Monday, 28 November 2016


Gen. Julius Oketta was the deputy to Gen. Salim Saleh under the Operation Wealth Creation.  

He abruptly passed on last month but throughout the funeral Gen. Saleh was no where to be seen.

Very much like IGP (Police Chief) Gen. Kayihura was under Gen. Aronda who was the Minister of Internal Affairs.  

Aronda died abruptly aboard an Emirates flight from South Korea to Dubai. Gen. Kayihura was no where to be seen for Gen. Aronda’s funeral. 

Have your say.



On 26th November 2016 Sheikh Kiggundu was gunned down together with his
driver, Sgt. Richard Mukasa in the usual fashion of killing Muslim
clerics.  The incident marks a resumption of the trend of killings of
Muslim clerics that had been halted by the ultimatum that had been
issued by the clerics who threated to fight for their survival if
government had failed to protect them but more so the last general
elections.  As usual the police were quick at pointing at the usual
suspects - the ADF rebel group.

As the then Emir of Kampala district, Kiggundu had been one of the
leaders of the Jamat Dawa Salafiya/Tabliq Muslim sect that clashed with
security forces over the invasion of the Old Kampala mosque in 1991.
He fled into exile and formed the Uganda National Freedom
Movement/Army (UNFM/A) that set up bases in West Nile, Congo and Sudan
whereby he was its Chairman.  His group never carried out any attacks
anywhere until in 2000 when he returned to Uganda upon being granted
amnesty.  As is always the norm for those who denounce rebellion he
was placed under CMI (military intelligence) to help with spying on
those still in rebellion.  In May 2005 he facilitated the return of 16
members of his group from Sudan - being the last batch of his 200
strong UNFM/A.

He resumed his active religious activities under the Tabliq sect at
the Nakasero mosque.  He was one of the Clerics that disagreed with
the now detained head of the Tablic sect, Sheikh Kamoga who is
detained over murder of other clerics.  Kiggundu and other clerics fled
to Kibuli mosque and joined the faction opposed to the one of Kamoga.

As part of the deal, the intelligence services recommended his being
crowned to the military rank of Major which Museveni granted in 2007.
Though the army claims to have a policy of restraining it personnel's
involvement in religious activities, Kiggundu was given exception
because he helped the regime to ferment divisionism among the Muslim
community.  He has been a regular panellist at the Islamic affiliated
Pearl FM radio station.

On top of his two Sudanese wives, in November 2015 he wedded Sylvia
Namutebi aka Mama Fina the Chairperson of Uganda Traditional
Herbalists and Healers Association and a strong regime political
mobiliser. She converted to Islam and became Sofia Namutebi. While at
the scene of crime on Saturday, she directly called Museveni to
complain over the delay to remove her husband's dead body from the
scene. It was through her that Museveni gave orders to an army Colonel
for ambulances to evacuate the dead body. Museveni should be commended
for managing the scene of crime.


1.   Kiggundu was never a member of the ADF rebel group.  Though a fake
army Major, his role in the Muslim wrangles put the army in an
impartial position.

2.  His shooting provided a smoke screen for the Kasese carnage the
following day that has left 60+ people dead thus the ADF version.

3.  It sends a message that other than Museveni who is guarded by
10,000+ soldiers, any other Ugandan can be shot dead.  Therefore Dr.
Besigye should be on the watch out.



First published on August 11, 2013 by Change of Guards Blog

Museveni went to the Nairobi peace talks well knowing that he was in a vulnerable situation and was armed with only one weapon - the art of manipulation. In the west, NRA fighters were assured not to be bothered by the ongoing talks. Instead, recruitment and training was intensified. Some recruits would even come in from as far as the government controlled areas in Buganda and Busoga.

A ceasefire was put in place to allow the peace talks a smooth progress. The NRA went into a further merry making. The government delegation to the peace talks was composed among others DP Paulo Semogerere and Sam Kutesa. The men Museveni feared most among the government delegation were Paulo Mwanga and Col. Gad Wilson Toko. 

He pushed for their removal and they were dropped. Unknown to the government delegation was that Sam Kuteesa was Museveni's spy. As a way of buying time, Museveni kept shifting goal posts in his demands. However, what stunned him most was the level of recognition the government accorded to Salim Saleh yet he was not the overall commander of the NRA. Saleh's popularity worried Museveni very much then and continues to be a source of worry hence accounting for why he has always kept him at the periphery of the NRA.

When the NRA went to the west in mid 1985, Saleh's Mobile Brigade had remained in Luwero. During the ceasefire period, NRA's Mobile Brigade would freely mix with the UNLAs in the Luwero Triangle. Senior UNLA officers even tried to entice Saleh to just abandon Museveni the politician and join hands with government to pursue a military career. 

They would bring him whatever he needed from Kampala more especially Acholi. It is because of the cease fire and that mood of oneness that NRA's Pecos Kuteesa managed to trick all the UNLAs and disarmed them in Kiboga.

To avert a possible sell out, Museveni ordered Saleh's Mobile Brigade to leave Luwero and link up with the now main NRA in the Western region. One would wonder why the UNLA did not move into Luwero to finish off the locals whom according to Museveni the NRA had been offering security. 

Of course Luwero Triangle meant more than Luwero the district. At this time even Kyaligonza had to leave his operational bases in some areas of Mukono district. In the west the mobile brigade moved through Mityana, Mubende and headed for Masaka where it established its headquarters at Lwengo. The UNLA's 12th Battalion under the able command of Julius Oketta refused to surrender to NRA. The NRA could not attempt to attack the barracks because of the landscape which is its natural defence but more so the heavy undetonated mines that lay intact all around the defence. 

At the time the NRA did not have heavy artillery that could sustain a bombardment of the barracks into surrendering. The government tried to keep the besieged troops in Masaka barracks supplied but the pilots were not very accurate as some of the supplies would land into the areas under the control of the NRA. The Commanding Officer, Julius Oketta using the military radio would bitterly send strong worded messages. 

At one point he pointed our that "........the NRA are proving to be men and we are not..." before suggesting that the government should disconnect power supply to the NRA controlled Western region. Around the same time some UFM and FEDEMO Baganda boys crossed to the NRA led by among others Ndugute aka Kalisoliso (RPF). Even Kasirye Gwanga may have become part of the NRA around this time but he always claims to be a historical member of NRA.

The UNLA in Kampala planned a major offensive to rescue the now trapped Masaka barracks. The NRA moved faster to block them at Katonga bridge resulting into the stalemate. 

