Sunday, 25 September 2016


"........the government is controlled by a powerful mafia clique that is plotting my downfall."
                             Former Vice President Gilbert Bukenya -  interview with The Monitor - 2005.

"I told President Museveni that one time the people who surround you might ditch you one time.  I told him that people around him are using him as a ladder to catch what to eat, so if its true (Amama Mbabazi running against Museveni) then what I predicted might be coming to pass."    On if he (Museveni) fears to be investigated if he relinquishes power:  "Of course, there are many things that have happened during his reign some done by him in person or by his people so he can be afraid.  As a person, he hasn't but he is a head of government/state and if you have got children and they continue stealing my things and you don't warn them, I will think that they steal for you."
                  Fr. Gaetano Batanyendera - in an interview with The Monitor - September, 2012.

"In fact many youth in political circles/government report intrigue, being fought and several instances hounded out like common criminals."  She added:  "Where one thinks she is serving, the powerful and highly networked cliques believe they are more deserving - suffer a sense of self-importance and entitlement."
                                 Sarah Kagingo -  Museveni's Communications Assistant while being witch-hunted     at State House in 2014.  She was being targeted by the likes of Museveni’s close aides like Maj. Nakalema and Tamale Mirundi.

"........they are thieves who have drained State House clean and made it impossible for those loyal to the President to do their work." 
          Tamale Mirundi - (Museveni's former Press Secretary) - July 2015 while referring to the likes of Brig. Nalweyiso and Maj. Nakalema who are Museveni's aides and others whom he alleged were plotting to 'eliminate' him. He has since then repeatedly referred to a powerful mafia clique around Museveni who intimidate, blackmail and some times direct physical harassment against their victims.

"Mr. Museveni is surrounded by enemies everywhere so he is now extremely fearful, he can not trust anybody.  He is the one who hires people he works with in State House but he doesn't trust any of them.  He looks at them and thinks that they are all after him." 
              Dr. Kiiza Besigye reacting to Museveni's road side telephone call - July 2016.

"Some Mafias in government are bent on misleading the President to the extent that when he believes them, he begins fighting those who work hard for the government, a move that gives the Mafia victory".  He added:  ".... these actions make me and other sensible Ugandans think that the likes of Dr. Besigye, hon. Mbabazi and Gen. Ssejusa could be right." 
       Tamale Mirundi - while appearing on a radio talk show at Impact FM - August 2016.

"......Museveni is not a devil, its people around him that have turned him into a bad man."
Eng. Winnie Byanyima- Ex. Director Oxfam while addressing the UNAA conference in Boston - Sept. 2016

"Some people are keeping Museveni in the dark of whatever is going on in the country for selfish interests.  Some people exercise double standards.  Am going to ask the President to allow me to reach him directly without sending him letters through some people who will not deliver messages because of their selfish sentiments.  The President is tired of people lying to him."
  Hajji Nadduli - the Minister without portfolio while addressing a public function in Kashari where he expressed his frustrations over failure to reach Museveni - September 2016.

"I have always pledged support but whenever I release money for pledges, am always let down by the NRM Secretariat and the leaders that you elect because they don't deliver what I give them.  This is partly the reason why people are still suffering."
  Museveni - while delivering 300m worth of car washing pumps to a youth group in Kampala - Sept. 2016.

The list of such sentiments expressed by Ugandans is endless.  However, what is clear is that ever since he was fighting his presidential war dubbed the Bush War to the present time, Museveni has hired, used, misused, fired, discarded, and in some instances destroyed the people who have been close to him.  Its only his wife, his brother Gen. Saleh and now his son, Gen. Muhoozi who have kept around him.  Who are these people around Museveni who have continuously failed him and made him look bad?  The man is just bad only that he is gifted with the craft of shifting blame.



   Gen. Katumba Wamala is Museveni's figurehead Chief of his army, the NRA.  He did not participate in Museveni's Bush War though he claims to have helped Museveni's brother, Gen. Saleh to escape from the remote Karamoja region before he joined the NRA.  However, Col. Jacob Loum who was the Commanding Officer of the UNLA's Moroto based unit recently gave a more credible version where he claims to have been the one who helped Gen. Saleh (then 2nd Lt.) to escape via Kenya and Tanzania before he connected with the NRA bases in central Uganda.

Then Lt. Katumba Wamala joined the NRA after it had taken over government in 1986.  Since then he raised through the ranks and came to prominence in the late 1990s when he ably oversaw the ending of the rebel groups affiliated to the West Nile region.  He was then deployed to the Congo expedition as the overall commander of Operation Safe Heaven (OSH), as it was code-named and he excelled in diffusing the tension that had erupted between the armies of Museveni and Kagame.   The then Army chief, Gen. Kaziini has messed up the army and it was evident that he was to be replaced.  Gen. Katumba Wamala was seen as the likely replacement.

However, like had been the case with Gen. Ivan Koreta when he was poised to replace Gen. Jeje Odong but was instead posted to Internal Security Organisation (ISO) in order to create room for Gen. Kaziini, Gen. Katumba was posted to police in order to create room for Gen. Aronda to replace Gen. Kaziini.  At the time the army had not been purified to create the elite SFC under the command of Museveni's son, Gen. Muhoozi thus the Army Commander had to be a "home boy".  In this regard, in 2001 Museveni promoted Brig. Katumba Wamala to the rank of Maj. Gen. and appointed him the Inspector General of Police (IGP).  At the time, Museveni had been accusing the police of undermining his government and had deliberately starved it of financial and logistical facilitation in its work.

Gen. Katumba Wamala initiated a fund-rising drive for police facilitation and many individuals and companies overwhelmingly responded with financial contributions that enabled the purchase of new vehicles that were used for night patrols.  This private sector led community policing initiative helped the grossly underfunded police force to procure vehicles that made it become mobile thus revitalizing the morale of its personnel.  In May 2002, Museveni, through the then Minister of Finance, Gerald Ssendaula, told the parliamentary committee that Gen. Katumba Wamala the IGP did not have a license to fund-rise and that his actions violated the financial regulations.   During the same month, Gen. Katumba responded to the Minister of Finance's statements by vowing to continue with the initiative.  He stated thus "Whenever and wherever I will be called to receive a donation in response to the funding drive to purchase a police vehicle, I will go and nothing will deter me."

