Saturday, 30 December 2017

What is secret about #Museveni's military GAO in #Uganda?


Last week Museveni's military tribunal convicted six junior officers for leaking classified information and they were sentenced to two months’ imprisonment. They were accused of conduct prejudicial to good order and discipline. That they used social media to download and share classified military documents referred to as General Administrative Order (GAO) that contained instructions and names of promoted officers.

Within the military there are ways of communicating administrative orders and instructions to all soldiers. There is the Part Two Orders at company level. Part One Orders (POO) at battalion level, Brigade Orders, Garrison Orders and Division Orders. Such orders which can be on a daily, monthly or yearly basis contain announcements of special incidents, functions, or instructions issued out to servicemen. They are printed, signed by the head of that particular unit and posted on notice boards.

At army headquarters level, the Commander in Chief (CIC) gives administrative orders and instructions through the General Administrative Orders (GAO). Since it is only the CIC who commissions, promotes, demotes, appoints, and deploys gazetted officers, such instructions come through the GAO. Such documents containing administrative instructions are not secret since they don’t concern security operations.

At most, they can be classified as "restricted" to members of the military but even they reach the public domain, there would be not any breach of security. This particular promotion exercise was hastily arranged around late November 2017 just four days after the army in Zimbabwe had moved against the 37 years old dictatorship of Museveni's mentor, Robert Mugabe.

Museveni who developed a cold, as usual moved very fast to hoodwink his soldiers with ceremonial promotions and promises of a pay rise. He elevated five Brigadiers to the rank of Maj. Gen., 25 Colonels to the rank of Brigadier and two Lt Cols to Colonel. This category of senior officers, most of whom hold no significant assignment in active military service was designed to provide a smokescreen for the 300 officers from CMI and SFC who were also promoted. The uniqueness of this particular promotion is that the rest of the army departments and units were not considered.

The six charged who included one Captain and five Lieutenants appeared before the Unit Disciplinary Committee (UDC) under the Chieftaincy of Military Intelligence (CMI) chaired by Col. Tom Kabuye. They are Capt. Kyamwiru, Lt. Nakora, Lt. Kahamba, Lt. Asiimwe, Lt. Kabagambe, and Lt. Watwaluma. The mother units of all the accused are SFC, Armoured Welfare Training School Kalama and Oliver Tambo Leadership School Kaweweta and non of them is from CMI. Being the lowest level military tribunal, the UDC is mandated to try personnel who belong to that particular mother Unit. The fact is that the six officers were tried by the UDC of CMI instead of their mother units and more so from where the alleged crime was committed, reveals a lot more serious background to the disciplinary action other than what has been disclosed to the public.

To fully understand the argument, one needs to examine the identities of the six junior officers and the sensitivity of their mother units. They are 98% westerners and Hima by ethnicity who exclusively serve under the SFC and its sub-units including Armoured Warfare.

In July 2016, Museveni's General Court Martial (GCM) convicted six soldiers over treason linked to Gen. Ssejusa. All the six are ethnic Hima of which two were from SFC's Task Force Battalion and Tank Battalion respectively while the rest had been aides to Gen. Ssejusa. They were Rwakyozi, Mwebaze, Ninsiima, Nayebare, Kakarugahi and Rubanuuma. Therefore, ever since that incident which was the first of its kind for ethnic Hima army officers to plot against Museveni, the situation never remained the same within the SFC.

There is a lot of suspicion and sidelining thus a high possibility that the recently accused officers were motivated by the fact that they had unfairly and unreasonably missed out on promotions. By their own confessions, they pleaded that "it was out of ignorance and excitement over the promotion of their colleagues."

The tone of the statement impliedly reveals that their action was driven by anger, despair, frustration and disappointment. The sharing of the list on social media must have been construed by Museveni and his Intelligence apparatus to mean act of disgruntlement thus treated as rebellious. That is why CMI swung into action to pick the six junior officers from their different mother units, interrogate them, brief Museveni of its findings who in turn must have decided their fate.

There is no doubt therefore, after serving their sentence, the six soldiers will not rejoin their mother units but will be referred to the General Headquarters for redeployment to their less significant units while CMI will keep constant watch on them. The little known CMI's Col. Tom Kabuye who chaired the trial UDC is a veteran of the Luwero Bush War who was seriously wounded and remained with a paralysed right hand and leg.

For some years he was the Intelligence Officer for the army General Headquarters until in the early 1990s when he was involved in abuse of office by way of aiding 'supply of air' together with among others now Brig. Sam Nakuru who had been the Administrative Officer. The matter was swept under the carpet and then Capt. Tom Kabuye was grounded at the then DMI headquarters.

Since Baganda have no top space in Museveni's intelligence machinery, ever since, he has continued to linger around CMI without being involved in mainstream intelligence handling but simple administrative functions of support staff. He was only dragged into presiding over this particular illegal and repressive act by the so called UDC. Actually, CMI being a mere department of the army under General Headquarters, can not constitute a UDC.

It is for the same reason that even its own personnel have always been taken before the UDC of the army General Headquarters (GHQS). The case in point is of a one Capt. Godfrey Barigye of CMI who was recently charged before the GHQS UDC for theft of gold before the matter was referred to the General Court Martial. This was the first time that CMI was convening a UDC and the move was designed to cover-up some mischief.

Owing to the absence of clear guidelines on promotions and appointments in Museveni's army, officers rely on patronage and luck to be elevated or to have their services recognized and rewarded in form of promotion and appointment. As such documents like the GAO are treated like top secret military documents yet the contents are officially shares by the same authorities with the media. Therefore, the six junior officers are victims of a repressive and paranoid establishment.


Friday, 29 December 2017

Understanding Gen. Tumukunde statement on #Museveni's life presidency - #Uganda

Museveni's Minister of Regime Security, Gen. Henry Tumukunde has issued a statement dispelling fears that Museveni is set for a life presidency scheme.  Tumukunde has revealed that Museveni's NRM party is looking for a successor who would be introduced to the public "very soon".  However, he added that ".... for now, Museveni is still our party leader until that person is got."  He went ahead to further reveal that successor will not be from among the current top party leadership but a young person.  The revelation comes against a background of the most recent lifting of the constitutional age limit and treacherous reinstatement of the term limit.