The UNLA was let down by an earlier promise by FUNA to avail 20000 troops but it proved to be a hoax. They would often exchange verbal artillery i.e. the UNLA would shout to the NRA that "tomorrow we are taking tea from Masaka" and they would reply in the opposite. NRA's Pecos Kuteesa in particular would shout to UNLA's Herbert Murombe aka Odudua (a Hima) wondering over why Murombe was on the side of the Anyanya and would call him names like you are faeces. 

Herbert would assure Pecos that he would only have to be captured first for him to join the NRA. Herbert is now a senior officer in the NRA. Security in Kampala was being managed by the different armed groups who lacked a centralised command and control. Another unknown force in Kampala was the Museveni's clandestine group who fueled the insecurity. 

Serwanga Lwanga was captured by the government and by coincidence a plane was hijacked by NRA's Innocent Bisangwa from Entebbe and taken to the NRA in Kasese. In exchange for the plane and the hostages, Serwanga was set free.

A peace deal was signed on 7th Dec 1985. Saleh negotiated with Julius Oketta who as a condition was left to command his own forces that helped to dislodge the UNLA from Katonga bridge - opening the door for Museveni to march to Kampala and take power.



First published on July 14, 2016

Extra judicial shooting and killings of innocent Ugandans by security officers Is becoming a norm.  Just during the month of June alone the following incidents of shooting and killings did take place:
1.. A trigger happy police officer shot dead a young man in his early 20s and injured three others
2.   In Entebbe a policeman shot dead Gideon Ssekyomu because he had defaulted on paying for a plate of food worth 2000 Uganda shillings.
3.   In Lira a police officer shot and injured a cyclist who was passing by as they violently evicted market vendors.   
4.. In the Kampala city centre, a police officer called Muhumuza shot and injured Kakooza in the neck as he quietly drove from work.
5.  A number of people are often shot dead by the police on grounds that they are armed robbers. 

The police have now acquired another permit to kill under the pretext of self defence.  They claim that the victims had intended to grab guns from the shooters.  Whatever the case the Museveni regime has a grand scheme of instilling fear in the population. 

In its estimates, they believe that intimidation and fear will undermine pro-change political activism and any other form of political dissent.  That the population will forego their human rights as they view the security forces as the Alpja and Omega.  Courts of law and parliament will be subordinated to the security forces.   Eventually that fear will create a cosmetic political stability that will explode even when Museveni will have long left the political scene. 

Another reason for creating a situation of insecurity, fear and leniency uncertainty more especially during the period of national budget making, debate and passing so that defence and security are justifiably allocated the lions share of the national budget.  Its the defence and security sector that is used as the most secure conduit of Billions of taxi payer's money for personal use by the privileged few.  



First published on July 27, 2014

On 5th July 2014 some of Museveni's security machinery installations in the Rwenzori region were attacked by unknown people. The attack came took place a few days after Museveni had installed the Bamba cultural leaders amidst protests from the Rwenzururu kingdom. It also took place when Museveni in a bid to resurrect the Tooro/Konjo hatred was preaching about the injustices that Bamba and Bakonjo suffered under the Tooro kingdom. He also intended to divert the Konjo from protesting the creation of the Bwamba kingdom from the Rwenzururu kingdom.

In Bundibugyo which was the epic of the attack, the desperate attackers killed a number of security personnel before taking 20 guns, according to government. It was only government installations that were attacked. The first attack was on the controversial National Identity Card registration center at Kikyo a number of registration kits were destroyed before taking off with one gun. The recently militarised game rangers out post at Ntandi lost two guns to the attackers. 

At the controversial Rwenzururu kingdom shrine, two soldiers were killed at a gun taken. At the newly crowned Bamba king's palace, a policeman was injured and his gun taken. An attack on the army's 39th Bn barracks, left a captain and another soldier injured. Of course there must have been more damage but in order for the army to protect its image, some information must be kept secret. In Kasese, an attack on a police outpost at the weigh bridge saw one policeman killed and another injured before taking off with two guns. In the newly created district of Ntoroko, a soldier was ambushed and killed before taking his gun.

Three attackers were killed at Kibuku, 45 at the army barracks in Bundibugyo (though the press initially saw 23 bodies lying at the army compound), three were killed at Stanbic Bank and two were killed at the Taxi Park.

In Bundibugyo, none civilians were targeted by the attackers. In Karugutu, a stray bulled killed a three-year-old at Kibuku during exchange of fire. The 11 civilians including a soldier who was on leave that were killed in Kasese seem to have been victims of a coincidence since it does not match with the pattern of attack else where.

On 7th the army hastily buried 53 of the 55 bodies of the attackers on Bundibugyo. Two dead bodies were claimed by the relatives. One of them is mentioned as Ramadhan Gasasira (the only non Mukonjo) among the dead. He is a Munyarwanda/Mulaalo whom a local resident had brought from Kiboga to look after his cattle. 

The army spokesman said that Gasasira was among the attackers and that he had been indoctrinated by the attackers to help them in attacking. This position contradicts the assertion that the attacks were tribal clashes. The same spokesman stated that the army would keep watch on the mass grave until the bodies would decompose. What are the identities of those who were killed and buried by the army in a mass grave????

A couple of hours after the attack exiled General David Sejusa issued a statement claiming that the attacks were defiance against the government. This prompted Museveni to issue a hasty statement suggesting that the attack was orchestrated by the Bakonjo and their Rwenzururu kingdom though he could not mention any Mwamba who was attacked, injured or killed. 

He boosted about how his army had killed 45 of the attackers before repulsing them and capturing 65 suspected attackers. His unfortunate statement ignited tribal sentiments that led the Bambas with the assistance of security forces to attack the Konjos residing in Bundibugyo thus the current secret mass graves being unearthed.

The government persistently insisted that the attacks were tribal clashes. There is no iota of evidence of a single Mwamba who was killed, injured or whose property was destroyed by the attackers. The only civilians allegedly killed by the attackers were the Basongora in Kasese district. Among them was a soldier who was on leave who was burnt to death together with some members of his family. If the Bakonjo intended to attack the Basongora, there were more easy targets than the soldier. 

The family names of the soldier in question i.e. Nabimanya, Kwakunda, Bariho, Katushabe, Nduhukire, Bainoburyo etc. are Kinyankole names. This suggests that they are Himas (Museveni's ethnic) and may have been targeted because of that. However, it is also possible they were migrants into the area where there exists land conflicts. The deceased soldier's wife is reported to have stated that the attackers were their neighbours whom they knew by name and face. She added that she had later on taken her surviving daughter to Kyankwanzi in Kiboga for refuge. 