A few weeks later, during a public function in Lwangulwa, Kyanamukaka Sub County, Masaka District, then Speaker of Parliament, Edward Kiwanuka Ssekandi told residents that parliament would support the IGP in efforts to fund-rise for the purchase of police patrol vehicles to fight crime.  Shortly after, during a radio talk show at Super FM, Museveni asserted that begging for money is not the work of the IGP but that of the Minister of Finance before describing IGP Gen. Katumba Wamala's fund-rising efforts as "nonsense'. However, the following day his handlers came out to deny the same reports and they asserted that Museveni has been quoted out of context when he meant extension of fund-rising outside the country.  Gen. Katumba Wamala's fund-rising initiative was brought to a halt and he continued to preside over a poorly facilitated police force.

In the meantime, the then army chief, Gen. Aronda was busy privatizing the army by among other measures creating the elite SFG and when the exercise was over, in 2005 Gen. Katumba Wamala was moved from the police and made the figure-head of the army at a time when all the vital units had been fused under the SFG under the command of Museveni's son, Gen. muhoozi.  The privatization of the security forces focus was now shifted to the former Uganda Police Whereby Gen. Kalekyezi was made the IGP and Gen. Aronda the Minister of Internal Affairs. Being a home boy, Gen.  Kalekyezi started from where Gen. Katumba had stopped in mobilizing resources from the private sector for the police.  He has not only mobilized from local sources but even foreign states and China has been the biggest contributor of resources.  Locally, Ugandans have offered free land to the police for establishment of police posts, among other resources.

In June 2013, Irish Aid donated 400 mountain bikes to the police force for community policing.  In 2014, China donated 96 machines worth US$800,000m for the kick-starting the Police's cloth making factory. In 2014, China built a day care centre at Naguru for children of police officers who work within Kampala. In September 2015, UNHCR donated to the Uganda Police motor vehicles worth more than US$1.8m through the office of the Prime Minister for coordinating safety responses for refugees.  In August 2016, the Chinese Embassy in Kampala donate to the Uganda Police 200 smart phones, 50 mattresses, 10 motorcycles, 5 laptops, 10 footballs, that were handed to the IGP by the Chinese Ambassador.  While receiving the equipment, IGP Kalekyezi said:  "You have supported African countries, we want you to continue supporting us, we can do it in form of a partnership, that is to say commercial partnership."

Gen. Katumba's nonsense was halted in favor of Gen. Kalekyezi's excellence.  Gen. Katumba's major crime was to tactfully dodge the trap that had been set for him by distancing the police from the notorious Operation Wembly.  That way, Museveni had thought that by jumping on the Operation Wembly bandwagon, Gen. Katumba would soil his reputation the same way Brig. Mayombo wholly rolled himself into the muddy waters of the notorious JATT.   Brig. Elly Kayanja who took up the offer, will carry the Operation Wembly bloody cross for the rest of his life.  Ever since, Gen. Kayihura took over command of the police, the institution is credited for being the most brutal anti-people force. That is Museveni - the "expert in fixing" the security of Uganda.


Tuesday, 20 September 2016


Flight Captain Mike Mukula is first ventured into mainstream politics in 2001 when he was elected the Member of Parliament (M.P) for Soroti Municipality in Teso region.  Immediately after, Museveni appointed him Minister of State for Health. He came to the limelight when he became the patron of the Arrow Group - a local initiative of vigilantes from Teso region who helped the army to defeat the LRA incursion in that region in 2003.  The group was mainly comprised of mainly former rebels of the Uganda People's Army (UPA) that had abandoned rebellion and joined rebellion in 1991.

Intelligence reports reaching Museveni at the time indicated that Mike Mukula was nursing ambitions of vying for the presidency.  In May 2006 Museveni dropped him from his cabinet and the following month the commission of inquiry into mismanagement of Global Fund to fight Malaria, TB and AIDS released its report with among other recommendations that the culprits (Mukula inclusive) should be prosecuted.  The theft of 1.6b shillings had also involved the then Minister of Health, Gen. Jim Muhwesi, State Minister Dr. Alex Kamugisha, and Alice Kaboyo, who doubled as Museveni's in-law and Private Secretary.  As Mukula's presidential ambitions became more open, a year later Museveni decided to act on the report of the commission of inquiry.  A combined force comprising of police, Military Police, and regular soldiers arrested Mike Mukula and dragged him straight to court that remanded him to Luzira Prison on charges of abuse of office.  Later on Gen. Muhwezi, Dr. Kamugisha and Alice Kaboyo were also arrested, charged and remanded and they were all granted bail by the High Court. Following a series of petitions in both the Constitutional Court and the Supreme Court, criminal proceedings were halted.

During this period Mukula went ahead with his presidential ambitions.  He expressed dissatisfaction with the Museveni regime in a secret meeting with top officials of the USA Embassy.  During the meeting he told the diplomats that Museveni's popularity was dwindling within his party and that he was grooming his son as his successor.  He went ahead to advise that he should not impose his son on the party and the country before warning that such a move would have a backlash.  He went ahead to disclose that he was advocating for the restoration of presidential term limits and that NRM's support in Buganda was dwindling.

In March 2012 the four accused big shots withdrew their appeal.  The trial resumed in June 2012 before the Anti-Corruption Court.  Immediately upon resumption of the trial, on 12th June 2012 Alice Kaboyo changed her mind and decided to plead guilty for theft of 250m shillings.  She was convicted and sentenced to two years’ imprisonment with an alternative of 20m shillings fine.  She paid the 20m fine and was let off the hook.  On 18th March 2013, court concluded the trial by acquitting Gen. Muhweezi and Dr. Kamugisha of any wrong doing but found Mike Mukula guilty as charged.  He was sentenced to a mandatory four years’ imprisonment for theft of 261m shillings and made to refund it after it was discovered that out of the 263m shillings he had given the 54 million to the First Lady under unclear circumstances.  Mike Mukula cried foul alleging that his conviction was politically motivated and that he was a victim of selective prosecution. 