Ugandans should take Gen. Tumukunde's revelations very seriously because he is a top member of Museveni's Inner Circle by virtue of his blood relationship with the First Family and being the Minister of Regime Security.  On 21st December 2017, this website ran an article titled; THE BRIGHT SIDE OF MUSEVENI'S LIFTING OF AGE LIMIT in which at the opening of paragraph 3 we argued thus; "Actually he (Museveni) can even surprise the world by stepping down anytime as long as he has accomplished the entrenchment of MUSEVENISM.  His son who is the defacto commander of the Armed Forces is supposed to succeed him at all cost."  Though Gen. Tumukunde's revelation fits well into this prediction, Ugandans should take extra care. 

While it is a fact that pressure is mounting on Museveni, he is renown for making diversionary pledges whenever he is cornered.  He is renown for always advancing different excuses whenever he is seeking re-election.  From building a professional army, fighting corruption, to creating wealth, he has always hoodwinked Ugandans.  Even this one could be another ploy to put off the mounting pressure.  On the other hand, owing to his diminishing hopes of becoming the first President of the East African Community, whose future is currently in balance, he may step down for a figure head president as he lays ground for his son to take over through a sham electoral process.

"Watch the space but if you are to shoot the messenger kindly use a rubber bullet".

Museveni is about to dupe Ugandans once again.


Museveni attacked #DRCongo to get International community to donate for #Refugees @UN @KenRoth @UNHCR @JustinTrudeau @Potus @Potus44 @AntonioGuterres #Kasese #Genocide


On 22nd December 2017, Museveni's army launched a sustained aerial and artillery attack on some border areas of DRC.  This followed days of amassing troops along the common border in Bundibugyo district. The bombardment has already generated thousands of Congolese refugees into Uganda. The army Spokesman described the attack as having targeted eight ADF rebel camps in which 100 rebels were killed, several injured and their logistical stores destroyed.  He asserted that ".... the UPDF is maintaining active defensive operations along the borderline in Kasese, Bundibugyo and Ntoroko to deter any terrorists from sneaking into our country". 

However, the Kampala regime owned New Vision of 25th December 2017 reveals a contradictory state of affairs.  According to the LC 1 Chairman of Busangwa Town Council, Kato Cleophas, " the refugees are secretly coming in to settle with their relatives."  That information was corroborated by one such Congolese refugee, Jose Kambale who told reporters that he "had secretly crossed like he has always done whenever he comes to visit his relatives."  What then can stop the so-called remnants of the ADF from crossing into Uganda!!!

Recently suspected ADF rebels attacked and humiliated the UN peace keeping force based in the same area leaving 14 dead and over 50 injured.  According to Museveni's army Spokesman, "The ADF’s recent attack on the UN peace keepers an indictment to its activities not only in Uganda and DRC but also the international community. partners will be mobilized to stop these terrorist activities once and for all."  The big puzzle here is that WHY WOULD THE ADF ATTACK UN PEACE KEEPERS???  He added; "The targeted attack on camps harbouring the ADF in DRC was a result of coordinated intelligence between the two countries."  Another puzzling question here is that WHY WAS THE UN FORCE IN THE AREA NOT INVOLVED IN THIS SO CALLED "COORDINATED INTELLIGENCE"???

Whatever the case, Museveni's action in the Congo has generated refugees into Uganda who will in turn generate the humanitarian assistance in form of forex from the donor community.  Hosting of refugees has of recent become Museveni's key bite for blackmailing the west over his autocracy and attracting refugee aid money.  While attention is focused on the Rwenzori sector and North Kivu, in Djungu territory of Ituri region renewed ethnic conflict between the Hema and Gegere is already sending more Congolese refugees into Uganda's Hoima region via Lake Albert.  Are we about to see a resumption of a full blown civil strife in eastern DRC!!!!


Thursday, 28 December 2017

#Uganda opposition needs a fresh plan for 2018 to get rid of #Museveni

For 2018 to be decisive, as the year of change in Uganda, the questions of capacity, means and tactics of the Freedom Struggle will have to be addressed and re-evaluated by all anti-Museveni forces.

The agonising, anger and self-pity which has dominated the dying days of 2017, in the wake of Dictator Museveni's rape of the Ugandan constitution, will have to be translated into effective and utterly decisive actions for change.

[A Free Uganda (FU) situation analysis of the Ugandan freedom struggle at the close of the year 2017. Published by Dr. Vincent Magombe, Secretary Free Uganda Leadership Committee and Press Secretary FU - 28th 2017]

Uganda is a country in mourning. Even though the hopes and spirits of the Ugandan people remain tenacious, the unifying fabric of the national body politic, as epitomised by the 1995 constitution, has been severely raptured. The Ugandan nation's sacred constitutional order has been butchered to death.

Mr. Museveni and his band of money-hungry and nakedly unpatriotic constitutional rapists have defied the wishes of the majority of Ugandans to launch a Life Presidency that is meant to see Dictator Museveni's corrupt, undemocratic and repressive rule continue for several more decades, and, perhaps, till death comes knocking at his door.

For most Ugandans, the 2017 Christmas and New Year festive period will, therefore, go down in history as a period that was filled with extreme political anguish and inconceivable social agony for Ugandans over the savage rape of the Ugandan constitution by Yoweri Museveni and his overly selfish and crooked-minded gang of Life Presidency project supporters.

The sombre and painful moods and feelings being felt by Ugandans were summed by several religious leaders, who loudly condemned Museveni's lifting of Article 102 (b) and the dictator's triumphalist launching of the widely derided Life Presidency project.

Adding his voice to the voices of other senior Ugandan clerics, the bishop of Kinkizi diocese in Western Uganda, Rt. Rev Dan Zoreka, appealed to Dictator Museveni to listen to views of the majority Ugandans and not sign the recently passed age limit bill into law. Bishop Zoreka also argued that it was not too late for the 317 MPs who voted for the removal of the presidential age limit to rethink and consider the voices of their people.

“I know the bill that was passed is not yet assented to by His Excellence. My appeal to all the legislators: they have already done it but let them listen to all Ugandans and see the wishes of the majority.”

But who really thinks that Museveni will do the unthinkable and respect the wishes of Uganda people? More so, when, as the Free Uganda Chairman, General David Sejusa, has intimated, for Museveni, the Life Presidency project is an existential issue that he seeks to actualise, come what may!


A relevant and natural question to ask is - what are Ugandans, angry and frustrated as they are, going to do about it?

For Free Uganda (FU), there are two clear answers to this question:

First and foremost, the agonising, anger and self-pity which have dominated the dying days of 2017, in the wake of Dictator Museveni's rape of the Ugandan constitution, will have to be translated into effective and utterly decisive actions for change. This is something all Ugandans have to pro-actively reflect on and engage in.