The Basongora don't have such names and have no links with Kiboga in Buganda. There is a high possibility of the soldiers’ family belongs to the Balalo community who have been roaming Hoima, Masindi and Kiboga and clashing with locals there. Therefore, the killing of civilians in Kasese may have been a coincidence since it does not match with the pattern of attacks that took place in Bundibugyo where no single ethnic Mwamba was targeted.

The government is exhuming three mass graves so far discovered in Bundibugyo. Initially, the government and security forces in particular dismissed claims of the existence of mass graves in rural Bundibugyo. He even offered to facilitate the authorities with transport to visit the area but in vain. 

The NRM chairman of the area, a one Mumbere formally reported about their existence and the perpetrators but was brushed aside. The area GISO and another councillor who reported about the same were instead arrested. The said NRM chairman who is a Mukonjo had to petition the IGP but in vain. Earlier on the LC I chairman one Bataringaya Atwooki (Mwamba) down played the reports saying that only five injured attackers who were retreating died in his area and that RDC and Col Mawa Dula gave them a go-ahead to bury them in a mass grave. 

Did the five die at the same time and place!!!!!!! What was retired Col Mawa Dula who is a Mukonjo and NRM leader in Kasese doing in Bundibugyo at the time? Now, the mass graves have come to light and are being exhumed. 15 bodies have been exhumed from three mass graves so far. During the exercise, the local area LC I chairman went into hiding. Some locals state that some of the bodies of other victims of reprisal attacks were ties to heavy stones and thrown into the swamp.

These secret mass graves no doubt are for the Bakonjo victims residing in Bundibugyo who were killed by Bambas and security forces at the instigation of Museveni's inciting and inflaming statement. A councillor of Bundirombi LC I confided to the Saturday Monitor that they were not concerned about those that were killed by the army Police during the attack but were angered by the Baamba who killed their sons who were retreating from battle with government. 

"We only attacked government institutions. We were not after our Bamba and Babwisi brothers because if wanted we knew where their families were and we would have killed a good number. Even when we attacked the Omudhinga's (Bamba king) palace we knew where the king was but we were not interested in his life."

Initially security forces claimed to have captured 65 suspected attackers in Bundibugyo. Since then a joint security swoops by the police army and ISO have arrested, tortured and detained hundreds more Bakonjos from both Kasese and Bundibugyo. A total of 171 suspects have been charged before the General Court Martial. 

Of these, 51 are from Kasese and they opposed their trial in the Court Martial. The constitutional court had earlier annulled the trial of civilians in the Court Martial. Of course Museveni brought in the court Martial simply to regularise the detention without trial as has always been the case with political offences.

Security forces claim that since the alleged attacks a total of 157 suspected attackers have surrendered and 16 guns out of the 22 allegedly stolen were recovered. The so called surrendering suspects surrender without firearms but the army does not tell us how they are recovering the arms. 

The so called reception centers are holding grounds for those rounded up after graduating from the secret interrogation and screening centers by security agencies. Not all those who are rounded up make it to the so called reception centers. The dead and seriously maimed victims of torture may never be known until HRW releases its reports months later. It is also more likely that those alleged to be surrendering are Bakonjo from Bundibugyo who are victims of government inspired reprisal attacks. 

The Bambas could be taking advantage of the situation to harass the Konjos so that they abandon their land and other property in Bundibugyo. The army and the Police were attacked, they are the victims, the complainants, the investigators, prosecutors and judges in the ongoing trial!!!! There must be a lot of atrocities by security agencies taking place in that area.

Museveni was the first to give a statement pertaining to the incidents. Later the Minister of Defense who is a suspect (being an ethnic Munyabindi opposed to the Rwenzururu kingdom) also gave a statement on the floor of parliament. The later gave figures that contradicted those of Museveni. While Museveni said that it was 51 attackers killed, the Minister said that it is 68 attackers who were killed. 

The army claims to have buried 53 bodies of suspected attackers. When and where were the rest killed and buried respectively?? How many arms were recovered from the 68 killed attackers? Not even a single gun was recovered from the bodies of the killed attackers. Were they suicide bombers! Like any other attack, there ought to have been injuries on the enemy side; where are the injured? Government has never reported any injured attackers! How many Bambas were killed or injured by the attacking Bakonjos? The answer is none! We wait for the government official statement on the secret mass graves now being exhumed.

Rwenzori kingdom rightly rejected the government version of ethnic clashes. Instead, the kingdom advised government not to be biased but to get to the bottom of the root cause of the problem. The kingdom had six of its Ministers arrested and charged. The king militarily prepared for a military assault on his palace but was called off at the last minute. 

Had the government dared to assault the palace the result would have had dire consequences. The Rwenzururu king has maintained that the attacks were the design of those opposed to his kingdom. At the time of the attacks, Museveni had bolstered security for the Banyabindi in Kasese who were preparing to commemorate the alleged massacre of their tribesmen by the Rwenzururu fighters during the 60s. 

This was amidst protests by the Bakonjo but since the powerful Minister of Defence is a Munyabindi and a strong opponent of the Rwenzururu kingdom, security had to be provided. Unlike in Kayunga where government stopped the Kabaka of Buganda from visiting for fear of a security breach, in Kasese it provided security for the minority Banyabindi to go ahead with their provocative function. In a bid to further weaken the Rwenzururu kingdom, Museveni intended to install a one Mugisha as the cultural head of the Banyabindi.

Museveni claimed that there had been an intelligence failure. He blamed ISO in particular. ISO chief Brig. Balya disagreed with him by insisting that its only an that can pinpoint who is to take the blame because according to him intelligence gathering in the area is a collective responsibility of the army, police, ISO and the political leaders. 

If it is true that the attacks were carried out by local peasants, then such attacks are an expression of dissatisfaction with the system it is difficult for security agencies to detect and deter a mass uprising.

Blaming the intelligence will not save Museveni from the bitter truth. What about the burning of over 1000 people in Kanungu by Kibwetere's religious cult? Was ISO not in place? Poorly armed Alice Lakwena's Holly Spirit Movement managed to overran the army all the way from northern Uganda to Jinja. The ADF managed to overran Mpondwe, Bwera, Kasese and Buseruka in Hoima. Was ISO not present in these areas? The fact is that where there is proliferation of intelligence and security agencies, effective coordination is compromised. 