As had always been the practice, a high powered delegation from Teso region comprised of Bishops, M.Ps, elders, cultural leaders and others met Museveni and appealed to him to set free Mike Mukula.  Museveni told them that he couldn’t twist the law to grant freedom to the jailed Mukula.  However, he promised to pay for his legal fees and indeed 100m of the tax payer's money was given to Mike Mukula for his legal fees.  During the same meeting, Museveni went ahead to lecture members of the delegation over Mukula's luxurious lifestyle.  He said "........knowing the dangers of people who love who love soft life, the NRM made it a philosophy and enshrined it in its constitution, the distaste for people who love luxury as they often ignore people's affairs."  At the time, Mukula owned six planes and a chain of business enterprises.  Two months later, in March 2016 the High Court quashed Mukula's conviction and he was set free from prison.

After realizing that his presidential ambitions were a matter of life and death, in May 2015 Mukula announced his retirement from politics.  In an extensive interview with The Monitor, he indirectly attacked Museveni's continued hold on power thus " is always right to come out of politics when you are still popular, not to be chased by the people."  He bitterly and courageously confirmed the views over the Museveni regime that he had shared with the diplomats at the USA Embassy in 2001.  He went ahead to declare that he had dropped his presidential ambitions thus ".......we agreed that we have one presidential aspirant that we would like to support as the NRM flag bearer and that is President Museveni". In a turn of events, Mukula went ahead to retain the NRA Vice Chairmanship for Eastern region.

In November 2015, Mike Mukula offered his helicopter for Museveni's election campaigns.  During the early days of the elections campaigns in the eastern region, the helicopter would fly at all the Museveni rallies.  By mid December 2015, Museveni’s campaign team and security detail were uncomfortable with Mukula's dominance at the campaign rallies.  His helicopter was branded a security threat to the president.  By mid January 2016, Mukula and his helicopter were totally absent from Museveni's campaign rallies.  When violence broke out in the Rwenzori region immediately after the elections, Mike Mukula self assigned himself as the mediator between the protagonists - Bakonjo and Bamba cultural leaders.  He put himself in the line of fire when he contradicted the regime by publicly stating that the violence in the Rwenzori was not ethnically motivated.  He was later accused of falsely claiming that he was sent by Museveni to organise national inter-religious prayers for the violence in the Rwenzori yet the regime was selling the ethnic version of events. It was later reported that Museveni had ejected Mukula from poking his nose into the Rwenzori affairs. During the regime's Central Executive Committee meeting at State House, Museveni branded Mukula a conman for masquerading as his envoy in the Rwenzori region violence. He reportedly advised Mukula that the Rwenzori violence was a security matter before advising him to leave it to the security people.

Currently, Mukula is involved in a row with the Civil Aviation Authority (CAA) who have refused to grant him a training license to his private Uganda Aviation School for training pilots.  CAA argues that his school lacks the necessary facilities for conduct of practical training.  In response, Mukula accused the top management of CAA of incompetence and threatens to petition parliament and president Museveni.  Appearing before the parliamentary committee for statutory bodies, CAA's Director of Safety, Security and Economic regulations, Mr. Samuel Muneeza disclosed that his organisation had been shocked to learn that even the chopper that Mukula had given to Museveni for campaigns lacked the prerequisite air transport safety standards. He said "We demanded documents and learnt that it belonged to a Kenyan company and its license was limited to domestic flights within Kenya but not to fly into Entebbe."  He added "We looked at the safety aspect of the helicopter, and got scared for the President's Safety; we shared these concerns quietly with SFC (elite presidential guard) that the aircraft is dangerous to our Excellency advising not to use it."   Mukula's immediate response to this very serious concern was that "......that Muneeza man is incompetent moreover his contract is not going to be renewed because he is clocking 70 years."  Seeing the direction of the saga was taking, the SFC through its Spokesperson hypocritically came out to distance itself from the assertions of CAA thus "CAA should not drag us into their mess."

Obviously, the SFC did not deny that CAA had warned them about the danger posed by the aircraft.  Actually as a security routine, it must have been the SFC who tasked the CAA to provide a report about the aircraft which they must have done.  The nature of 'their mess’ that the Spokesman is talking about is CAA's failure to stop the aircraft from being flown in Uganda. There is no doubt Mukula and his chopper were kept off the rest of the Museveni campaign rallies following the submission of the said information to SFC by the CAA.  Mukula ought to know that a big portion of the aviation industry and CAA in particular is managed under the direction of the intelligence services and SFC for fear of sabotage by the likes of Mukula who not only want to contest against Museveni but give information to hostile foreign powers.  Mukula ought to know that its not by coincidence that both Muneeza and the Rama Makuza (not Ben Makuza the PM of Rwanda), the MD and a few others are at the helm of CAA.   According to Museveni:
-  Mukula's ethnic background, luxurious lifestyle;
-  wealth without stealing from government;
 -  intentions to run for the presidency;
 -  links with USA embassy;
 -  opposing Museveni's son;
-   insinuating that clinging to power poses a danger;
 -  self assigning political tasks that put him in limelight;
 etc. are the characteristics of an enemy of the revolution who should be decisively dealt with.  Moreover, sometimes his names sound like Jamil Mukulu instead of Mike Mukula.

If Mukula can’t understand Museveni's ways, then who will?  How can Mukula seek to be close to Museveni and NRM more than did the likes of Dr. Besigye, Gen. Muntu, Amama Mbabazi and others when at least during the time they were in the system they never shared information with the USA embassy.


Saturday, 17 September 2016


Defiance is a slogan that was coined by the main opposition party, FDC during the 2016  general elections.

The opposition who expected Museveni to rig the elections had relied on the masses whom they had expected to mobilize for a civil uprising so as to take power in a scheme dubbed "Defiance".