It is not enough for Ugandans to condemn the evil acts of Dictator Museveni and his band of ill-intentioned loyalists. It is not enough for Ugandans to persistently ask of a few other citizens, who are currently involved in the struggle for freedom, as to what else they (the few) can do to liberate the country from Museveni’s tyrannical regime. The Struggle for Freedom must now be owned and executed by all the People of Uganda, in concert and coordination with each other, just like it was when Ugandans collectively rose up to free Uganda from the Idi Amin dictatorship at the close of the 1970s.

The time has come for each Ugandan to ask of him or herself this question: “What am I doing. or able to do, to advance the freedom struggle? It is time for each and every Ugandan, who is angry and fed up with Museveni’s more than 30-year nepotistic and fascistic tyranny, to stand up and be counted. Mere words of concern and frustration will not bring victory.

As we all know, Museveni is a master of political entrenchment, and he has effectively used the three decades of his iron rule to forcibly subdue the people, and successfully transform a whole nation into a family fiefdom, where his close family members, relatives and friends, are the sole arbiters of the nation’s affairs and the monopoly power that owns much of the country’s resources.

As a result, Ugandan society has been enslaved and dehumanised to levels unseen since 1962, when Uganda became independent. The country of Uganda now limps from year to year without adequate medical, educational or social provisions to talk about. The Ugandan civil serves, that was the envy of Africa, is now a ghost of its past self, with no proper living wages for civil servants, who are then forced to go on strike endless times, even in critical care institutions such as hospitals.

Poverty levels across the country have soared to incredible levels, leaving majority Ugandan households unable to feed, clothe or educate themselves.

The young generation, who make up over 70 percent of the population have been impoverished and disempowered, with no meaningful employment or living pre-occupation that would offer them hope or a sense of belonging.

In view of this collective suffering and pain, it is incumbent upon all Ugandans to start taking the need for rapid liberation of the country from the source and causes of their suffering very seriously and personal. The more we continue sleeping or hoping that someone else comes to our rescue, the greater the chances of remaining enslaved by Museveni and his ruthlessly barbaric fiefdom.

The second question answer to the question of what angry and frustrated Ugandan should do in order to free themselves from Museveni dictatorship, can only be about how the freedom struggle is advanced and actualised in the New Year, 2018.

There is no doubt that those Ugandans who have so far dedicated themselves to the cause of freedom, in 2017 and the years gone by, have tried their very best, making innumerable sacrifices and contributions which have brought enormous pain and tribulation to themselves and their families.

There are freedom struggle leaders and activists who have been subjected to unimaginable treatment, including unwarranted imprisonment, detentions and torture in Museveni’s incarceration dungeons. Some of our liberation struggle patriots [may their Souls rest in peace] have fallen on the battle grounds, not to forget the thousands of innocent civilians who have been murdered by the villainous regime as part of a concerted plan by Dictator Museveni to keep the nation enslaved.

But whilst the struggle for freedom has evolved and matured to levels where most Ugandans now believe and pray that the Museveni dictatorship MUST GO, it is increasingly becoming clear that the Dictator still has the upper hand and might well continue to survive and prosper, unless those who WANT HIM OUT re-evaluate and refocus the nature and direction of the battles ahead.

For 2018 to be decisive, as the year of change in Uganda, question of capacity, means and tactics of the Freedom Struggle will have to be addressed and re-evaluated by all anti-Museveni forces.

Simply put, as Ugandans enter the New Year, will they gather the determination to examine the weaknesses and mistakes of recent and past battles, with a view to putting up a better fight in 2018?

Issues like - using or not using force to overthrow the dictatorship; organising and deploying fully-fledged and dynamic liberation structures; the activation of meaningfully directed and productive freedom struggle cells in every corner of Uganda, etc., are increasingly become matters of utmost urgency.

If, as it were, the capacity and ability of confronting Museveni’s well-armed and resourced military and militia forces has not been sufficient or effective enough to accomplish the job, then what is stopping Ugandans from thinking beyond the mass protests and TOGIKWATAKO campaigns?

Even if the aim was not to fight a fully-fledged-war of insurgency, like the one Museveni fought in the jungles of Luweero, why must we not think seriously of other more effective means of resistance – which could easily see a radical upgrade and actualisation of quality mobilisation, pro-active daily, weekly confrontation and neutralisation of enemy targets, increased systemic deployment of human and material resources for the liberation effort, etc.

Surely, is it not time for us to organise more and better the People’s activist networks across the country, so that the anti-Museveni defiance operations move beyond street protests and anti-Museveni rallies, like those which were visibly momentous, but did not succeed in stopping Museveni from changing Article 102 (b) and launching his Life-Presidency project?

Going forward, the Ugandan Freedom Struggle cannot surely be the same. The radical changes that have to be made by Ugandans in the Year 2018 will have to be made against a background of greater corporation and unity of purpose among the forces of liberation, but more crucially the transformation of the Freedom Struggle from one fought by a few elite groups and political institutions, based in Kampala and other urban areas, to a more inclusive ALL UGANDAN, TRULY PEOPLE POWER LIBERATION STRUGGLE that seriously and systematically challenges, confronts and defeats each and every enemy outfits and foot-soldiers in every corner of Uganda.

The Struggle Continues!

Time is now for #Ugandans in diaspora to fight for homeland


There is a general misconception that Museveni's 32 years reign ended exile of Ugandans that had characterized the past regimes. While the numbers may have drastically reduced, it is a fact that there are Ugandans in exile all over the world owing to well founded fears of persecution by the Museveni regime. Some were persecuted into exile while others fled and continue to flee potential persecution.

By comparison, unlike communities from some of its neighbouring countries, by nature Ugandans can persist under any form of political persecution. While a few elites and deserting soldiers fled into exile during the Iddi Amin regime, the majority of Ugandans remained in the country and braved the atrocities of the same regime. That situation was almost the same during the Obote II regime save for a few former soldiers, former Iddi Amin regime henchmen and the persecuted people of West Nile who had taken refuge in Congo and Sudan.

It is for the same reasons that throughout the over two decades of the northern Uganda insurgency, no Ugandans fled to any neighboring country to seek refuge save for the small numbers that fled with Commander Alice Lakwena to Kenya after they were defeated around Jinja on the way to the capital, Kampala. In northern Uganda, despite the war atrocities from both the insurgents and the government troops, it is the government that forcefully forced local residents into Internally Displaced Peoples' Camps (IDPs).