In the recent case of Rwenzori, where it is the president who is perpetuating instability, it is very difficult for security agencies to pay attention. When there is a coup attempt, the only person that is suspected is the President. In the Uganda under Museveni, security agencies are preoccupied with protecting Museveni, his family, his cohorts, and their loot with no time of protecting the country, its people and their property.

From the above facts it can be concluded that the attacks targeted government institutions like the police and the army. There is no alleged attack that was shot, injured and then captured in action. The identities of those who were shot dead and hurriedly buried will never be known. 

Those alleged to have been captured in action have denied the charges. Those alleged to be reporting at the reception centers are doing so without arms. The government is not disclosing the method it is using to recover some of the earlier stolen arms and the culprits.

If it is true that the courageous attacks on security installations were carried out by civilians, then it shows the level of disparity among the masses to dislodge Museveni from power by force. It is a challenge to those political leaders in the opposition who are posturing to be having a plan "B" to wake up to the call and provide leadership to the masses who are more than ready. However, the message was well sent and received by Museveni.

The government acknowledges that the attacks were well coordinated but falls short of reconciling the fatal losses allegedly sustained by the attackers and the so called good coordination. Could the well coordinated attacks have inflicted heavier losses on the security forces than the public eye can see! 

On the other hand, if the attack had been blessed by the Rwenzururu Kingdom, it would have been more fatal. Unlike other kingdoms in Uganda, the Rwenzururu kingdom is a product of a protracted and bitter armed resistance. Among the Konjos are many former Rwenzururu fighters, former NALUs, NRA deserters and veterans etc. The king himself has a sound military background. It is highly probable that the former Rwenzururu freedom movement still has its arsenals well reserved high up in the mountains in case of a "rainy day". Moreover, given the secretive nature of the Konjos and their unshakable solidarity and determination, it would take a few hours for Kingdom to pass a message and have all Konjos to desert the security forces and they assemble before their king for war. 

Even if they did not have reserves of arms, if they needed them would simply go to their cousins in the Congo and acquire as much as they needed instead of attacking police and army barracks bare handed. Well, the army is reviving the Alpine Mountain Brigade to be permanently stationed in the Rwenzori Mountain. Is to prevent alleged tribal clashes or the tightly guarded secret. Why has the government not yet made efforts to institute reconciliation mechanisms between the so called tribes that clashed last three weeks ago.

The real truth is yet to come out.



At the beginning of the 20th century Buganda kingdom was powerful and well organized society. It had a superior military and political strength. The Baganda were united under their Kabaka. They had a very rich culture and never wanted to federate with other communities in Uganda. Being the biggest tribe and centrally located in present day Uganda, much civilization started from Buganda before it spread to other societies.

During the struggle for independence and post independence politics, the Baganda took central stage. Though it is generally believed that Uganda got its independence on a silver plate, the Baganda shed blood. Their Kabaka (king) was exiled and humiliated, his subjects mistreated but their determination was not deterred. Though Buganda had advocated its own independence, it later wholeheartedly gave in to a united Uganda. 

No doubt the Baganda are the most accommodating people in Uganda. Shortly after independence, the alliance between the pro-Buganda party (KY) and the UPC saw the Kabaka become the first non executive President of Uganda. Milton Obote became the Executive Prime Minister. The alliance was genuine and Uganda was set on a road to political stability and economic prosperity.

However, like was the case with Museveni following the overthrow of Iddi Amin, Grace Ibingira an ambitious lawyer and Secretary General of the UPC wanted to become President of Uganda. He planned to dislodge Obote from the leadership of the UPC Ibingira had just won the elections for the hotly contested post of UPC Secretary General against Obote’s choice of Kakonge. It was clear that the UPC party had been split along the pro-Obote and pro-Ibingira factions. To achieve his ambition Ibingira sought the support of Buganda by selling the idea to the Kabaka. 

A military coup plot was hatched that involved the then Army Commander Brig Shaban Opolot who had close relationship with Buganda through marriage. The coup plot was unearthed and Ibingira together with four cabinet Ministers were arrested. Kabaka Mutesa sought military assistance from the UK and Ethiopia. The Buganda Lukiko (parliament) passed a resolution calling for the central government to vacate Buganda soil. Through the Kabaka’s chiefs, Baganda masses were mobilised for rebellion around the Lubiri (palace).

The central government under Milton Obote reacted by declaring a state of emergency over Buganda region. The Uganda Army under Col Iddi Amin was sent to quell the rebellion around the Lubiri. After a day long battle between the Uganda Army and the Kabaka’s guards and masses, the rebels were overpowered and the Kabaka fled into exile. 

The Army Commander Brig Shaban Opolot was relieved of his office and replaced by Col Iddi Amin who had been the Deputy Army Commander. The 1962 constitution was suspended ending Buganda’s federal status and much cherished monarchical rule. Milton Obote assumed the executive presidency powers. The Kabaka was later to meet his death in exile over suspected poisoning that was attributed to the then President Milton Obote. Hatred for Obote by the Baganda traces its origin from this period.

When Iddi Amin overthrew Milton Obote in 1971, the Baganda overwhelmingly embraced the new regime of Iddi Amin. Its for the same reasons that the anti-Amin struggle never took root among the Baganda. Even when the invading groups from Tanzania were pushing against Iddi Amin, caution was exercised not to bring
Obote to the fore in order not to hurt the Baganda. The two post Amin presidents Prof. Lule and Binaisa were both Baganda including Paul Muwanga the powerful Chairman of the Military Commission. During the 1980 general elections that were won by the UPC under Milton Obote, the Baganda overwhelmingly supported the Democratic Party (DP). 

After these disputed elections, its the Baganda that led the armed groups to fight the UPC government. Both Prof Lule and Andrew Kayira initiated the armed rebellion against the Obote government and enjoyed undisputed support in Buganda. It is this support that Museveni opportunistically jumped in to exploit by forming alliances with both groups before suffocating them. He was later to emerge as the sole leader of the bush war. 

During the bush war, when the going got tougher, Museveni hoodwinked the Baganda with promises of restoring the Kingdom in return for their support to dislodge their traditional enemy Milton Obote. It is in the same efforts that Prince Mutebi was smuggled to the bush to reassure the Baganda fighters before the final push on Kampala where Baganda leaders(DP) and fighters (UFM and FEDEMO) had joined hands with the Okello junta.

After taking over power, in early the 90s a symbolic monarch was restored by a military council resolution and not the NRC. Since then there has been occasional collision between Museveni and Buganda. However, Museveni has tamed the Kabaka not to be confrontational. His only discomfort is the office of the Katikiro (Prime Minister) and the Lukiko (parliament) for which he has always reasoned that they should be elected. 