Unfortunately, the military regime was more prepared for the Defiance than did the organisers of the same and it unleashed terror on every inch of the country thus neutralizing it.

The regime is very mindful of the following facts:

-  Ugandans are very tired of Museveni and had so much expected change;

-  Ugandans have lost hope in the regime having anything new to offer;

-  The grounds for mass action still exist and are growing stronger by the day;

-  The opposition under the leadership of Dr. besigye is still bent on mobilizing the masses for defiance

It is for those reasons that immediately after the February polls, the regime initiated a number of anti-defiance measures throughput the country.

However, because the regime in its estimates believed that the Defiance campaign was targeting taking over of Kampala city, it had to concentrate its efforts on securing Kampala city.

The First phase involved the heavy deployment of security forces and the second phase involved Museveni's brother Gen. Saleh who pitched camp in Rubaga carrying out clandestine mobilisation through financial bribery and blackmail.

Having  found out that the two phases were unsustainable, Museveni came up with the third phase targeting the unemployed urban youth which he chose to personally spearhead.

First he appointed former opposition strong lady, Betty Kamya as the Minister for Kampala in the hope that being an ethnic Muganda, she would mobilize the predominantly Baganda in the city while at the same time counterbalancing the influence of the opposition leaning Mayor, Elias Lukwago.

Together with Betty Kamya, Museveni has been traversing the city meeting low income city dwellers and in just a period of three weeks he has dished out 1.6b shillings to different youth groups.

During a stop over at the car washing bay in the Katanga slums where he gave them 100m cash,  Museveni  told the youth that  he had opted to personally deliver his pledges to the beneficiaries.

He said "I have always pledged support but whenever I release money for pledges, am always let down by the NRM Secretariat and the leaders you elect because they don't deliver what I give them.

This is partly the reason why people are still suffering."  He went on to add "Uganda is a big country and that's why at times I delegate because I can't reach everywhere.  However, since I have been betrayed, i will start delivering the pledges."  This was cheep popularity at play on gullible Ugandans.  Earlier on he had dished out 300m cash to another group in Katwe.

The mock trial of police commanders in a sham police disciplinary committee on charges of brutalising opposition supporters, the suspension of mass arrests of unemployed urban youth and the most recent disbandment of the notoriously murderous Flying Squad are all designs of hoodwinking gullible Ugandans.

The original mission of retaining power by security might still stand and according to its estimates the 'threat' remains the same. It is in the same regard that last week the police publicist disclosed that a bigger number of the 3000 police officers who were recently passed out was to be deployed in Kampala city.

This decision is driven by the strong belief that the Defiance campaign is still on and the officers who have been stationed in Kampala may no longer be effectively manipulated to carry out the regime's schemes against political dissenters thus the need for fresh blood.

The other day in Nakasongola army barracks, 205 Conter Terrorism officers were passed out after they underwent four months of training by Israelis in, among other things, urban fighting and snipping.

The police statement was "...we are involved in a protracted war which started in the villages, came to the streets and now in courts".

This of course was in reference to the the opposition led mass protests under the Defiance.  At a public function in Mbarara early this month, museveni commended the IGP for having effectively neutralized the opposition in Kampala whom he said wanted to bring 'Fujo' (Kiswahili word for lawlessness).

Lies dont last.



Early this week, armed people shot dead a police officer and injured another before taking off with their two guns.

The two officers were guarding a Chinese recycling plant in the Kampala suburb of Kasangati.  During the same incident, a one Godfrey Kato who was driving a Toyota Corolla was also shot dead.

The police has conspicuously taken a low profile against this incident. The police's initial statement suggested that the assailants targeted Godfrey Kato who had a long standing land wrangle.

The Police Spokesman, Felix Kaweesi asserted thus "Police is widening its investigations beyond the land issue."

Since then the police has claimed to have arrested two soldiers from Kakiri army barracks in connection with the same murders.

However, the Kampala Metropolitan area police spokesperson, Paul Kangave was evasive " ....all i can say is that we have so far arrested three people; one boda boda rider and other two people who are helping us in investigations."

He went ahead to say; "The soldiers could have been arrested and are still held at their barracks but, according to our records, we have not yet arrested any army officer in the Kasangati murder."

Amid this incident, the police announced the disbandment of the notorious Flying Squad under the pretext of sending them on a  two months training program on 'new techniques of handling operational situations'.

The Police Spokesman said that some officers needed a refresher course and others will be laid off as a way of reorganizing the squad.

He conceded that the move is a response to public outcry over the squad's using of criminals in its operations and torture of victims.

The Flying Squad who had a license to kill on the spot have arbitrarily been shooting dead people by branding them armed robbers.

The latest incident was in August along Busabala Road where they shot dead four people.  They have also been notoriously extorting from their victims with the latest incident involving a victim  who picked the courage to go public after he was arrested and detained on concocted charges of importing fake fuel before he paid 60m shillings to regain his freedom.


The two police officers were not ordinary policemen but members of the paramilitary FFU which is trained in combat operations.  How could they be disabled and their arms taken when it was not a surprise attack aimed at them?

Instead they are the ones who went to attack the alleged assailants, according to the police version of events.

Why would hired assailants to kill Godfrey Kato and after killing him also shoot and disable the two police officers in self defence then bother to take off with their two guns?

Moreover, one of the policemen was only injured and such injured combatants can be very dangerous to confront -  a fact well known by the alleged soldier suspects.

Assuming the assailants were the two soldiers alleged to have been arrested later, why would a soldier in active service take the trouble to collect the two guns of the policemen on top of their own guns that they used in the attack?

Moreover, they were moving on motorcycles thus an extra burden during broad daylight.  Unlike army deserters, errant military personnel in active service have access to illegal guns more especially under the Museveni regime.

Are the two alleged 'suspect soldiers' being prepared by the intelligence services for a cover-up of a more serious motive behind the attack that the regime is trying to keep off from the public?

Is it a coincidence for the police to disband its urban anti-violent crime squad (Flying Squad) at a time when their own have been shot and two guns stolen?

