brothers of Southern Sudan against the Islamic Khartoum.

Up to around 2000, the military strength of the rebel SPLA was far too bigger than Museveni's NRA.  The LRA thrived in the vast remote vast lands of the then Southern Sudan.  Museveni moved very fast to ratify the Rome Statute that created the ICC. At the same speed, he advocated for and secured an easy indictment of the President of Southern Sudan president, General Bashir and the top Commanders of the LRA.  Once indicted by the ICC, the LRA lost external backers and associates - a factor that affected its military strength in the field.  The SPLA leader Col. Garang favored an arrangement that would have allowed Southern Sudan to remain a semi-autonomous region of the greater Sudan.  Museveni was opposed to this and advocated for the sececion and total independence of Southern Sudan.  Amidst those disagreements, Col. Garang died mystarious helicopter crash on his way to Southern Sudan from Uganda.  Museveni had just assigned his helicopter and pilots to take Col.Garang to Southern Sudan.  It has been widely suspected by Ugandans and South Sudanese alike that Museveni most likely masterminded the killing of Col. Garang.

South Sudan seceded from Khartoum and gained independence under Silva Kiir.  The LRA relocated to DRC and Central African Republic where it continues to survive.  In northern Uganda, Museveni humiliated and subdued the rebellious Acholis into partial submission but they are still holding secessionist sentiments. Ethnicity can not be detached from African politics thus Museveni and his NRA will never be closer to the South Sudanese more than the people of northern and west Nile regions of Uganda.  Museveni who purports to support Pan Africanism, is very mindful of this factor believes that a stable South Sudan can come to the aid of politically suppressed Ugandans and 'northerners' in particular.  This is the same scenario in eastern DRC with the Banyamulenge M23 who are supported by both Museveni and Kagame.  In order to avert such a scenario, favors an unstable South Sudan.

In 2013 following an internal disagreement between South Sudanese President Silva Kiir and his Vive President, Riek Marcha, Museveni sent in his army to side with Silva Kiir thus preventing an easy take over by the Riek Marcha faction. Soon after the conflict took an ethnic dimension between the Nuer and Dinkas culminating into the deaths of thousands of people and destruction of property yet initially even the family of the late John Garang, a Dinka had sided with what came to be known as the SPLA in Opposition (SPLA-IO) under Riek Marcha.  Museveni who had initially vowed to kill Riek Marcha made a U-turn by allowing the SPLA-IO to open a parallel consular office in Kampala before he hosted him in a private visit in Kampala and its not clear as to what deals the two struck. Soon after the warrying factions in the conflict agreed to a ceasefire and Museveni withdrew his troops.

Amidst that crisis, Museveni was busy pushing for the admission of South Sudan into the East African Community (EAC) regional block as part of his wider scheme to secure his borders of any country that could come to the aid of his internal political opponents. The SPLA-IO agreed to return to Juba and join hands with the governmennt but it has not taken long for the current hostilities to resume.  This time round, Museveni is not intervening militarily and is even opposed to the UN proposal of an arms embargo because he knows that he will carry the burden ofsecretly supplying both sides.  Like had been the case with eastern DRC, thousands of South Sudanese refugees fled to Uganda thus attracting billions of Euros and US dollars in form of aid.  His daughter and other regime cadres are the biggest suppliers of both food and non food items to WFP and UNHCR.  Over half of the donor money swindled by government officials in South Sudan is spent in Kampala and Nairobi.  In Kampala, Sudanese rent posh houses in dollars leave alone staying in hotels and spending lavishly and taking their children to the best schools.  Forget about his noncense of South Sudan being Uganda's biggest trading partner, his major interest is of an unstable South Sudan for reasons outlined above.  Diverting money meant to pay non teaching staff of public universities to fund the military led operation to rescue Ugandans allegedly stuck in South Sudan was nothing but an opportunity to attract international headlines.  The lives of the soldiers who died in this operation aside, its just about 2% (not more than 20,000) of the total number of Ugandans resident in South Sudan who were brought back. According to the Chairman of the Association of Ugandans living in South Sudan, Ugandans residing in that country are in millions.  When is Kenya going to rescue its citizens from South Sudan. 

As the USA Ambassador to the UN put it "Museveni is a threat to regional security", as long as Museveni is in power, South Sudan will not stabilise.