He has publicly declared that Buganda kingdom harbours enemies of his government and that the kingdom was receiving funding from foreign sources to fight his government. However, of late relations between Buganda and Museveni seem to be improving. This can be attributed to the Kabaka firmly presiding over his Lukiko and Prime Ministers. More so, the current calmness is precipitated by fear that a continued confrontational approach towards Buganda could be exploited by exiled Gen. Tinyefuza to win Buganda’s support in his bid to dislodge Museveni from power.

Kabaka Mutebi knows very well that Museveni can’t hesitate to attack him militarily as was the case in the 1966 against his father. But more so, he knows that unlike his father King Mutesa, Kabaka Mutebi can’t afford to escape from a Museveni orchestrated military onslaught. If anything, in case of a serious misunderstanding, Kabaka Mutebi would only be held hostage since he is always surrounded and kept watch by Museveni’s elite security forces on pretext of providing him personal security.


Sunday, 27 November 2016


The recent elevation of Wilson Mbadi to the rank of Maj. General and his appointment as one of the three top Commanders of the NRA is part of the ongoing countrywide counter Insurgency campaign.

Wilsom Mbadi is a Mukonjo by tribe of Kasese district. The Bakonjo occupy the greater part of the strategic Mountain Rwenzori. This mountain that borders with DRC has a history of harbouring guerilla groups. In the 1960s, fighters of the Rwenzururu Freedom Movement established bases in the Rwenzori mountain. UNLF-AD under Chief Ali established bases in the Rwenzori Mountains during the early 1980s. 

When the going grew tougher for Museveni's NRA in Luwero in 1984, it retreated to the Rwenzori Mountains. The NALU of Amon Bazira had bases in the Rwenzori mountains during the late 1980s. Since the mid 1990s, the ADF guerillas have enjoyed sanctuary in the Rwenzori mountains. For all these fighting groups, the Rwenzori mountain has provided them with tactical advantage.

The local residents who are the Bakonjo have rendered a hand in one way or the other to the fighting groups. However, for quite sometime the voting pattern of Kasese district has been a source of worry for Museveni. Surprisingly, Kasese district is an opposition FDC stronghold throughout the western region. 

Though the district has a number of other tribes like the Batooro, Bakiga and Banyankole who are found in urban centres, it is the indigenous Bakonjo who are the majority in the mountainous areas. The indigenous minority Basongora, occupy a small area in the lowlands.

Therefore, the majority of the voters in Kasese district are the Bakonjo. At one time the opposition party (FDC) shadow Minister of Defence was an MP from Kasese. The PRA guerilla group had a good number of Bakonjo boys. Maj. Muhindo who deserted the NRA is suspected to be with PRA. A number of ADF fighters are Bakonjo hailing from Kasese

The Bakonjo enjoy an advantage across the border in DRC where they have close ethnic linkages with some communities there. The Bandandi and Banyabwishi ethnic communities in DRC are close cousins of the Bakonjo in Uganda. They occupy strategic areas along the Rwenzori mountains on the DRC side. They extend to areas of DRC across Lake Edward, Bushenyi, Kihihi, Bwindi/Kanungu in Uganda. 

This includes the strategic Kanyabayonga raised ground in DRC. An influential Munyabwitsi and now a DRC Minister Mbusa Nyamwisi was a one time Museveni backed rebel leader in Eastern DRC before the two fell out.

On the northern side of the Rwenzori in Uganda's Bundibugyo district are the politically dormant Bambas. By ethnicity, the Bambas have no linkage with any ethnic group in DRC. Instead, Museveni mobilised the Pastrolists Hema communities across the Semuliki River in DRC during the Ituri conflict. To fully secure that geographical sector, he linked them with the Ugandan Batuku ethnic pastrolists group in Ntoroko. He has granted them district status and is now working on isolating them from the Tooro Kingdom.

Therefore, in the Rwenzori region, it is the politically active and naturally secretive, industrious but determined Bakonjo who remain a problem to Museveni. His schemes of isolating the minority Basongora from the Tooro kingdom and granting them a separate district may not materialise as the Bakonjo remain a dominant force in Kasese. 

The appointment of Cryspus Kiyonga as Minister of defence has not realised the intended results on the ground. The District Chairmanship of a renown former NRA highway robber, Col Dula Mawa has not made the desired impact.

It is against that background that Museveni elevated Wilsom Mbadi to the top of the army leadership. Wilsom Mbadi joined the NRA after it come to power. He can read and write and may have attended lower secondary school. He had his basic military training at Kabamba training school. As was the practice then, he was among those few selected to remain in the training school to be trained as an instructor.

He was seconded by then Capt. Benard Obola and Capt. Clovice Kalyebara who were senior instructors at Kabamba. He served as a parade/drills instructor at Kabamba for about two years where he earned the rank of Corporal. Later he was taken with other instructors to Singo training school under then Maj. Clovice Kalyebara to continue instructing recruits. It was at Singo that luck struck and Mbadi was selected to attend the Cadet course at Sundhurst. 

Upon return he was commissioned. Such offers occasionally come up. Vet. Dr. Maj. Sabiiti Mutengesa also attended the same course before he was persecuted into exile. Museveni being a believer in tribalism, has always elevated army officers along such considerations. Katumba Wamala is one such example. Mbadi was lucky to have served with Aronda under the tank brigade who cleared him for body guard to Museveni. Now, Mbadi has the task of convincing the Bakonjo to back Museveni but more so reach out to his cousins in DRC.



"Ugandans are cowards.  I watched them run around like goats when they see the police.  They are easily dispersed by a single teargas canister and the votes are stolen.  Museveni belongs to prison and not State House."  USA presidential contender while speaking in North Carolina.  Earlier on he had stated that when he gets into office he would "arrest Uganda's despot Museveni and his grandfather Mugabe and lock them in prison.     

For the last 30 years that Museveni has been in power he has been working towards personalising the security forces as an important pillar of his life presidency project.  

The security forces are so fused with the regime that they take the most active role in the sham electoral process to ensure that Museveni is announced the winner.   They intimidate, arrest, torture, kidnap, rob, maim, and kill with impunity.  In return, the regime guarantees their political protection against any legal action.  The helpless Ugandans are at the verge of total submission to Museveni's brutality.      

Following the just concluded sham electoral process, Museveni had deployed his security forces to each and every corner of the country with the aim of suppressing any form of freedom of expression, movement, association and assembly. He has raided and taken siege of opposition party offices.  