Which agency is investigating the matter at this crucial time?  Could some members of the disbanded Flying Squad be the ones who carried out the attack thus the emotional decision to disband it?

Whatever the reason, Museveni 'fixed Uganda's security' problems'.



Following the loss in the February polls in the country and Kasese district in particular, the Museveni regime's security machinery descended on the Bakonjo in Kasese and wrecked havoc.  The brave Bakonjo defended themselves by also killing a number of government security agents.  The regime pretended to have backed off but as I indicated in my article titled "RWENZORI CLASHES - VICTIM OF MUSEVENI'S DIVIDE AND RULE POLICY" of 8th April, 2016 whereby I  rightly predicted thus " further isolate the Bakonjo, the regime may be planning to stage-manage an attack on the Batooro that will pit them them against the Bakonjo."

 On Idd Day in Bwikara village, Kabonero Sub-county of Bunyangabu County, Kabarole district,  a one Akugizibwe David is alleged to have raped a Mukonjo woman and the matter was reported to the Police at Kisomoro.  The suspect was arrested and taken to the police post but was granted a police bond regardless of the gravity of the offence.  Three relatives of the rape victim got furious and assaulted the suspect who reported the matter to the same police at Kisomoro.  When the police from Kisomoro went to arrest the three relatives of the rape suspect, the later resisted prompting the former to seek reinforcement from Kibiito Police Station.  Another attempt to arrest the same people on Wednesday resulted in clashed that culminated in the shooting dead of five Bakonjo who in turn used bows to kill two police officers and injuring other three. The RDC Kabarole district was quick to issue an inflamatory statement branding the incident as an  ethnically motivated attack thus ".....the information am so far receiving is that this is the same group that attacked Kasese and Bundibugyo in February and March 2016.  The army and police has been heavily deployed in the area and  there is no any sign of escalation of the so called ethnic clashes. 

Once again, the Bakonjo have defeated Museveni's security forces and this time around they are ashamed to even afford it the publicity that has always been accorded to other similar past incidents.  The IGP, Gen. Kelekyezi has not even made the usual helicopter rush to the area but has instead CP. Mugenyi.  Because parliament id dead and the media is on life support, there is no one to put government to task over a formal statement on the incident.  Kabonero Sub-county was created out of Kisomoro Sub-county and it houses the sites of NRA's former bases in the Rwenzori mountain.  The area Member of Parliament (M.P) is Hon. Adolf Mwesige who is also the Minister of Defence.  Both the Batooro and the Bakonjo need to resist the evil machinations by the regime which is bent on laying a trap for them. 

In the first instance, why would the 'professional police' grant a police bond to a rape suspect but commit time and resources to go and arrest those who have assaulted him out of frustrations.  There is nothing like ethnic clashes between the Batooro and the bakonjo but a continuation of the witch-hunt of the Bakonjo by Museveni's security forces.  The regime's scheme to spark off an ethnic violence between the Bakonjo and Batooro using this incident seem to have simply flopped but it (regime) will get their way round if the two ethnic communities accept to bend their backs for the regime to ride. 




Thursday, 15 September 2016


Following the 1966 crisis that saw institutions of traditional rulers abolished, a number of loyalists of the Kabaka (king) of Buganda fled to Nairobi, Kenya.  In Uganda, and Buganda in particular, some courageous Baganda attempted to assassinate President Obote but ended up injuring his Vice President, John Babiiha in an ambush along Port Bell Road.  Some of the assassination plotters like Andrew Kyeyune and Obbo fled to Nairobi where they became part of the wider group of the Kabaka loyalists already exiled there. In Kampala, the Obote government increasingly became worried that the exiles in Nairobi would plot against his government.  In Nairobi, courts of law repeatedly frustrated Obote's attempts to legally extradite Baganda refugees prompting him to seek the help of Kenya police to carry out kidnappings.  The same Kenya Police facilitated the spies from Uganda who were dispatched to track down the presumed dissidents.  Among the key target figures was the Ethiopian trained former Kabaka body guard, Captain Abraham Ssenkooma who was residing in Nairobi at the time.

Then CID boss, Hassan Mohammad, SP Festus Wauyo and SP Katerega provided a backup to two young and beautiful ladies who were to make physical contact with the dissidents.  The half caste, 17 years old Lillian Millie who had been a bar maid in Kampala was the bait and to boost her security, Woman Police Constable Sarah Massa (23) were put in the direct line of fire. Once in Nairobi, the two ladies took residence at the Prince Hotel located along Tom Mboya Street.  Kenya Intelligence services very well knew that Uganda exiles frequented top night clubs like Star Light, Sanscheque and others all located in the Eastleigh area.  At the dinning room of Princes Hotel, the two ladies first made physical contact with one Zakaria Kizito who had been a member of the Buganda Lukiko (parliament).  Millie immediately befriended Kizito and as their association became deeper, they discussed Uganda exiles and in the process she landed on Kizito's red diart from which she wrote down names of people she needed to meet - Abraham Ssenkooma, Ex army officer, Capt. Levi Mugarura, John Obbo and Andrew Kyeyune who were suspected to have been involved in the assassination attempt in Kampala.  The two spy ladies masquraded as Kabaka sympathisers. " us find Ssenkoma and his two friends", she demanded.  The three top fugitives lived in a house near Eastleigh Aerodrome (now airbase).  Kizito informed Ssenkooma about the two beautiful Ugandan ladies staying at Princes Hotel and Ssenkooma responded "....don't talk to me about detectives".  At the time the information in possession of the Obote government was that the Kabaka had fled to London via Nairobi and that it had been John Obbo who disguised as a lady had escorted the Kabaka across the border. 