There is one issue gullible Ugandans have failed to come to terms with.  Museveni deliberately militarised the police force to make the coercive arm of his regime so that as part of the wider scheme to instill fear and subdue Ugandans.  This is what he meant when he moved to 'proffessionalise' the police force and whatever is happening within the force has the full blessing of Museveni.  Its for the same reasons that the Police chief, Gen. Kalekyezi no longer feels remorse for the misdeeds of his men.  Actually, all those regime officials who have come out to condemn most recent of the nasty incidents of police brutality against peaceful Ugandans will have to be blacklisted and accused of being unpatriotic and agents of opposition enemies.

The most recently launched so called nationwide Rectification campaign is nothing but a scheme to hoodwink Ugandans as the police force equips itself for more brutal actions against Ugandans with the aim of subduing them into submission. In May 2014, among the activities to mark the 107 anniversary of Uganda Police, a Rectification Campaign aimed at "making good of what was done wrong in the past" was launched.  The same year in September 2014 another Rectification Campaign dubbed Criminal Case Management Rectification Campaign by the CID was launched at Kyadondo Rugby Ground following a procession from Police Headquarters.  The CID Rectification Campaign was meant to address shortcomings like slow and delayed investigations, mismanagement of cases, corruption, incompetence, lack of skills, knowledge and feedback.  During the same process the National Identification Authority launched its collaboration with the Police to establish the National Integrated Information Strategy (NIIS) aimed at fighting cyber crime.

While appointing AIGP Fred Yga as the Chief Political Commissar for the Police force early this month, IGP Kalekyezi tasked him other assignments to operationalize the department of Political Education (cadreship), fight indiscipline, and improving the police image by operationalising the department of Information and Public Relations. The department of political education is traditionally a department of the army that was first introduced in Uganda by the NRA right from the time of the Bush War. It is aimed at indoctrinating members of the security forces to Museveni's political ideology and personal loyalty to him. Very soon the same department will be introduced in the Prison Services.

AIGP Fred Yiga a professional Police officer with about 27 years of experience.  A holder of a Doctorate of Philosophy in criminology, he won public confidence in the 1990s through his daily Road Safety and Traffic programs on the national TV when he was the In-charge of Traffic in Kampala region.  Later he was posted to Old Kampala as the Division Police Commander where he also excelled in community committing.  He was appointed the Commissioner of Traffic in the entire Police Force.  While on a two years Doctorate course in the USA, he was one of the international election observers in the state of Florida during the election of President Bushi.  He returned to Uganda at a time when Museveni had already embarked on a scheme to destroy the traditional Uganda Police under the guise of "professionalising" it. Career police officers were being systematically phased out and replaced by army officers in a militarisation program.  Instead, Fred Yiga was sent to South Sudan under UNAMISS where he served as the Chief Technical Adviser to the transition government.  He returned to Uganda in 2006and was briefly appointed the Director of Information and Public Relations and Protocol of the Uganda Police.  In 2012, he was reassigned to South Sudan where he became the Chief Technical Adviser to the new Republic of South Sudan after he was contracted by the UN as its Police Commissioner.  His contract ended in 2016 and he returned to Uganda where he has been assigned as the Chief Political Commissar of the Uganda Police.  His current assignment was motivated by failure to get where to post him because he is more qualified to be the IGP but according to the regime it would amount to political suicide.On the other hand the plan is to have his good image destroyed and professionalism compromised.

More rectification campaigns will be launched but the situation will continue to grow worse because that is what the force is meant to be under the Museveni regime.  Majority of the police personnel are very good officers but they are being held hostage by a small clique of regime mafias under IGP Kalekyezi and his boss Museveni.  This was demonstrated by the voting patterns in the police barracks in favour of the opposition and the involvement of police personnel in the recent coup attempt. Whether one wants or not, the worst is yet to come from the so called Police force. The so called Police Professional Standard Unit is nothing but a mechanism of protecting its personnel who are involved in institutionalised brutality and criminality against innocent Ugandans.  Let IGP Kalekyezi honor the court order by handing over the DPC Kampala, Aron Baguma who was indicted for Murder by both the DPP and Buganda Road Court.  BUT WHY IS POLICE BRUTALITY MAINLY CONCENTRATED IN KAMPALA CITY??????????  HOW MANY UGANDANS KNOW THAT GEN.KALEKYEZI IS MUSEVENI'S DEFACTO VICE PRESIDENT.



Museveni fought his five years armed rebellion in the Luwero area north of Kampala city.  The local residentsof the area were composed of Baganda cultivators, Bahima and Banyarwanda pastrolists commonly known as Balalo.  Both communities played a major role in supporting his war but after he took over power, the Balalo became part of the regime and were fully compensated while the Baganda cultivators have continued to cry foul. Worse still their much cherished land is being grabbed left and right in a wider scheme to impoverish, subdue and reign over a hopeless population.  Museveni's brother Gen. Saleh's agents are currently facing accusations of evicting more than 120 families from the four villages of Basenero, Katoto, Kibubu and Kilema in Kikandwa Parish, Nakaseke District.