If the northern Uganda insurgency had taken place in Congo, almost half of the entire population would have fled the country. The so-called Congo based ADF rebel group is comprised of Ugandans of sound mind who fled and continue to flee the country owing to well founded fear of persecution. The much-cherished Ugandans in the diaspora whose remittances are sustaining the economy, is also comprised of exiles and economic refugees. While the latter has overshadowed the former category, Ugandan exiles exist and are scattered all over the world including neighboring countries waiting for Musevenism to leave power and they return home in safety and dignity. It is the Ugandan exiles who are a target of Museveni's foreign/external spy apparatus, External Security Organization (ESO). The Museveni regime often enjoys a successful occasional luring back home of such individual exiles.

Like all other political exiles, Ugandan exiles have also always been fearful of Museveni's spies. They have always been quick to brand some fresh exiles as Museveni spies and to some extent there is some truth in the assertion. However, the positive part of such paranoia is the implication that at least there is some positive mischief they are involved in hence the suspicion. Now Ugandans want to see whatever mischief that has over the years been plotted by exiles turned into reality.

"There is a time for everything; a time to sow and a time to harvest." Ugandan exiles have been visibly active on social media and they have done a commendable job. Some of them have organized petitions and peaceful protest matches in their respective host countries. I strongly believe there are other covert activities they contribute to in furtherance of the struggle for change in Uganda.

Last week, dictator Museveni once again tampered with the constitution by scrapping the presidential age limit thus declaring a life presidency. Fellow countrymen and women in exile, as you are aware Ugandans inside the country are held hostage and under immense repression. Our freedom to express displeasure by way of protests is brutally curtailed. We are greatly banking on you to turn our sombre mood and whispers into loud voices that can be heard far and wide.

Our request therefore, is for you to organize petitions and peaceful protest marches in your respective host capitals to highlight Museveni's madness. Of Couse, we are fully aware that such protests won't be tolerated in the North Korea like countries but for those residing in civilized nations please give it a try. You successfully made it during the Gay Rights protests and other protests and you can make it happen again.

Best wishes in your endeavors.


Friday, 22 December 2017

Why northern #Uganda wants to disentangle itself from the '#Banyarwanda'

There are renewed calls by prominent leaders from northern Uganda for the region to secede from Uganda owing to a deliberate policy by the Museveni regime to isolate it.  The current calls have been sparked off by the ongoing lifting of presidential age limit and extension of the five-year term from five to seven.

The armed struggle to dislodge Iddi Amin from power in the 1970s was dominated by the people of northern Uganda (Acholi and Langi) who consequently became the major victims of his regime's brutalities.  In Tanzania, which was the centre of resistance, Museveni moved to weaken the main opposition group led by former President Obote by forming a briefcase Bantu liberation group that he called FRONASA.  That was the begging of the North/South divide that we are witnessing today.  Upon crossing into Uganda in 1978/79, Museveni embarked on swelling his FRONASA ranks with Banyarwanda refugees and Bantu from Western Uganda. 

The race between the Bantu and Nilotes of northern Uganda was set in motion.  This is what the so-called Bush War was about.  The taking of power by Museveni in 1986 was a victory against the 'Acholi', 'Anyanya' and 'Northerners'.  In return, the Northerners called the victorious NRA as Nyarwanda in reference to the NRA dominated Banyarwanda.  The state sanctioned violence by the victorious NRA against the defeated Northerners gave rise to the over 20 years of the northern Uganda insurgency.  Much as the rebellion has been associated with the so-called rogue and possessed militias led by Joseph Kony, it was a rebellion by the same people of northern Uganda and Acholi in particular. 

That is what Minister Echweru alluded to when he made this reckless statement on the floor of parliament; “.... you tried and failed and we will make you fail again.  I am on record having defeated a group that wanted to secede, we will defeat you again".  Minister Echweru was a rebel with the Teso based UPA of Peter Otai.  When he surrendered to the NRA he was brought into government but more so elevated on recommendation of by Gen. Aronda whom he met during the CA.

The war crimes that were committed by the Museveni regime security forces against the northerners during the insurgency left the region socially, economically and politically lagging.  The targeting of northerners by the NRA depleted the region of its intellectual human resource.  Many highly educated northerners were harassed into exile, army officers systematically decimated, public servants systematically laid off, property looted and destroyed, and economic livelihoods disrupted. The systemic destruction of northern Uganda culminated into the hoarding of millions into Internally Displaced Camps (IDPs). 

The appallingly and dehumanizing conditions in the IDPs helped Museveni in subduing the northerners.  With the declaration of by the LRA as a terrorist organization, northerners cut links with the LRA - a development Museveni terms as "defeat of LRA".  Still with the end of the insurgency over a decade ago the Museveni regime has undermined all efforts to socially and economically reconstruct northern Uganda.  Trillions of aid money meant for that purpose have been deliberately swindled and diverted under Museveni's nose.  The motive is simple; keep them in abject poverty so that they can easily be manipulated. That way they also find no value in their land thus placing the region on top of the target list for the ongoing land grabbing.

A recently released report by the parliamentary committee clearly reveals that the region has suffered at the hands of a deliberate policy of economic and political exclusion.  When the northerners raised alarm in the late 1980s over what they termed at 'Nyarwanda" occupation, the rest of the country sided with Museveni in condemning them.  Now it is an open secret that the whole country is dissenting the state capture by a small clique of "Banyarwanda".  May be if Ugandan had paid attention to the alarm bells and cries from northern Uganda as early as the late 1980s, we would not have gone this far.  Therefore, the threats of secession by northern Uganda is aimed at disentangling itself from the claws of the 'Banyarwanda'.  Otherwise, the people of northern Uganda love all Ugandans, have sacrificed a lot for the unity of Uganda but are frustrated by a small clique that is holding the country hostage.


Thursday, 21 December 2017

The bright side of #Museveni lifting #AgeLimit for #Uganda


Uganda's 73 years old military dictator who has reigned over the country for 32 years has just lifted the constitutional presidential age limit of 75 years to make him eligible for contestation in 2021. He has also increased the constitutional term office from five to seven years. In 2005, he lifted the constitutional two five-year term of office. Ugandans in general are in a sombre mood uncertain of the future. However, such despair is uncalled for because it’s neither the term limits nor the age limit that could get Museveni out of office. It’s not even the periodic sham and symbolic general elections that can get Museveni out of power.