On April 1, 1967, Millie had her first evening out at Starlight Club  at Valley Road where she freely interacted with Ugandans and introduced herself as Lillian Millie from Buganda.  From the information that she had got from Kizito's diary, Millie had already provided information that facilitated the kidnap and extradition of Samuel Kimanye and wife Safina Nkibirango from Nairobi to Kampala. She had also provided information confirming that it had been Andrew Kyeyune who had shot at the convoy of the Vice President in Kampala.  At a home in Eastleigh that had been rented by Krenimal Mawanda, a discussion about the two mysterious girls staying at Princes Hotel started.  Mawanda, Daniel Kiwanuka and John Obbo spearheaded the anti-spying operation and they had acquired a second hand Zephry car at 250 British pounds.  On April 2, 1967 Mawanda was tasked to go and meet the two girls at Princes Hotel at night with the task of identifying and befriending them.  In his company was his relative, a one Essy Ssenvuma and they found the two girls at the dining room and took them out.  From Princes Hotel, the two girls were taken to Starlight Club, for beer, dance and social escapades, went to Rendevous and SansCheque clubs till the early hours of the following day.

By 3rd April, 1967, Team Kabaka had resolved to neutralize the two female spies.  They acquired a second car (Peugeot), two gunny bags and ropes.  They used Ssenvuma who rung Millie at the hotel and invited the two for an evening out.  They agreed that she was to pick them from outside Kenya Cinema on Government Road (now Moi Avenue).  As Essy Ssenvuma went to pick the two girls, Team Kabaka entered Kirumaindo Bar and positioned themselves at strategic points in wait.  At 8.30 the two girls left Princes Hotel and following Government road and were never to return to Princes Hotel.  Sandwiched between John Obbo and Andrew Kyeyune in  the back seat of the car, Daniel Kiwanuka drove along Mombasa Road and only to stop at Athi River bridge.  Obbo and Kyeyune began questioning the two over their spy mission and though they first denied claiming that they had come to join them, they later confessed after they realised that they were in serious danger. They were dragged pot of the car, taken down the river where they were killed by strangling before their bodies were stuffed in gunny bags and sunk into Arthi River using a rock. They were last heard crying for mercy by the driver, Daniel Kiwanuka and Essy Ssenvuma who had remained in the car.

Unknown to Uganda's Director of Special Branch, Hassan Mohammad that his two female spies had been put out of action, he called Princes Hotel in Nairobi in the hope of getting routine updates.  Having been told that the two girls had last been seen the previous day as they left the hotel taking the Government Road, he immediately reached out to his Kenyan counterparts, James Kanyotu and Peter Okola who were heading the police intelligence outfits.  The two launched a search in Nairobi that yielded nothing till on 7th April when a decision was reached to make the disappearance public.  Kenya CID released a statement asking the public "HAVE YOU SEEN THESE KENYAN GIRLS?" With their photos appended thereto, the statement went further to disclose that they had last been seen on 3rd April at 8.30 p.m near Kenya Cinema.  With no useful information not forthcoming, the Kenya CID devised a plan of finding out if anyone knew about the girls' spy mission by sending out another appeal to anyone who could have been having information as to why the girls vanished.  Still, no one came out except that Minica Naomi, a resident of Sofia village not far away from the old Athi River bridge found female decomposing bodies of the two Ugandan spies. 

The police was immediately informed about the discovery and the bodies were retrieved. By that time another squad of Uganda police led by SP Eric Stephenson were already in Nairobi to trace their lost spies. On April 27th, Kenya Police Intelligence Chief launched a series of raids that netted Dan Kiwanuka, John Obbo and Andrew Kyeyuneamong others.  At the time Ssenkooma and Mawanda had already been arrested and handed over to Kampala where they were tortured before they were returned to Nairobi for trial.  All the five were charged with murder and tried.  During the trial, Essy Ssenvuma became a state witness and pinned Team Kabaka.  On 29th January 1968, court found John Obbo, Andrew Kyeyune and Daniel Kiwanuka guilty of murder and were sentenced to death and were hanged at Kamiti Prison.  Mawanda and Senkoma were acquitted but were re-arrested by the police, driven to Malaba border and handed over to the Uganda police.   Two years later, Obote was overthrown by Gen. Iddi Amin. 

Who are the heroes that should be given a national medal for extra ordinary service;  John Obbo and group or the two female spies who were killed by the former?  Over to you Gen. Elly Tumwine, the Chairman of the National Awards Committee.  However, the incident provides good lessons not only to those fleeing from Museveni but also to those who are sent to pursue them. 



The Kabaka (King of Buganda) is the sacred head of all the Baganda who consider him as above everyone except God.  Since the birth of Uganda, the Baganda and their Kingdom in particular has taken a central role in influencing political trends.  All successive regimes in Uganda have thrived on manipulating Buganda and the Baganda in particular.  While fighting the war that brought him to power, he had trouble with the Bganda who were predominantly linked to the D.P.  In order to win over the support of the Baganda, Museveni promised to restore the Kingdom of Buganda that had been abolished by the first Obote government in 1966.  After he had undermined D.P's armed fighting group (UFM) under Andrew Kayiira, the Baganda through the DP had welcomed the Okello junta of mid 1985.  It was an open secret that within Museveni's NRA top command positions were dominated by Banyankole who were accused of mistreating the Baganda fighters.  This prompted Museveni to invite then Prince Ronald Mutebi from London to the NRA liberated zone in the west to dispel that fear.  Shortly after, his NRA took over power in 1986 but it took him another seven years before his Army Council and not the the then parliament (NRC) announced the restoration of the Kingdom in 1993.  The timing was diversionary owing to the then ongoing constitutional process where he feared that the Baganda would agitate for a federal status.  It was a few after the progulamation  of the new constitution that the Baganda realised that Museveni had given them hot air commonly referred to as Byoya Byanswa.