It is against this background that last month a group of about 500 local Baganda residents protested by leading a procession through Nakaseke district.  Led by Capt (Rtd) John Kadu, the protesters who  were chanting NRA liberation songs were protesting against what they termed as marginalization of their area by the Museveni regime.  They climaxed their procession in Kikandwa village at the grave of the late Edinani Luttamaguzi and the nearby War Monument that contains the remains of 2600 war victims from that area.  On June 9th, 1982 the late Edinani Luttamaguzi was killed by government forces for refusing to reveal the whereabouts of then rebel leader Yoweri Museveni.

Amidst all that, Museveni proceeded to Rwanda where he paid tribute to the family of the late Gregory Karuretwa.  According to Museveni, Karuretwa who had fled to Uganda from Rwanda in the 1960s as a refugee had settled in Ssembabule where he became a successful businessman and farmer.  That he had sacrificed his life for the NRA liberation war by recruiting and providing material and financial support.   After the Rwandese faction of the NRA invaded Rwanda and overthrew the Hutus in 1994, Karuretwa returned to Rwanda from where he died recently.  Museveni post humously awarded him the Nalubale Medal and unlike the same monetary valueless medals awarded to the Baganda  cultivators of of Luwero, the family of Karuretwa must have pocketed hundreds of shillings of Uganda tax payer's money. Remember the billions of shillings that Museveni donated to the fundrising for a school in Rwanda a few years ago. 

The Baganda of Luwero ought to know that while they lost cassava, beans and goats, the Balalo lost cows which was the only item recognized by the NRA as a war debt.  The former have no alternative but to loose their land as they head to urban centers to rise commercial motorcycles commonly known as Boda Bodas. On the other hand the need to be patriotic and know that if the former war zone and its people are economically rehabilitated then it would encourage other areas to also support future rebellions against Museveni.  On the other hand, a rehabilitated Luwero would make residents economically well off such that they would not be able to sell their land. 



Thursday, 14 July 2016


First published on July 14, 2016

Extra judicial shooting and killings of innocent Ugandans by security officers Is becoming a norm.  Just during the month of June alone the following incidents of shooting and killings did take place:
1.. A trigger happy police officer shot dead a young man in his early 20s and injured three others
2.   In Entebbe a policeman shot dead Gideon Ssekyomu because he had defaulted on paying for a plate of food worth 2000 Uganda shillings.
3.   In Lira a police officer shot and injured a cyclist who was passing by as they violently evicted market vendors.   
4.. In the Kampala city centre, a police officer called Muhumuza shot and injured Kakooza in the neck as he quietly drove from work.
5.  A number of people are often shot dead by the police on grounds that they are armed robbers. 

The police have now acquired another permit to kill under the pretext of self defence.  They claim that the victims had intended to grab guns from the shooters.  Whatever the case the Museveni regime has a grand scheme of instilling fear in the population.  In its estimates, they believe that intimidation and fear will undermine pro-change political activism and any other form of political dissent.  That the population will forego their human rights as they view the security forces as the Alpja and Omega.  Courts of law and parliament will be subordinated to the security forces.   Eventually that fear will create a cosmetic political stability that will explode even when Museveni will have long left the political scene.  Another reason for creating a situation of insecurity, fear and leniency uncertainty more especially during the period of national budget making, debate and passing so that defence and security are justifiably allocated the lions share of the national budget.  Its the defence and security sector that is used as the most secure conduit of Billions of taxi payer's money for personal use by the privileged few.  



Brutalising, whipping, clobbering, pepper spraying and teargassing of Ugandans by the regime security forces is becoming normal  in Museveni's Uganda.  However the last Wednesday incident where innocent onlookers and enthuasistis of a top opposition leader, Dr. Besigye were brutally dehumanised bu the regime police.  What is more disturbing is presence of the usual masked  goons in civilian attire but this time round they were visibly in charge of the command and control of the entire operation despite the presence of the local area Police Commander. Though such incidents are becoming a common scene in the city, thos one was rather unique. 