He has arrested and detained opposition leaders, shut down social media, beaten up and detained journalists who attempt to cover excesses of security forces etc.  However, the people of Kasese in western Uganda overwhelmingly voted for the opposition FDC at presidential, parliamentary and almost at all local government levels.  During the polls fierce attempts by the regime through its security forces to rig for Museveni and his regime parliamentary contenders but the residents stood their ground in protecting their vote.  

Ever since their victory, the regime has been treating the people of Kasese as enemies of the regime.   Just yesterday, gruesome video footages from Kasese show security officers clashing with civilians and ends up shooting at close range six civilians dead.  The footages clearly show security forces not bothering to use other means to either arrest or at least disable the irate civilians.  What is amazing is the bravery and determination of the civilians in taking on the security forces.    

What is clear is that the incident demonstrates that Ugandans are fed up of the repression by the regime through its forces.  On the contrary, the regime had not envisaged a situation where disgusted civilians can decide to take repressive armed security officers. They knew that they would oppress with impunity and without any repercussions.  However, the message has been sent out to those concerned that an oppressed and hopeless population can do anything by any means to change their situation.   

In fact, if those brave civilians had been well organised they would have inflicted more damage to the poorly trained, poorly commanded, and disorganised security personnel while minimizing their own causalities.  Museveni and company understand such a scenario because during his bush war, his fighters would attack military installations with minimal arms while majority of the attackers would only be armed with stones.  The unarmed combatants would be referred at as Commandos.  

It worked in the attack on Kabamba barracks and other UNLA detachments in Mukono and other places but when it takes place in Kasese the regime calls it madness.  It is in the same regard that the so called madness enabled HSM rebels under Alice Lakwena to have managed to defeat Museveni's army right from the northern Uganda, through the eastern region but only to be overpowered east of Kampala, in Jinja.  Bravo the people of Kasese; RIP gallant compatriots.     



Rwenzori region is comprised of the districts of Kabarole, Kasese and Bundibugyo.  This is the region that composed the former Tooro Kingdom which was originally comprised of the Batooro, Bakonjo, Bamba, Bashongora, Batuku and Batagwenda.  During the early 1960s, the Bakonjo and Bamba revolted against the Tooro Kingdom in a bloody rebellion for their independence.  

That rebellion dubbed Rwenzururu Uprising was led by the late father of the current King of the Bakonjo. Following the abolition of Kingdoms in the 1960s, the central government granted district status to Kasese for the Bakonjo, Bundibugyo for the Bamba and Kabaroke for the Batooro.  After the overthrow of Iddi Amin, the Rwenzururu uprising re-emerge under the leadership of the current King of the Bakonjo with bases in the Rwenzori Mountains.  

The insurgents had bloody clashes with the UNLA's 31st Battalion under Capt. Tom Odong.  At the time Kasese was a stronghold of the UPC with top UPC stalwarts who mediated dialogue between the UPC II government and the Rwenzururu insurgents.  The 1982 peace deal saw some of the Rwenzururu fighters who surrendered and were incorporated into the UNLA and their leader then Prince Mumbere who is the current King of the Bakonjo awarded a scholarship to the USA.

The Bakonjo dominate the mountainous areas of Kasese, Kabarole and Bundibugyo with a few like Minister Nyombi Thembo who migrated to Mubende.  They have their close cousins on the other side of the border in the DRC.  The Bamba only occupy only the lowlands of the Rwenzori Mountains in Bundibugyo.  The Batooro occupy the law lands of Kabarole and Kyenjojo and parts of Kamwenge districts.  

The minority Bashongora pastrolists occupy the lowlands of Kasese district bordering Lake George and Queen Elizabeth National Park. The Batuku occupy the newly created Ntoroko district on a strip of lowland between Semuliki Game Reserve and Lake Albert bordering with Bundibugyo. The Batagwenda occupy Kamwenge district areas of Mahyoro stretching to south of Lake George.  

The so called Banyabindi in Kasese to which Minister Kiyonga belongs are Bakonjo only that its Museveni who is trying to disassociate them from the Bakonjo the same way he did with the Banyala, Bakooki and Baruli in Buganda. Because his minority Bashongora in Kasese are very few in number, he wants to boost them with the Banyabindi so that he degazettes part of Queen Elizabeth National Park and create a separate district and kingdom for them.  

Because of the long presence of Kilembe copper mines, Him a Cement Factory, Lake Katwe Salt Works, Mubuku Irrigation Scheme, and the Ibuga Refugee Camp for the Banyarwanda, a number of migrants outside the original ethnic communities of the former Tooro Kingdom have settled in Kasese.  Like has been the case with the oil discovery in Bunyoro, the anticipated resumption of copper mining in Kilembe has attracted the usual suspects to rush to Kasese for land grabbing.

When Museveni's NRA rebels established bases in the Rwenzori mountains in 1984, the Batooro, Bamba, and Bakoonjo overwhelmingly enlisted and supported the rebellion.  After the fall of Kampala, the NRA's 1st Battalion based at Katabi in Entebbe and 75th Batallion based in the Rwenzori mountains were exclusively dominated by Bamba and Bakonjo.  However, a good number of Bamba and Bakonjo also deserted the NRA and returned home.  Within the army the Bamba and Bakonjo demonstrated a high level of solidarity among themselves.  

They knew each other throughout all the units such that when a problem befell anyone of them, all the others would immediately know about it through their internal communication mechanism.  Even at the battle front if one Mwamba or Mukonjo was shot all the other tribesmen would rush to the rescue of the injured thus increasing the casualties.  Its only the Bamba and Bakonjo in the NRA who were the first to defy the policy of burying in designated cemeteries that was meant to cut on expenditures on fuel for transporting dead bodies to respective homes.  

The Bamba and Bakonjo would conceal their dead children in boxes, fundraise and transport them to their homes by public transport.  Before the coming of the NRA the highest military rank that had ever been held by a Mukonjo was that of Lieutenant.  For the Bamba, they had never had a commissioned officer and the highest rank ever held by a Mwamba was Sergeant during the reign of Iddi Amin.  Its the NRA that elevated them with Gen. Wilson Mbadi being the topmost Mukonjo in the military history of Uganda.  

For the Bamba, its Col Jack Bakasumba who holds the highest rank in their military service history. Both officers started their military service in the NRA as military instructors before rising to serve under the Museveni's Special Guard unit where Gen. Mbadi had been a body guard to Museveni and Col. Bakasumba had been an Ag. Commanding Officer.  There are several other Bamba and Bakonjo senior and junior army officers in the NRA.