Since then it has been gradually emerging that Museveni hates the institution of traditional rulers and has been making efforts to undermine them and in particular, the Kingdom of Buganda (KB).  To achieve this he has taken the following steps:
-    making the Kabaka a mere ceremonial head of Buganda
-    creating chiefdoms within the kingdom aimed at undermining loyalty to the Kabaka
-    removing the seat of the kingdom (Kampala) from Buganda
-    eliminating the influence of Baganda in the security forces
-    Systematic impoverishment of the Baganda
-    holding on the kingdom properties
-    destruction of historical sites through mysterious fires
-    systematic infiltration of non-Baganda to dominate certain geographical areas of the kingdom
-    state sponsored land grabbing in Buganda
-    humiliating the Kabaka through regime inspired court proceedings by some of his gullible subjects

The Traditional Rulers, Restoration of Properties and Assets Act, 1993 the Kabaka regained possession of his land that had been confiscated in 1966.  He subsequently and consequently registered the said land in the institution of the Kabaka of Buganda.  In March 2010, the Kabaka dragged the central government to court over his land that is housing Kigo prison seeking an order compelling the central government to vacate and return the land to him and a declaration that he is the owner and landlord.  He sought for over 18b shillings in compensation  for thecontinued illegal occupation of the said land since 1993.  In August 2013, Museveni entered into agreement with the Kabaka over partial return of Buganda's property.  that saw 294 land titles returned to the Kabaka.  Of recent the Kabaka through the Buganda Land Board embarked on exercise of compulsorily  registering at a fee all tenants residing on the Kabaka's land.

At the moment, a one Mabirizi Kirumira, has dragged the Kabaka court to challenging ownership of the said land.  He is seeking a declaration that the exercise is illegal hence null and void.  He argues that the land in question does not belong to the Kabaka and that he is simply holding it in trust. The Lukiko (Buganda Parliament) condemned the move describing it as aimed at undermining the authority of the Kabaka.  Most demeaning is that he is seeking a court order to have the Kabaka personally before court to be cross examined.  Museveni who is the instigator of all this is simply watching from a distance in wait for the Kabaka to run to him for salvation.  That is why amid the controversy, at a public function in Makulubita Sub-county last week, Museveni warned 'landlords' against evicting people from land.  He particulary called upon the Buganda Kingdom to respect the so called August 2013 agreement thus " the signing of the agreement, I told my young brother (Kabaka Mutebi) that I was handing the land back to him but he had no powers to evict anybody."

For the Baganda, the Kabaka is sacred and can not be subjected to civil or criminal proceedings.  In their oath of allegiance they declare to make whoever makes their Kabaka to shed tears, shed tears of blood thus "Alikukabya amaziga, ndimukabya omusaayi".   However, during the Kasubi Tombs inferno, the Kabaka publicly shed tears but instead its his subjects who paid with blood when a couple of them were gunned down by Museveni's body guards.




The military dictatorship slammed fake treason charges on the leading opposition leader, Dr. Besigye just to curtail his political activism.  Because the regime did not believe in the same charges, it shortly after granted him bail even before the mandatory one  year period or investigations could be completed.  Last week the regime succumbed to public  pressure and had its own fugitive cadre police Commander, SP Aron Baguma surrendered to court on charges of murder.  The same regime which had arranged for his bail even before he was formally charged before the court, granted him bail.  Finding itself in a fix because the relatives of his co-accused, Mohammed Ssebuwufu had demonstrated at the court premises over preferential treatment, it had to grant him bail too.  During Ssebuwufu's bail hearing, the trial Judge said that he was facing a dilemma because a precedent had been set when the 'home boy',  SP Baguma was granted bail after spending one day on remand.  Double standards have characterised the Museveni regime right from the Bush War days.  At one time the army's High Command devised a policy that in order to cut on the expenditure on transporting dead soldiers to their respective homes, all dead soldiers were to be buried at Kapeeka, in Luwero.  Shortly after, a 'home boy' Capt. Baine of Military Police was killed by the LRA and he was taken to Nyabushozi for burial thus reversing the entire Kapeeka burial arrangement that had been brought in bad faith.  Another 'home boy' Desh Kananura who killed his employee over 30,000/= was granted bail a few years back and the trial was halted while the accused is busy enjoying his motor rallying.  Another live example is of 'home boy' Kasahaka Muhanguzi, the former Permanent Secretary in the Local Government Ministry who was convicted for theft of billions of tax payers money meant for facilitating local council officials.  He was granted bail pending appeal years back and the matter is as good as closed simply because his brothers are Brigadiers and Colonels in the army. The list of examples is endless.

Following the unresolved mysterious killing of Muslim Clerics in the country, the dictatorial military regime rounded up a number of Baganda Muslim leaders of the kibuli sect and incarcerated them on murder charges.  They have been on remand ever since and the trial has not commenced but they have been denied bail.  Former rebel ADF leader, Jamil Mukulu was extradited from Tanzania over a year ago and has since been incarcerated incommunicado at the notorious police custody at Nalufenya ever since.  It took the intervention of parliament for him to be formally remanded to prison last week.  At his first public appearance, he accused the regime of torturing him including forcing him to ear pork and and take alcahol.

Now that precedents have been set on bail for capital offences like murder and treason, the Muslims on remand for murder should also be granted bail if they so wish.  Ofcourse, Museveni would not wish to grant them bail because he treats Muslims as terrorists, but being a hypocrite he may give in to pressure.


Thursday, 1 September 2016


Please accept my deep condolence for the loss of Betty Katusabe (RIP) at the hands of a breakdown of law and order.  I say so because where there is law and order, police officers don't arrest people over debts unless they are executing a Court Order.  Worse still even when the police arrests, they take the suspects to the police station and not to the offices of the complainants as was the case in the murder case of Katusabe.  More worse, no police officer would find the victim in eminent danger of death from torture and cheer on before simply walking away leaving the victim to be killed shortly after. 
I appreciate the efforts you have been making to have the perpetrators brought to justice.  In the same regard, may you accept my sincere sympathies for the pressure behind your recent misguided appeal to the DPP to drop murder charges against SP Baguma. On the other hand your actions are helping to bring to light the characteristics of a breakdown in law and order.
It is against this background that I wish to share with you a few facts pertaining to the criminal justice system of a civilised society as follows:
A crime is an act declared so by the law and punishable by the state.  It is also called an offence or a criminal offence and is considered an act harmful not only to an individual, some individuals, but also to a community, society or state thus its a public wrong.