Its uniqueness lies in the fact that the goons in the civilian attire had a dressing code similar to that of a certain tribe in Uganda.  One of them very closely resembled a certain army General who commands an elite special army unit.  By choosing to dress in that code, they intended to send a message to Ugandans that "calturallu we herd cows eith our walking sticks and we are also herding you as our cows".  They also had hand held military radios (walkie talkies) forbease of comminication possibly with the command post which monitors developments in the field.  Suchscenarios depict what is termed as an intelligence led operation whereby plain clothed members of the secret service take charge of an operation by even giving orders to the regular field personnel. 

In Uganda's situation such plain clothed goons have an extral task of looking out for regular personnel who are expressing simpathy and leniency towards the victims.  Its for the same reasons that some other uniformed police personnel were seen hitting motorcycles with their sticks so as to atleast be seen to beat the victims.  Under the Museveni regime, such goons are from one of the many mushrooming intelligence outfits whose duty is to suppress political dissent.  In the near future as the prochange political activism gains momentum, it these goons who will physically harm Dr. Besigye.  The reason the police allows them to operate alongsid them is that in case of a nasty incident, it would deny links and knowledge of the goons.   The regime can even hire and use nationals of neighboring countries who will never be identified by Ugandans. 

Among the goons in civilian clothes was the notorious Muhumuza who had been reported to have been detained after he shot someone in the neck in the city centre past week.  He is from Bushenyi where he attended Kitabi seminary before he was expelled after he stole a microscope from the school labaratory.  Years later he was arrested under Operation Wembly for highway armed robbery.  However he was saved by his tribemate and former schoolmate at Kitabi, Eliasi Byamulama of CMI who instead recruited him as an attire informer..  He is currently attached to the nortorious Flying Squad but remains a civilian who wields alot of power that he derives from the police chief. 

The biggest danger posed by these goons is that by choosing to put on an attire that is exclusively for a particular tribe of Uganda, they are trying to create an elite impression that there is a tribe that has the authority to beat and humiliate other Ugandans.  Ordinary and innocent people who commonly dress in that way are scattered in certain regions of the country.  A sight of such innocent people automatically resurrects bad memories of TV footages of goons beating up and humiliating innocent people.   Let the actions of these few heartless people not set us against our fellow countrymen.  Instead we should work together to isolate and expose them.



Upon assuming office the new Minister of Security , Gen. Henry Tumukunde among other undertakings promised to create a good go working environment with the press whom he described as good custodians of information of intelligence interest
 This was after he faulted government for detaching the local council officials from the intelligence gathering network.

"Intelligence and the Press" is a key course content in most military academies of civilised nations.  The role of the press is valued as being supplimentary in the intelligence gathering on top of affording the masses their right of information.  Democratic governments monitor the press for leads in intelligence information but in military dictatorships and authoritarian governments  the press is viewed as an enemy while at the same time making efforts to turn it into its propaganda machinery.  Gen. Tumukunde's initiative comes at a time when the press, the Lawyers, civil society and other human rights organisations are blacklisted by the Museveni regime  as enemies of the state.  They are targeted for total annihilation because they are the only remaining voice of the suppression population. 

Under Museveni the right to information was taken away and instead replaced with the right to misinformation and manipulation. Journalists are maimed, detained, their equipments damaged, media houses raided and closed down, social media blocked.  Professionalism in journalism is being undermined through intimidation, bribery and compromise by the regime functionaries. His initiative is good but unfortunately it comes at tla time when the population has totally lost confidence in the regime and any attempt by security agencies to partner with the press will be viewed with suspicion.  Instead the press risks being isolated by the population who are the primary sources of information.

There is no doubt whatsoever that Gen. Tumukunde's initiative will put him on a collision course with Gen. Kayihura who will soon accuse the former of being in league with the enemies of the state.  Gen. Kayihura and his boss Museveni have no image to protect and are ready to commit the most heinous crimes even on camera.
 Watch the space.



The ongoing countrywide arrests of urban unrmployed ypuths by Museveni's security forces is a well designed scheme to to deplete the defiance campaign of the manpower.  The Museveni regime had so much believed in the potential of the defiance campaign that they cant believe that they managed to overcome the much anticipated mass protests against the rigged elections under the banner of Defiance.  Little did they know that most Ugandans are not the kind of people who can sacrifice for the future of their children and grandchildren.  That way the regime had so much prepared for countering the defiance protests more than the organisers themselves.  The regime still believes that the kind pro-change political movement is bent on mobilising the millions of its followers to take over government through countrywide mass protests.