On the contrary, it’s neither of the above that has kept or is to keep him in power. He gained power through skillful manipulation of Ugandans and the power of the gun and for the last 31 years he has used the same methods in addition to duping the international community. On that account, therefore he is more determined to retain power by more aggressively using the same means. Those so called constitutional amendments are just a formality to dupe Ugandans and the world that he is a democrat who adheres to constitutional governance.

Actually, he can even surprise the world by stepping down anytime as long as he has accomplished the entrenchment of MUSEVENISM. His son who is the defacto Commander of the armed forces is supposed to succeed him at all cost. Ugandans who are genuinely opposed to Museveni's hold on power are obsessed with the alarming levels of institutionalized corruption and abuse of office, gross abuse of human rights, nepotism, sectarianism, fanning of regional armed conflicts, militarisation of civilian institutions, total breakdown of service delivery, economic mismanagement, land grabbing, and rule by law instead of rule of law. These are the vices that characterize MUSEVENISM.

It’s because those struggling against Museveni have failed to use the right means of dislodging him from power that they hide under the nightmares of constitutionalism, democratic change of government, and other legalities. A fully-fledged military dictatorship does not entertain any of such nonsense. It’s not the formation of a UNITED opposition, mobilisation of the masses dubbed DEFIANCE, or the strengthening of ORGANISATIONAL structures that can dislodge MUSEVENISM. The phases mentioned above have been overtaken by events. As unequivocally demonstrated during the most recent 'rape of the constitution', Ugandans are united, they are organised and are defiant. It’s only the gun power that is holding them back.

Therefore, Museveni's lifting of the age limit dispels any iota of doubt in whoever was having illusions of lack of a united opposition, mass mobilization, or organizational structure as being the reasons why Museveni continues to hold onto power. It provides an opportunity for those who have been advocating for an unconstitutional means to try their luck. It’s time for those who have been threatening to secede to go their way. It’s a time for the armed groups like the ADF which is reported to have the capacity to "overran a strong UN peace keeping force" in the Congo to engage Museveni's army.

It’s a time for the likes of Hon. Kabaziguruka who is facing charges of plotting to assassinate Museveni to modify his plot and give it a retrial. It’s a time for the likes of Gen. Ssejusa who have been advocating for the dismantling of a military dictatorship instead of massaging to act now. It’s time for world leaders like Trump who had vowed to dislodge "Mugabe's grandson, Museveni" to be reminded now. It’s a time for those who have been plotting against Museveni to get out of boardrooms and meet under tree sheds, thickets and in swamps.

Since TIGIKWATAKO (don't dare amend the constitution) campaign has failed, the freshly launched KOGIKUTEKO (now that you have amended it) campaign won't achieve much other than making news. Even the plan to petition the regional (EAC) court is a waste of time and will only benefit students of Constitutional Law because the sole mandate of that regional grouping is to ensure the member state regimes thrive against all odds. Such a petition can only be compared to complaining against commando raid against parliament when the army is unnecessarily represented by ten members of Parliament.

That is the beauty of the lifting of the age limit, no more pretence.


Saturday, 16 December 2017

Complexity of fresh #Museveni / #Kagame fall out


The two military dictators are reigning over the two countries that have deep rooted historical ties. Apart from the Banyarwanda immigrants of the early last century, the early 1960s witnessed Banyarwanda flock refugees into Uganda. Museveni and Kagame belong to the former and later categories respectively. Both the immigrant and refugee Banyarwanda played a key role in shaping of the post independence Uganda politics. In the search for an opportunity to forcefully regain their lost power in Rwanda, the Banyarwanda lost no opportunity in positioning themselves in Uganda's political life. Post independence regimes also exploited them for their own survival.

The Banyarwanda were active in sustaining the Iddi Amin regime security apparatus, Museveni also lured a number of them into his anti-Iddi Amin armed struggles. He had lured a few Banyarwanda combatants like the late Gen. Rwigyema into his Tanzania based FRONASA. Around 1978/79 even when the invading Tanzanian troops crossed the border into Uganda, Museveni embarked on swelling his numbers by recruiting Banyarwanda refugees from camps in Mbarara. In late 1979 when some identifiable Banyarwanda were eliminated from the new post Iddi Amin national army, Museveni retained them as his private army. When he took to fighting in 1981, these Banyarwanda formed the nucleus of his rebel army, the NRA.

It is against this background that the then UPC government moved to restrict the freedoms of Banyarwanda refugees - an act that was construed as systematic targeting of Banyarwanda. When Museveni took over government in 1986, Banyarwanda occupied dominant positions in the military. Very soon it was to become a source of friction within the security circles. Museveni had much earlier enacted an anti - sectarianism law specifically to address the Banyarwanda issue. The 1990 invasion of Rwanda by the Banyarwanda in the NRA brought some temporary relief. When the Tutsi RPA took power in 1994, thousands of Banyarwanda from Uganda returned to Rwanda but still more opted to stay in Uganda. Haunted by his own unclear origin, Museveni granted a blanket citizenship to all Banyarwanda through the 1995 constitution.

When it came to invading Congo in the late 1990s, Museveni and Kagame worked closely. In the same vein, they identified another group of Banyarwanda immigrants in Congo dubbed Banyamulenge whom they claimed to protect against a potential genocide. Owing to bickering of political influence and economic benefits in the Congo, their two armies had three rounds of bloody clashes in Kisangani.

The two leaders shifted the conflict to their two capitals, Kigali and Kampala. Kampala accused Kigali of backing its political opponents during the hotly contested 2011 presidential elections. Kigali accused Kampala of backing its dissident groups. The two capitals hosted fleeing political leaders and military officers from their respective countries. The shadowy PRA rebel group linked to the opposition leader, Dr. Besigye came into play. Kigali hosted renegade Cols Mande, Kyakabale and others. Liikewise, Kampala on the other had hosted and facilitated hostilities by the Rwandese dissidents like Maj. Alphonse Fuluma and Maj. Mupende. Museveni tasked Gen. Kaziini to prepare for an invasion of Rwanda as the latter assembled the so-called PRA in Eastern Congo. It was through the intervention of the then UK Foreign Secretary, Claire Short that a full-scale military confrontation was averted. In Congo's Ituri, it was the efforts of Gen. Kalekyezi who basing on ethnic considerations managed to lure war lord Gen. Ntaganda to turn against the Kigali backed UPC thus a heavy blow on PRA bases in areas of Mongualo in Ituri.