Also called Penal Law is a body of laws that relate to crime.  In Uganda, the main collection of criminal law is found in the Penal Code Act.  It regulates social conduct and prescribes whatever is threatening, harmful, or otherwise endangering to the property, health, safety and moral welfare of people.  It includes the punishment of people who violate these laws.  It lays down the minimum standard of behaviour for citizens of a given state.
Criminal offences are classified are classified into three categories namely:
(a)  Infractions/violations - these are petty offences usually punishable by fines but not jail.
(b)  Misdemeanour   -  these are criminal offences that carry up to a year in jail with alternative punishments of fine, probation, caution, community service etc.  Such offences are simple assault, theft, etc.
(c)  Felonies         -  this is the most serious type of criminal offence.  It involves physical harm or threat of harm to victims.  Also, white collar crimes like Fraud, forgery, offences against the state, etc. fall in this  category.  Felonies attract serious sentences like life imprisonment and death.
The purpose of criminal law is to protect society by facilitating the detection and prosecution of criminal actions while protecting the rights of the accused.  It is also the means through which the state prosecutes and punishes individuals charged with violating the law.  Usually a wronged party feels the moral obligation to seek revenge and a functioning criminal justice system will help relieve you such obligation by acting on your behalf by forbidding you from taking such revenge by ensuring that any wrong does not call for an escalating war of retribution.
It keeps law and order in society and lessen the harm individuals may cause to one another by delivering justice for all through correcting and punishing the guilty thus helping them to stop offending again while at the same time protecting the innocent.  It aims at achieves retribution so that the offender suffers for having breaking the law, deterrence of other members of society from committing similar offences, incapacitating  and rehabilitation of the offender.
This is a system of practise and institutions of government directed at upholding social control, deterring and mitigating crime or sanctioning those who violate laws with criminal penalties.  Those accused of crime are also protected against abuse of investigatory and prosecutory powers under the principle of Presumption of innocence and burden of proof.  The responsible institutions of government are the Legislature that makes criminal laws, the police and DPP who investigate and prosecute respectively, the Courts that adjudicate, and the Correction (jail, prisons, probation, etc.).
This is the adjudication process of criminal law that begins with the criminal charge, trial, conviction or acquittal of the accused.  In Uganda, the Police arrests and investigates with guidance of the DPP who is charged with conducting prosecutions while the courts of law conducts the trial.  The nature of criminal charges is determined by the evidence on record and during the trial the prosecution carries the burden of proving the accused's guilt (burden of Proof) because not until court finds him/her guilty, he/she is presumed to be innocent (Presumption of Innocence).  It guards against the wrongful conviction or maltreatment of those accused of criminal wrong doing. This is what civilized societies call Rule of Law.

While criminal law deals with matters affecting public order thus wrongs committed against the stat, relationships between individuals are taken care under the private law called civil law.  Examples of private law include law of tort, family law, law of property, and breaches of contract which are enforced by courts without involving the state (DPP and police).  This is the law under which Ssebuwufu ought to have sought relief if he had not been instigated by SP Baguma. 
Its under the same law that the family and dependants of the late Katusabe will seek relief in form of compensation from the accused by way of commencing civil proceedings in the event that the later will have been convicted.  Since the law exonerates the police from the actions of individual police officers, even if SP Baguma and other officers will be convicted, the family of Katusabe will proceed against him as an individual and not the state.

In criminal law an omission will constitute an actus reus (guilty act - physical element of committing a crime) and give rise to criminal liability only when the law imposes a duty to act and the defendant is in breach of that duty.  Prosecution only needs to prove that the defendant was aware of the duty to act and in R Vs Mitter (1983) 2 AC 161 it was held that a person who creates a dangerous situation may be under a duty to take reasonable steps to avert it.  As a police officer, SP Baguma deployed his officers to arrest Katusabe and deliver her to Ssebuwufu's office and it was not by co-incidence that later on he went to the same office and found the deceased being physically tortured and did nothing to take reasonable steps to avert her killing.
Therefore, by the time the DPP chose to prefer Murder charges against Baguma for murder of Betty Katusabe, he had the evidence.  It is most likely that no family member of the deceased is even a witness in the murder charge against Bagume and others thus you have no role in the entire trial.  May be to guard the tomb where the deceased was buried because some cadre Judge may order for another postmortem when the body will have already been stolen from the grave. 
The State through the DPP is trying to carry out its cardinal duty of protecting society from wrong doers thus Uganda Vs SP Baguma and others and not the family of the late Katusabe against Baguma thus we all have a stake in the matter because if not deterred Bgauma's next victim wont necessarily be from your family but any other member of society.  Its only in infractions/violations which are minor offences where it has been a practice to allow the parties to reconcile by way of recording an additional statement by the complainant expressing his wish to reconcile with the accused.  Such offences are commonly referred to as Minor Offences thus they are even statutorily handled by village local council committees.  Once the reconciliation process is initiated, the matter is closed but this does not apply to felonies as is the case with the murder charges facing Baguma and others. 

Have you bothered to find out who sent the police officers to arrest Katusabe and take her to Ssebuwufu's office!  Where are the officers who carried out the arrest? Was it by coincidence that Baguma went to Ssebuwufu's Office at the time when the deceased was being tortures?  The DPP has answers to all such questions and court will evaluate the evidence available.  Remember the office of the DPP is constitutionally independent and your attempt to influence, interfere and blackmail it may amount to obstruction of justice.  The evidence incriminating Baguma is in possession of some of the accused already on remand and others still at large being shielded by IGP Kalekyezi and not you the relatives of the deceased. 
By your acceptance to be manipulated by the regime to shamelessly act out of ignorance over SP Baguma's innocence, you are making  fools of yourselves.  Your alleged Baguma's role in rejuvenating the case was nothing but a criminal deception that is commonly referred to as Rwicha Ruhoze in Kinyarwanda or Okutoreza n'ababwibire in Runyankole.  Moreover, the success of the entire case lies on the misunderstanding between the DPP and the Police and  when Museveni intervenes, the two agencies will work together to kill the case a few years from now once the dust will have settled down. Moreover, Baguma may not be residing in prison; a special privilege non of you may ever enjoy.