Therefore the ongoing countrywide arrests and detention of unemployed urban youths under the guise of tackling organised crime by alleged criminal gangs dubbed Kifesi is nothing but a ploy to deny the pro-change activists the services of these youths.  Kifeesi is nothing but part of the regime schemes to unleash terror , instil fear and a constant sence of insecurity on the population.  The massive arrests are part of the countrywide counter defiance operations by the regime.  The appointment of Betty Kamya as Minister of Kampala, allowing Mayor Lukwago to take up his office, appointing some members of the opposition to cabinet posts, launching of the so called Police Rectification campaign, the different dialogues with opposition leaders etc are all aimed at diffusing the defiance protests.

Therefore, the pro-change activists need to make a follow up on the victims of these illegal and barbaric arrests and detentions.  It was the same case in 2001 following the rigged election when the regime launched Operation Wembley.  In both cases the regime is politically motivated thus the the need for political intervention.



With great sorrow I wish to announce the timely death of Mr. Education.  Born around the late 1890s he died last month aged over 120 years.  He was the son of the late Mr. Uganda who died in 2005 after being bedridden for 10 years following a terror attack by the terror monster, Mr. Nuseveni.  The terror moster realised that Mr. Education who had been heir to his father Mr. Uganda was the only surviving son who was still capable of empowering the grandchildren of the Uganda dynasty  with the necessary skills to question and challenge its actions. The other siblings of the late Mr. Education like the late Health, the late cooperatives, the late infrastructure, the late Cooperatives,  the late Industries, the late Human Rights, the late the late Democracy, the late Social Security and others had been killed much earlier by the same monster.  The late Mr. Education had thrived for this long because he had been benefitting the monster's family and close associates.

Even before his father was killed by the monster in a terror attack in 2005, the monster had been axminstering slow killing poison to Mr. Education.  However, because Mr. Education had been brought up on a good foundation and with good health, the moster became worried that the poison was taking longer to kill him.  Early last month, the monster lost patience and sent its wife who posing as a Doctor entered the medical ward after being cleared by the guards on duty and entered the ward where Mr. Education had been admitted with a mission of disconnecting the oxygen supply to yhe bed ridden, Mr. Education and he breathed his last air.

However, the death is kept a secet as the monster's wife is working on preparing a post mortem report that will blame the death on the usual scapegoats, the son of Akokoro and the son of West Nile who themselved died long time ago.  Both the death and postmortem repory will be made public five years from now.  The aim is for the monster's wife to continue receiving and pocketing all the food and medicine that family and friends continie to bring to for the presumed patient, the late Mr. Education.

By leaking this information about the death of Mr. Education I don't intend to sabotage the wife of the monster's source of income (kulrmbeka) but its because am concerned about the future of the millions of the late Mr. Education's children and grandchildren.

Informed is Maama Janet Kataha Museveni - the minister of Education and Sports. 




Museveni's defacto Vice President snd police chief, Gen. Kalekyezi has directed thr trafffic police to preffer charges of manslaughter on motorists who cause accidents that lead to death of people.  This bizarre directive is a diversonary measure from the real cause of the ever increasing road carnage that is claiming the lives of people.  The causes are poor road conditions and corrupt traffic police officers.  He did not bother to explain what would happen in the event such a driver is  also perish in accident that has killed people.

This is the Dame Kayihura who fought tooth and nail to have his sister in law Jackie Nsenga off the hook in a traffic offence.  She had been charged with manslaughter when she ran over her husband killing him instantly.  Gen. Kalekyezi's directive for the first time in the history of  criminal justice saw the Deputy Director of Criminal Investigations testify in court as a defence witness.  Assistant Inspector General Godfrey Musana stood in the dock in defence of the accused sister in law of IGP Kayihura, Jackie Nsenga.  The entire saga surrounding the controversials


In late June 2016, a one Murungi who is a sister and business associate of Col. Felix Kulayigye was allegedly defrauded in a seven kg gold deal.  Col. Kulaigye is the Army chief political ideaologisy and one of the ten army members of parliament.  Iy alleged that together with a Congolese gold dealer, Murungi approached Metrich Holdings Ltd to have the seven Kgs of gold tested for purity.  The said amount were found to have been pure before the two customers left the said offices.  It is reported that later the  said gold turned into pavers yet the Congolese sellers had already vanished.