PRA was suppressed, dissidents were relocated by the UN from the respective capitals (from Kampala to the USA and from Kigali to Sweden), a joint verification mechanisms put in place but low intensity hostilities persisted. This is what gave rise to a series of the infamous espionage allegations by Rwanda of the early 2000s. It was Museveni's appointment of the Banyarwanda in the names of Gen. Aronda and Gen. Kalekyezi as Army and Police chief respectively that helped resolve the animosity between the two countries. With time hostilities ceased and normal relations were restored. Museveni had never wanted Kagame to take over the reigns of power in Kigali in preference for a maintenance of a majority Hutu political leadership under deposed figurehead former President Pasteur Bizimungu who would worship Kampala.

While Uganda's political opposition and dissidents lost touch with Kigali, a new wave of Tutsi dissidents from Kigali in the names of Gen. Kayumba, Col. Karegyeya and others sought to link with Kampala. Among other key players in the Museveni regime circles, Gen. Saleh was very close to Col. Karegyeya. The assassination of Col. Karegyeya who had been the most outstanding threat against Kigali, put a lull in the Uganda linked anti-Kagame campaign. While Museveni went into slumber, on his part Kagame instead embarked on building strategic allies within Museveni's political and security apparatus. This gave rise to the robust Rwanda controlled intelligence network inside Uganda under the patronage of the police chief, Gen. Kalekyezi. That is how the Uganda police was able to have those fleeing Rwanda to Uganda killed, kidnapped and forcefully returned to Rwanda. Any attempts by the dissident RNC to link with Kampala is closely monitored by Kigali courtesy of the Gen. Kalekyezi led spy network.

In their (Hima/Tutsi) power struggle between the security Minister, Gen. Tumukunde and Gen. Kalekyezi, Museveni had initially opted to ignore but the alleged Rwanda backed political ambitions by Kalekyezi woke him up. Mindful of the delicate and complex network that has already been put in place, Museveni is cautiously moving to neutralize Gen. Kalekyezi's Rwanda sponsored spy network. Museveni also fears that a more direct and prompt action against Gen. Kalekyezi can send a bad message to the wider community of regime cohorts. Gen. Kalekyezi has played a leading role in creating a regime police force whose sole mandate is to suppress political dissent, neutralize opposition, ensure a Museveni "win" during general elections. Also, such a network if not cautiously dismantled can lead to more collateral damage. Much as the alleged links of dissident RNC activities with in Museveni may seem speculative, the facts on the ground could be different. The most recent publicised interception by police of truckloads of dissident RNC Banyarwanda headed for Congo via Tanzania and Burundi is one such live example. The alleged theft of sensitive files from ISO by the head of ICT, a one Kanzira (which is a Kinyarwanda version of Kamuhanda) further demonstrates the complexity of the issue. Every move to distablize Kagame by Museveni is closely monitored.

Other than the Gen. Kalekyezi led robust spy network, Museveni seems to be enjoying a political upper hand. Unlike the initial post Kisangani conflict of the early 2000s where both countries harboured each others’ dissidents, this time round there is no Ugandan opposition political entity that is linked to Kigali. The resurgence of the Museveni/Kagame conflict comes at a time when there is a more widespread general animosity by Ugandans towards Banyarwanda because of their perceived close association with the parasitic and oppressive Museveni regime. Therefore, any opportunistic Ugandan political opposition that may seek to exploit the ongoing bickering by seeking the backing of Kigali risks loosing out on the wider Ugandan population. May be Kigali may be looking forward to backing the much anticipated Third Force under Gen. Mugisha Muntu but he also knows more than anybody else how suicidal such a move would prove. By shunning Kigali's sponsorship to any credible opposition political force in Uganda and more so given the fact that the choice of Gen. Kalekyezi is not acceptable in Uganda's polarized political environment, the desperate Kigali may have assassination as the only remedy.

By taking custody of the defeated Tutsi Banyamulenge M23 rebels, Museveni had scored highly in as far as security influence in Congo’s South Kivu is concerned. The ongoing infiltration of former M23 fighters into South Kivu by way of alleged escapes from Uganda coupled by the alleged scheme to set up proxy RNC bases in the Banyamulenge strongholds of Minembwe is not a coincidence. The Banyamulenge through their M23 are motivated by preservation of identity in the Congo and to them what matters is anyone who is willing to offer backing; Museveni is currently in the driver's seat. However, owing to economic considerations, both Rwanda and the Banyarwanda in Uganda and elsewhere don't wish to see political events that will lead to Banyarwanda being forcefully returned to Rwanda. In as much as the Banyarwanda of Uganda cherish Museveni's patronage and so much prefer to stay in Uganda, they owe their allegiance to Rwanda. Whatever course of action that Kigali chooses to counter Museveni's links with RNC, the stakes of Banyarwanda in Uganda matters. The initial bickering of the early 2000s saw Kigali backing a semblance of a structured Uganda political opposition with a tag armed wing in the form of the shadowy PRA while Uganda only had a handful of Rwandese dissidents holed up in urban Safe Houses. This time its is the opposite and owing to the factors outlined above it may not be easy for Kigali to host dissident Ugandans.



Thursday, 14 December 2017

Who killed the 15 #Tanzanian @UN peacekeepers in #DRCongo?


Through their selfish military expeditions, both Museveni and Kagame greatly contributed to the instability of eastern DRC.  They were only forced out of the Congo by international pressure but for economic and geopolitical selfish interests, they have since then maintained proxies in the form of local armed militias in the troubled area.

In early 2013 the UN Security Council endorsed a special brigade for the stabilization of Congo comprised of troops from Malawi, South Africa and Tanzania.

Within a short period, the force had defeated the main rebel group, the M23 who fled mostly to Uganda where Museveni placed them in a military barracks at Bihanga which has been their base to this day.

Both Museveni and Kagame were aggrieved by the involvement of Tanzania, a member of the East African Community (EAC) for attacking and defeating their proxies (M23).

Actually, there is a high possibility that had it not been for Tanzania's involvement, both Uganda and Rwanda would have thrown their full military strength behind the M23 to put up a resistance.

If that had been the case, the geopolitical consequences would have been dire.  However, matters were made worse by the then Tanzania President, Jakaya Kikwete when, out of good faith and in a Pan Africanist spirit suggested that the leaders of DRC, Rwanda and Uganda ought to hold talks with their armed political opposition groups if peace was to prevail in the Great Lakes Region.

Kabila and Museveni did not give their reaction but Kagame bitterly rejected the suggestion describing it as outrageous and unacceptable to talk to those who committed genocide. 

Addressing a youth conference in Kigali on the 30th June 2013 he said; .......I will just wait for you at the right place and will hit you".