After Museveni took over power, Amon Bazira a former UPC strongman from Kasese mobilised the former Rwenzururu fighters into an anti government rebel force called National Army for the Liberation of Uganda (NALU).  They established bases in the Rwenzori mountains with rear bases on the other side of Congo.  Having been a Director of UPC's secret Services (NASA) and cabinet Minister, Amon Baziira had the capacity to put in place a formidable force.  

He was assassinated in Kenya by Museveni's security agents. Remnants of his NALU continued with minor skirmishes with the NRA until when some of them led by Major. Kapuchu and Major. Muhindo joined hands with the NRA around the early 1990s.  Major Kapuchu died shortly after while Maj. Muhindo who had been attached to DMI was later reported to have defected and joined the rebel PRA.  

When the ADF struck in the mid 1990s, it established forward bases in the Rwenzori mountains.  The Muslim dominated border area of Kasese was the conduit route for rebels and recruits to and from Congo. Its for the same reasons that DPC Mohammed Kirumira was immediately transferred from Beers to Kampala at the start of the ongoing crisis in Kasese.  The ADF was reported to have later on allied with the NALU remnants to form ADF/NALU.  Later on the shadow PRA rebels that the regime linked with Dr. Besigye also came on the scene and it had a sizeable number of Bakonjo.

It was amidst these rebellions that hit the Rwenzori that Museveni lured the former leader of Rwenzururu, then Prince Numbers to return from the USA.  After he returned, the Region was granted a Kingdom.  However, owing to his divide and rule policy, Museveni also initiated a kingdom for the Bamba.  He incited the Bamba now to allow the influence of the Bakonjo Kingdom to some of their sacred places located in Bundibugyo.  Like he had done with the Kabaka's visit to Kayunga in Buganda, he blocked the Bakonjo King access to the sacred sites and his subjects who reside in Bundibugyo.  

He did this so as to divide the Bamba and Bakonjo in order that they act as a check on one another for their activities in the strategic Rwenzori mountains.  As had been the case with Maj. Baker Kineze whom he appointed the King of the Banyala in Buganda, he appointed another army officer Maj. Martin Kamya as the king of the Bamba.  Later he promoted him to the rank of Lt. Col. and now he has taken him for a refresher military drills in preparation for a military showdown between the Bamba and Bakonjo whose king has a military background.  Forget about the rhetoric of Lt. Col Kamya's retirement from the army; among all the traditional leaders, its only him and Banyala's Maj. Kimeze who salute and call Museveni Affande.

Its the regime inspired restrictions on the freedom of movement and association of the Bakonjo king that led to the 2014 armed attacks on security installations in both Bundibugyo and Kasese.  To avoid the shame as a result of those humiliating attacks, the regime was quick to brand it ethnic clashes.  

At the same time, it embarked on indiscriminate retaliatory attacks on the Bakonjo residing in Bundibugyo thus the mass graves that have never been explained.  It is this mishandling of the 2014 clashes that provided a breeding ground for what is happening in the region now.  In retaliation the people of Kasese this time around doubled their efforts in voting for the opposition such that at all levels the regime lost flatly.  Most embarrassing was the defeat of the regime’s strongman and Minister of Defence, Cryspus Kiyonga.  Unfortunately, the regime did not learn any lessons from the 2014 clashes.  

Instead it is busy mobilising the Bamba into militia groups against the Bakonjo.  The regime also doubled its treatment of the Bakonjo as enemies of the regime which sparked off the first clashes in Hima. To further isolate the Bakonjo, the regime may be planning to stage manage an attack on the Batooro that will pit them against the Bakonjo.  Museveni's ultimate plan is to keep the Rwenzori region in a turmoil so that the strategic Rwenzori mountains is not used as a base by any potential armed insurrection.  In Kasese its the Bakonjo who are being killed by the security forces and vice versa.  

In Bundibugyo the Bakonjo attacked the security forces and in retaliation the later allied with the Bamba to hunt down the Bakonjo resulting into mass graves. Bamba militants armed with traditional weapons are seen operating side by side with the members of the security forces thus putting into doubt the neutrality of the security forces.    The ongoing Operation Usalama by the security forces in the Rwenzori mountains is targeting the Bakonjo.  At the end of the day, some Bakonjo will flee to eastern DRC thus giving Museveni an excuse to re-enter DRC.  

Watch the space!!!



Towards independence the major political parties were DP and UPC. However, in July 1961 Kabali Masembe moblised some Baganda to welcome their Kabaka on return from attending the independence conference London.

These mammoth enthusiastic crowds lined up along the Kampala - Entebbe road chanting Kabaka Yeka (king Only). Shortly after, the slogan ans its fans evolved into a pro-Buganda Kingdom political party named Kabaka Yeka (KY). It is this KY that allied with UPC to defeat the
DP in the April 1962 general elections. Five months later on October 1962 Uganda gained independence with UPC's Milton Obote as the Executive Prime Minister. In late 1963 the Kabaka was Buganda Sir Edward Muteesa was elected by the General Assembly as a ceremonial President of Uganda at the same time he remained the king of Buganda.

The UPC/KY alliance had been a marriage of convenience. By 1964 the alliance had started showing signs of rapture. The central government starved the Buganda kingdom of funds to run its affairs. The matter of funds even went to court but Buganda lost the case. Amidst those squables, the central government organised a refrendum over the three lost counties of Buyaga, Bugangaizi and Buwekula.
Buganda kingdom opposed it by moblising 300  armed Baganda ex-service men to go and occupy those areas but Bunyoro retaliated by moblising 2000 men ready for a fight. The refrendum was conducted and the counties of Buyaga and Bugangaizi (Kibaale) opted to revert to Bunyoro while Buwekula (Mubende) opted to stay in Buganda.

The {resident refused to sign the results of the refrendum but the Prime Minister went ahead and signed it. There was some level of hightened tension in most parts of Buganda kingdom as a result of the outcome of the refrendum. The central government took precautionary security deployments involving the Police.

At one time the Buganda Kingdom issued an altimatum for the central government to its police stations from Buganda soil. Among the few signs of bad blood between the couples was an incident where the central government refused the army brass band to play during the President/Kabaka 's birthday party.

Around the same time the UPC was gaining strength from the members of DP and KY who were crossing the floor to join it. However, the UPC was to suffer some set back arising from the outcome of the Dec1965 delegates conference to elect the party Secretary General. With Obote's backing Grace Ibingira defeated the incumbent John Kakonge.