Murungi ran to his brother and business partner Col Felix Kulaigye who is turn contacted his cousin the IGP Gen. Kayihura who despatched the brutal police and CMI operatives who raided the Matritch offices, arrested the employees, stripped then naked, ransacked the office in broad daylight before they were arrested a d detained at different police stations in and around Kampala.  A one Ggingo is alleged to have been a go between  in the deal isalleged to have been kidnapped, tortured and detained in the nortorious torture chambers where he was forced to sign agreements under duress surrendering his land titles.  As the late police continued to hold the suspects beyond the constitutional 48 hours,,  the court issued an order for their release.  As has become the norm, the police simply ignored this court order.  Because the MD of Metritch Holdings Ltd is a son of an Army Brigadier from western Uganda, it took the intervention of Gen. Tumukunde the Minister of Security yo have them released.

The army is claiming to be investigating the involvement of of Col. Kulayigye but as usual nothing positive will come out of this inquiry. Moreover, in the eRly 2000s Col. Kulayije as a Battalion Commander was suspended on allegations of creatinf ghost soldiers through inflation of the number of soldiers under his command while he took away the the ir pay. However, the saganhas now taken a different twisty- pitting the Bahima represented by Gen. Tumukunde against the Banyarwanda represented by IGP Gen. Kayigura. This incident is just a tip of the iceberg because anyone who has a relative or friend in the top leadership of the security forces just uses them to solve any dispute that could have ordinarily been handled by courts of law.  Some security officers are just available for hire to collect bad debts, intimidate one party in land and business wrangles likw was the recent incident involving Brig. Kyamukesire. Security officers provide security and protection for hire in trafficking of drugs and ivory among other contrabands.

In the late 1960s, the Hon. Saudi Ochieng tabled a motion seeking an inquiry into the Congo gold scandal that involved Col Iddi Amin.  Unfortunately the present parliament lack a Saudi Ochieng to table a motion on the Col. Kulaigye gold scandal.  In the 1960s Parliament of Uganda had men who were morally upright unlike in present one that is dominated by Museveni:s wolves and Marabu Storks.  However, forMuseveni questioning such illegalities would amount to economic sabotage and undermining his security forces who are the custodians of his life presidency scheme. 



During the just concluded visit by the Israel Prime Minister to Uganda, Museveni's speech was characterised by frequent reference to Palestine.  He went ahead to tell  tell the Israels thay if they had been resettled in Uganda in 1947, he would now be fighting them.  He was indirectly portraying the Israelis as being antagonistic people who can't live in harmony with their neighbors this why they are fighting with Palestinians and living in isolation from the rest of the middle east.  The social media more especially back in Israel went wild with attacks on MusevenI's speach describing it at outrageous. 

WhenMuseveni took over powet in 1986, he openly expressed solidarity with the Palestenians in their struggle against Israelis.  On the shelves of and sylabus of his indoctrination schemes dubbed political education, the Palestinr question came top.  Literature on the Palestinian struggle for liberation dubbed Intifada was everywhere.  In the political indoctrination programs, Israelis were referred to as Zionists while the west were called imperialists.  During the visit of the Burkinafaso President, Toma's Sankara around 1987,Soldiers and cadres were made to openly chant "down with imperialists, down with Zionism" in reference to the west and Israel respectively.    However, towards the late 1990 after the assassination of Toma's  Sankara, Museveni had to switch  sides.  First it was the retired Israel army officers like Golan who came in to train the first batch of commandos under CMI.  His private security company, Silver Star helped train the dreeded commandos dubbed Black Mambas who raided the High Court to reverse a lawful court decision.  They supplied CMI with handcuffs and pistold that were brought in by Ethiopian Airlines. 

Since then Museveni has been corting Israel not because he loves or needs them but because he cant afford to do wiyhouy them for his political survival.  His relationship with Israel is not driven by economic benefits but security considerations for his hold on power.  Therefore, Israel is now joined on the list of governments and individual wotld leaders that have been fooled by Museveni.   LRA'S Joseph Kong still stands out as one of the few individuals who have persistently resisted Museveni's manipulation and dupping.  If Josrph Kony had been Prof. Gilbert Bukenya, he would by now been history. 


Wednesday, 13 July 2016


In the ongoing clampdown of alleged coup attempt plotters, security personnel from the Northern and Eastern regions are dominating the list.  Museveni came to power by mobilising the people of western and central Uganda by preaching that there was needed to wrestle powet from the 'northerners'.  After capturing power he has built his armu using the same 'northerners' who are the majority foot soldiers  while he has ringfenced the top strategic command positions for his home boys.  In our previous articles we discussed the factors that led to the northerners tp dominate the lower ranks of Museveni's security forces save for Uganda Prisons which is under the transfomation process.