The question of whether he fulfilled that pledge or not is debatable but what is clear is that he keeps his promise.

They went ahead to isolate Tanzania from the EAC by forming the Coalition of the Willing (COWI) comprised of Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania.

However, when Kikwete left the political scene, the two military dictators jumped back into opportunistically normalising relations with Tanzania.

In January 2015 with the logistical backing of the UN troops, the Congolese Army launched an Operation Sukola against the ADF rebels in North Kivu.

In April 2015, the leader of the Ugandan eastern DRC based ADF rebel group, Jamil Mukulu was arrested in Tanzania.

Though no formal extradition treaty exists between the two countries, Museveni had wanted Mukulu just to be handed over to him but Tanzania opted to subject the matter to some form of a judicial process.

During that time, in May 2015 suspected ADF rebels ambushed a UN convoy at Oicha, 20kms north of Beni and killed two Tanzanian peace keepers, injured 26 and four were feared to have been taken hostage.

On 7th May 2015 this website wrote an article; " ADF KILLS TANZANIAN PEACE KEEPERS" - WHAT A COINCIDENCE!!. We argued that the attack on Tanzanian peace keepers allegedly by ADF rebels would influence the outcome of Mukulu's extradition proceedings.


We rightly argued that at best he would be detained without trial.  Jamil Mukulu was extradited to Uganda and the last time Ugandans heard about him was when he was yelling in the Nalufenya torture dungeons when among other forms of torture, he had been forced to eat pork.

Interestingly, in February 2016 the UN Group of Experts released a report that exonerated the ADF from the May 2015 attack on peace keepers.

It instead implicated the Congolese army as having ambushed and killed the Tanzanian peace keepers.

The report went ahead to report that the attack was motivated by reports by civilians that "the Tanzanian peace keepers were providing supplies to the ADF".

The head of the UN Mission in Congo, Sambo Sadoku had this to say; “.... our investigations showed that it was the ADF that attacked, and now there are new allegations and we will lead a more in-depth inquiry".

Around December 2016, reports of former M23 rebel fighters escaping from the military camp in Bihanga and sneaking back to Congo for fresh rebellion were ripe.

As usual the Museveni regime vehemently denied but in February 2017, it conceded that indeed the fighters were escaping.  It even pretended to be carrying out operations around the border areas in order to intercept the fleeing M23.

In one such incident, a UPDF Corporal, Ochana was shot dead while another soldier was fatally injured around Mgahinga National Park.

In late December 2016, this website had authored an article; WHY IS THE WORLD SILENT ON RESURGENCE OF M23 REBELLION? and that question still demands for answers.

On 18th September 2017 one Tanzanian peace keeper was killed and another one injured by suspected ADF during routine patrols 500m away from their base.

In October 2017 at Mumundiome village, 30kms north of Beni town, two Tanzanian peace keepers were killed and 18 others injured allegedly by the same ADF rebels. 

Last week, suspected ADF rebels killed 15 Tanzanian peace keepers and injured 53 others.  The attack took place on a Rapid Reaction military base 50kms north east of Beni near a bridge on river Semuliki along the road to the Uganda border.

The well coordinated and complex dust attack that lasted four hours also managed to destroy two Armoured Personnel Carriers (APC), an ambulance and a troop carrier truck. 

Semuliki river flows from the Lake Edward side of Congo, northwards inside Congo but quite a distance east of Beni and a reasonable distance from the slopes of Rwenzori mountain forming the international boundary between Uganda and DRC in Bundubugyo before flowing into the Lake Albert side of Congo.  This is how close the UN base is to the Uganda border.

Of the three countries, Malawi and South Africa, the Tanzanian contingent is said to be the best trained, armed and equipped.

However, by comparison, it suffered more than the rest at the hands of armed attacks.  In November 2015, one Malawian piece keeper was killed by militants around Irengeti.  In December 2016 one South African peace keeper was killed near Butembo.

It is a fact that the ADF is dominated by Ugandan Muslims.  The UN investigators have always found the ADF to have no links to Islamic extremist organisations in Africa or the Middle East.

Some opportunists in the recent past posted a video footage purporting to have been shot in the ADF camp showing fighters claiming allegiance to Islamic State.

It had been an attempt to draw the ADF into the list of international terrorist organisations.  Museveni has repeatedly boasted of having defeated the ADF both inside the country and in Congo during his senseless military expeditions.

Actually, he has always referred to the battle of Semuliki valley where ADF's back was broken.  He only describes the ADF in terms of a small criminal gang who can only manage to kill innocent civilians in Congo and Uganda.

Indeed, inside Uganda the ADF has not been involved in any combat for may years.  One wonders if the ADF has now built the military combat capability to attack and overwhelm a firmly dug in UN force with the mandate to engage in combat, why it shouldn't just re-enter Uganda and engage the UPDF.!!

Moreover, the situation pertaining on the ground in Uganda would be more friendlier than Congo.

Ugandans are yearning for such an armed group to dismantle the Museveni military dictatorship.

Owing to the combat capability, may be its not the ADF that attacked the defensive positions of the Tanzanian peace keepers!!!

Congolese by nature and owing to poor military capability can't carry out such a coordinated attack.

What ever the case, the ADF is the only viable armed group opposed to Museveni's military dictatorship.  The attack came at a time Museveni is planning to table the life presidency constitutional amendment by Parliament.

He fears it may spark off an armed rebellion as this is the last line of defence still available to Ugandans.

Why not question the activities of the former M23 rebels who have been re-entering Congo from Uganda? 

The attack also comes at a time when Uganda is accused of aiding anti-Kagame armed dissidents with reports suggesting that plans are underway to establish for them bases in the further northeastern DRC near the Sudan border.

Such a force will still need a safe passage through north Kivu if it is to access Rwanda.  Relations between Rwanda and Tanzania are ok and the same applies to Uganda; but when will the same UN intervention force defeat the other so called negative forces, ADF and AFDRL of Uganda and Rwanda respectively the same way it defeated Congo's M23????

Could someone be trying to pressurize the Tanzanian contingent to withdraw from the operation??? 

What happened to the February 2016 UN Expert report that exonerated ADF and instead pointed a finger at the Congolese army????

In 1981 when Museveni opted for his guerrilla war, his first target of armed attack was the Tanzanian soldiers.  The fist casualty was the Tanzanian Corporal shot dead by Tumwine at the Quarter guard (main entrance).