As Secretarty General and being an Ankole royal, Ibingira sought to ally with the Buganda kingdom and rejuvenate the party in Buganda.
He even reached out to prominent DP and KY leaders both in Buganda and other parts of the country who flocked into the UPC. Now that Ibingira had the numbers, he openly showed interest in wrestling the party leadership from Obote at the next delegates conference.

Ibingira left for the USA to solicit for support while Obote took along trip to the eastern block (communist) countries.
In the meantime, the security situation in Buganda remained fragile. There had been killing of innocent civillians by the Police in Nakulabye after mistakaning them for Baganda rioters. The President and Kabaka of Buganda  had made attempt to import arms using a private international company.

The deal raised suspicion when it was evident that the arms consignment was to be paid for by Buganda. Around 1965 when the national assembly was debating the security situation in Buganda, Daud Ocheng unsuccessfully tried to move a motion seeking a vote of no confidence in the Prime Minister over allegations of Congo gold and ivory smuggling.

The motions was defeated. Uganda at the time was supporting pro-communist armed rebels fighting the Mubutu government.
Col Iddi Amin the then Deputy Army Commander and the Defence Minister Felix Onama were among the few government officials coordinating the support for congolese.

A consignment of arms meant for these rebels had earlier been seized by the Kenya government while on transit from China.

Tension between the central government and Buganda had escalated. UPC Secretary General Grace Ibingira had strengthened alliance with Buganda Kingdom while at the same time his differences with the party chairman Obote had deepened.

Grace Ibingira had initiated plans to overthrow the Obote led government by using the security forces. The plotters had enlisted the support of the Army Commander Brig Shaban Opolot and Ibingira's own brother Major Katabarwa among others to carry out the plan. Brig. Opolot had earlier provided a unit of the army for the Kabaka's security.

This force was part of the wider movement of troops between Jinja and Kampala in what has been described as uncoordinated troop movement. The Prime Minister who has upper hand intelligence had been following these developments unforlding.

He had enlisted the support of Col. Iddi Amin to counter any moves by the coup plotters to use Brig Shaban Opolot.
Soon the the plotters schemes was busted amidist widespread rumours that arms were being amassed in the kiing's palace in Lubiri. In a last minute desperate move on 4th February1966 when the General Assembly was debating the Penal Ammendment Bill seeking to curb KY activities in Buganda, Daudi Ocheng resurrected the earlier defeated Congo Gold and Ivory motion. He contended that huge consignments of Gold and Ivory had been looted from the Congo for the benefit of Prime Minister Obote, Defence Minister Felix Onama and the Deputy Army Commander Col Iddi Amin.

He sought the suspension of the Deputy Army Commander Col Iddi Amin and a vote of no confidence in the Prime Minister Obote. The motion unanimously was passed. Obote who had been away since 1st Feb touring the northern region returned to Kampala on 12th Feb and issued a press release on 13th Feb denying the allegations.

On 22nd Feb the Prime Minister chaired a cabinet meeting in which he declared that he was taking over the powers of the government and five cabinet Ministers were arrested (including Grace Ibingira) over treasonous allegations.

They were held without trial under the Preventive Detention Act that Ibingira himself had helped to formulate when he was the Justice Minister. They remained in detention until Iddi Amin overthrew Obote years later.

The following day on 23rs Feb the Prime minister relieved the Army Commander Brig Shaban Opolot of his duties and appointed his as a military advisor to cabinet instead he elevated Col. Iddi Amin to the position of Army Commander.

Brig Shaban Opolot had got more closer to Buganda having married from the Katikiro Kavuma family.
On 24th Feb during a cabinet meeting the Prime Minister suspended the constitution alleging that a military coup was being planned.

On 25th February the Prime Ministerset up a commission of inquiry into the allegations of gold and ivory smuggling from the Congo.
On the same day the Buganda Kingdom Lukiko (parliament) convened to examine the the actions of the Prime Minister.

On 3rd March the Prime Minister issued press release to radio and TV accusing the President and King of Buganda EdwardMutesa of having sought foreign military aid. On 4th Feb the President and King retaliated by publishing the letters he had written to the Prime Minister over the constitutional developments of the recent past.

Unfortunately, in one of the letters he had acknowledged that the said foreign military aid was a precautionary measure to secure the country. He had remainded the Prime Minister of how he too had thought foreign military aid without informing the President during the 1964 army mutiny.

On 5th March the Lukiko convened and expressed solidarity with Kind Mutesa's stand over the current events. It reaffirmed its recognition of Mutesa as the the President of Uganda. On 11th March the Prime Minster issued a press release in the Uganda Argus clarifying that the suspension of the constitution on 24th Feb had accordingly abolished the offices of the President and Vice President.

On 12th March the Lukiko convened and resolved to regard the actions of the Prime Minister as unconstitutional and that it was therefore disassociating itself. On 15th March the Lukiko reconvened again and called upon the Prime Minister to restore constitutional order.

On 15th March before the National Assembly and amidist hightened security at the parliamentary building a new constitution was introduced. This is what has come to be known as the "pigeon Hall" constitution.
Among the highlights of the new constitution was the abolition of federal status for kingdoms. On 16th March the Lukiko reconvened are reaffirmed its earlier stand over those developments. On 18th the Lukiko reconvened again and issued a strong statement against aborogation of the constitution.

On 19th April the Lukiko convened and passed a resolution ordering the central government to vacate Buganda soil by 30th May 1966. This aultimatum fueled further tension as rumours of the Buganda kingdom moblising troops and arms in the palace grew. In the countryside defiant Baganda were digging trenches across the roads, attacking Police stations and trucks carrying military personnel.

The government declared a state of imergency over the entire Buganda Kingdom. The government sent members of the Police Special Force to the palace to investigate the said arms but they were severely attacked. This development prompted the central government to dispatch a contingent of the army under the command of Iddi Amin to attack the king's palace.

After a fierce encounter with the King's guards, the king was overpowered and he escaped and fled into exile. That very day the Prime Minister addressed parliament where he alleged that the Kabaka had declared rebellion by April 12th.

The confrontation left immense death and destruction of property. The Kabaka died in exile in London a few years later.

On June 1st 1966, the mover of the controversial Congo Gold motion, Daudi Ocheng died while undergoing treatment at Mulago hospital in Kampala.
This was before he could testify before the Congp Gold Commission of inquiry. He had been such a close friend of King Edward Mutesa.

In September 1967 the new Republican constitution was promulgated. It made Uganda a republic with Militon Obote as the Executive President. Consequently, kingdoms were abolished in Uganda.
That is the summary of events that sowed the seed of tribalism and hate.