Therefore in order for him to consolidate his hold on power he has taken a number of political manoeuvres aime at luring the 'northerners'  to support his regime which they opposed right from day one.  They rebelled and took up arms under different groups with the longest thriving one being the LRA.  Over the years, both the victims of deliberate economic and social deprivation and the former LRA fighters have found their way into the army establishment and have dominated most of foot soldier corps except the elite SFG which is a preserve of the 'home boys'. It is therefore obvious that any serious coup attempt would have to involve those dominant foot soldiers from those regions more especially at the execution stage.  Almost 90% of the suspects are 'northerners' including Sgt Obua of the Military Police who resisted arrest by shooting seven people dead and had only to be put out of action using an APC.

However, the good news is that as had been the case with the PRA which was national in character, in the instant alleged coup attempt Westerners are seen collaborating with Northerners in plotting Museveni's downfall.  The suspected big shots in the alleged coup plot, Hon Michael Kabaziguruka and Col. Dan Opito are from two different regions which for generations Museveni had attempted to set again each other.  The release of Col. Dan Opito without charges was a tactic to water down the gravity of the plott while at the same time  sending a message to junior soldiers that when you conspire with a senior officer, he jumps and leaves you in shit.  This was also the case with the six  soldiers from the elite SFG that were accused of conspiring with Gen. Ssejusa to overthrow the Museveni but the Gen
 was not charged. The only difference is that all the six were from SFG and only Bahima because its only through Bahiima that a serious coup play plotter can succeed in penetrating the SFG.  Earlier there had been another alleged coup plot dominated by Baganda soldiers and civilians who are currently undergoing trial before the General Court Martial.  Among them was Lt. Lutwama who was tortured to death by CMI.

On the other hand the seriousness of the alleged military coup attempt plot that speculations have linked to assassination of Museveni is suspect.  Why would any serious ploter involve so many soldiers from different units at the initial planning state of assassinating Museveni.  Col. Dan Opito is a sturbon officer who has never come to terms with the treacherous defeat of his UNLA in January 1986.  This is not the first time he is accused of treasuron; in the mid 1990s he was arrested and detuned for treason but was later cleared.  His going back to school and graduating with a law degree is seen by the army clique as being subversively ambitious.  Moreover, because of being a 'northerner' the sensitive  position of Entebbe Airbase Commander was not a slot meant for officers like him.

Whatever the case, a successful military coup or assassination would not be alright but would be OK.   It is most likely that the coup attempt was real because the ground is ripe  for such scenarios.  The investigators in the current could attempt allegations should widen their scope by questioning Museveni as to why he has been beefing up his personal security long before the current threat.  They should also inquire into why his VP Ssekandi or PM Rugunda do not face such threats of assassination.  As long as the conditions for a military coup continues to rippen, such attempts will become rampant and it will not alelways stop at attempts.   He made the security forces his power base and the men in uniform have a duty of and the capacity to solve the current political stalemate and looming crisis.  His recent attempts to further manipulate them by pledging to improve their social services and accommodation is a mere gamble because Iddi Amin did it within six years amidst economic hardships because he was not a thief.  The Somali mission which he is using as a welfare project for the lower ranks will one day come to an end.  Armies are not built on deceit and manipulation.  The lower ranks are watching how some of their commanders have swept the country clean of its wealth while their colleagues loose lives in personal military adventures in neighboring countries.  It is these very soldiers who are deployed with instructions to terrorise the opposition during elections but at the same time they and their families vote for the opposition.

Museveni can be assassinated by a missile.  It can be an impoverished simple villager whose land is grabbed the Museveni's so called  'top incomes', a street vendor who is being harassed to leave the city or a Bodaboda motorcycle rider who is canned by the police like a village chicken thief in front of television cameras.  It such a common man who can out of annoyance sharpen his traditional African spear or arrow and bow and says goodbye to his family before he shot dead by bodyguards but after he has achieved his objective of living like a freem man in a grave then a slave under Museveni.  Instead of lamenting that "Hon. Michael Kabaziguruka wanted to assassinate me" he should instead as himself as to why a member of parliament would plan for such and not those men and women who are humiliated with broad daylight torture before the cameras.

Watch the space!



Uganda's leading opposition figure, Dr. Besigye is facing charges of treason  and has been under incarceration at the maxmum securitu prison.  The charges arise from a video footage that weny viral showing him taking tje oath of office of the President of Uganda.  In the video fpotage a numbet of clearly identifiable Ugandans are seen charing on in whay woulf amount to conspiracy to comit treason.  Treason is one of the criminal offences whose ingredients include conspiracy and its a principle of criminal law that one cannot conspire alone to comit such offence.

However, ever since Dr. Besigye was arrested, detained and charged wth treason, none of these other would be conspirators has been questioned by the police.  Much as the entire aim is to isolate him, suffocate opposition, and the political dissent of millions of his followers and othet political activists, failure to question those other would be conspirators is a deliberate tactic to entramp them.  One of such people is the FDC National Chairman, Waswa Birigwa.  The seasoned diplomat after the video went viral is reported to have left the country and since then his whereabouts are not very clear.  Being a top Muganda coupled by the rumours that some sections of Baganda have taken up arms against the Museveni regime with bases in some remote area of Buganda, Waswa Birigwa's mysterious absence makes Museveni loose sleep. 

Therefore, Museveni instructed the Police not to make any move against the other people seen in the video as a way of luring back Waswa Birigwa so that once he is back then the entire team can be joined to Besigye's treason charges.   On the other hand he intended to deny Waswa Birigwa an claim of persecution wherever he is if his colleagues in the video had been questioned by the police or joined with Dr. Besigye in his treason charges.  Its for the same reasons that even Dr. Besigye's treason charges will never be subjected to any meaningful trial in the near future.  By granting bail to Dr. Besigye, Museveni who is full aware of Waswa Borigwa's whereabouts and engagements,  thought he would curtail his engagements and lure him back to Uganda to face the full wrath of the leopard's claws.



In his new scheme to tighten hiz grip on power,  Museveni has been carrying out schemes to to personalize the security forces.  According to him, Uganda's security forces includes the Army, the police, the prison services and the Game Rangers.  He started with the army by creating an officer corps that is loyal to his son Gen. Muhoozi who commands his elite SFG that is an army within an army.  Its sole objective is to ensure his stay in power.  Next was the police force whereby he deployed army officers to take over command and controll as he militarised the entire police force while geting rid of the people from the northern regipn who as had been the case with the army had dominated the force.  With the top leadership of the police now in the hands of his people from the western region, the force is now the coersive branch of his regime.  Its main objective is to instill fear into the population by brutally silencing any form of training of training political dissent.

Nextwas the wildlife services whereby he deployed military officers were deployed to the sector as game rangerz received training from military academies.  As a consequence, the carnage against wildlife - flora and fauna is alarming.
 Well placed army officers are the leading traffickers and illegal dealers in prohibited wildlife trophies like ivory.  Over one ton of ivory was the other day stollen from the government strong room by Col. Charles Tusiime but nothing could be done to him just because he is from Museveni's home and one of the 27 men who started the war.  He been posted to the sector as in charge of security and intelligence.

Afterrealising that the prison services play a vital role in his schemes to of suppressing political dissent throughout arbitrary detentions and imprisonments, he is hatching a scheme to 'professionalize' it too.  However as had been the army and the police , the prison services are still dominated by personnel from the so called northern regiion which covers eastern and westnile regions. During the last sham and violent general elections, thousands of prison warders  were part of the terror machine thay was unleashed on the population.  They were also part of the joint security strategies for the so called election security.  Therefore once the he succeeds in making it a branch of the regime, then it will be total chaos.  Members of the security forces and intelligence services and top regime cadres will have signed detention warrants ready to arrest and send to prison anyone they feel like imprisoning without going throug courts of law.  They will have powers of getting anyone pron at any time of the day or night  for torture, and forced disappearances. They will have powers to shoot and kill any prisloner under the guise of preventing an escape
  Suspected criminals will be able to bribe their way out of prison through mysterious frequent escapes and jail breaks in connivance with 'professional' prison warders.  In some cases, prisoners with good political and financial connections will be able to be escorted out of prison by warders so that they spend nights and weekends at their homes.  Convicted prisoners will not serve their full period of imprisonment but will instead bribe their way out after a shorter period.  Prisoners on remand will be able to influrnce investigations of their cases through bribery, threatening of witnesses and trial judges, and destruction of evidence with the connivance of 'proffessional' prison warders.

Above all, Museveni is planning to build more prison facilities in remote areas of the country including islands where he can hold political dissenters with less access to their friends, relatives and human rights organisations.  He has the parliament, he has the  top achelons of the Judiciary, he has the army, he has the DPP, he has the Police and intelligence services; will he fail to tame the prison services into being pary of the coersive arm of his brutal regime!  Soon the prison services will be hit by nepotism, abuse of office, brutality, inneficiency, corruption, Katebe, infighting and all sorts of evils that have characterised the other security forces and it will be disasterous.  Members of the Prison Services were incorporated into the operation to rescue Ugandans from South Sudan!!!!!!