Then followed the ambush and attack of Tanzanians on Hoima Road and Kakiri detachment respectively.  With those incidents, Museveni opted to persuade Nyerere to withdraw his troops from Uganda.

As a guerrilla, he would sneak to Kampala and call Dar Es Salaam from Sam Njuba's office.  The trick worked when the Tanzanian troops made an early withdraw leaving the country almost without a standing army since the Uganda Army under Iddi Amin had just been destroyed.

That is the major reason why Museveni's so-called Bush War managed to survive.  The pressure on Tanzanians worked then and you never know it may work again.


change of guards blog.

Sunday, 10 December 2017

Behind ISO's public disclosure of Intel report on poor service delivery - #Museveni #Uganda

Museveni's Internal Security Organisation (ISO) was set up by an Act of Parliament in 1987 as a covert Internal Security Spy agency. It traces its origin from the Bush War where it was referred to as Civil Intelligence (CI) as opposed to Military Intelligence (MI). Upon taking over of power, CI became President's Office and was housed at the Parliamentary Building before relocating to the home of the former Iddi Amin's dreaded State Research Bureau (SRB) at Nakasero and baptized ISO.

Right from its inception, ISO's mandate has been supplementary to MI in ensuring the survival of the Museveni regime. It’s only a few years ago when Museveni developed distrust in ISO owing to alleged infiltration by his political rival and former Prime Minister, Amama Mbabazi. Consequently, the organisation suffered a blow in terms of resource allocation as Museveni shifted reliance on Military Intelligence (CMI) and Gen. Kalekyezi's quasi intelligence outfits under the Police. The then ISO Director General, Brig. Ronnie Balya plainly told the parliamentary committee on Defence and Internal Affairs that the organisation was grossly handicapped in terms of resources. In August 2016, he again presented a stinging paper at a regime cabinet and MP's retreat at its indoctrination centre in Kyankwanzi, attacking the regime's endemic corruption.

In his landmark presentation, Brig. Balya made it categorically clear that; "......corruption can lead to loss of legitimacy and trust in government. Because of corruption, disenchanted citizens can resort to mass demonstrations, violence and mob Justice; in some countries governments have collapsed because of this. The failure to provide, monitor and evaluate service delivery, could result in undesirable situations; including political dissent, rebellion, demonstrations, attempting violent regime change/coup or any form of instability." That was the considered opinion of the then DG/ISO who also doubles as the Chairman of the Joint Intelligence Committee (JIC). The disgruntled DG's stinging attack on pervasive graft and deteriorating service delivery by the military regime took Museveni by surprise. He had been unmasked and undressed. Four months later in January 2017 he sacked Brig. Balya and replaced him with retired Maj. Kaka Bagyenda whom he elevated to the rank of Colonel.

Public outcry over preferential remuneration of Museveni's cohorts who dominate some strategic lucrative government agencies has since then been on the increase. A number of industrial actions by sections of vital government agencies has been on the increase. Museveni woke up from the deep slumber and hypocritically questioned the viability of the too many duplicate government agencies in form of parastatals and authorities. He is the one who had deliberately formed them to enrich his cohorts among other selfish motives. On 28th August 2017, this website ran an article titled; "BEHIND MUSEVENI'S U-TURN ON STATUTORY AUTHORITIES/AGENCIES."

In July 2017, the now panicky Museveni tasked ISO to get for him information on how much money the government was spending on ministries and agencies. He also tasked public service to make a review of remuneration of public and civil servants with view of harmonising the disparities. Last month ISO submitted its findings to Museveni but in a turn of events the same organisation called a press conference and lay bare the same report to the public. The report which covered the last financial year, 2016/2017 unearthed astronomical wasteful expenditures on non-essential issues.

Trillions of taxpayer's money is swindled through the so-called consultancy, workshops, transport, entertainment, welfare, etc. by the usual suspects, State House, Defence, KCCA, URA, UNRA, EC, NITA etc. Its everybody's guess who are the people dominating these regime entities. Interestingly, the reports specifically question the logic behind expenditure of 483b shillings by 17 different government departments and agencies among them KCCA, NFA, OPM, SH, Police to supply agricultural inputs yet there is the Ministry of Agriculture.

Since its inception, ISO has been carrying out its mandate covertly and reporting to Museveni. The public has never been privy to its intelligence reports. Its head office has been a no-go area for members of the public including the press. Last week's press conference was the first of its kind and it must have been authorised by no one else other than Museveni. The motive is simple; to hoodwink Ugandans that this time around Museveni is serious with fighting graft as he buys time while containing the persistent pressure from potential industrial action. Otherwise, he has always not only been fully aware of these wasteful expenditures by these government departments and agencies, but a direct beneficiary. Different anti graft agencies like ISO, IGG, PPDA, SH Monitoring Unit, Police, DPP, relevant parliamentary committees, but more so the Auditor General, have all been reporting on state sponsored graft and poor service delivery.


Like #Zimbabwe's #Mugabe, #Uganda's #Museveni to extend his army's mandate to mineral exploitation

In 2000 Zimbabwe's Mugabe abandoned the market led economy for a programme of state-led economic transformation termed "the Third Chimurenga' that led to the seizure of White owned commercial farms most of which were given to the Liberation War veterans.  He went ahead to 'Africanize the economy' by seconding both serving and retired security officers into managerial positions in state enterprises and parastatals.  Security officers became managers, CEOs, shareholders and labourers in these state entities.  Such secondment provided opportunities for top security officers to increase their personal wealth in return for loyalty.

At hand was the business arm of the army, the Zimbabwe Defence Industries (ZDI) that had been established in 1984 to produce clothing, small arms and ammunitions and mechanical workshops for military hardwares.  Then came another business arm, OSLEG that had been established in 1998, and it entered into joint venture with Congolese companies for mineral exploitation in the Congo.  Another company Defence company, SICEBO entered into joint venture with the Congolese government logging concessions in DRC's Katanga region.  SINO Zimbabwe owned by top members of the military together with a Hong Kong business tycoon, San Pa ventured into diamond mining, cotton, and property sectors.  ZDI and Zimbabwe Mining Development Corporation also entered into a joint venture and have since the early 2000 been dominating mining of diamonds in Marangwe.

As the opposition MDC threatened to wrestle power from Mugabe's ZANU-PF by winning both the March 2008 Presidential and parliamentary elections, the army moved in and ordered a delay in announcement of results.  In the process, doctoring of results denied MDC outright win (47% against ZANU-PF's 43%) in the presidential elections prompting a run off in June of that same year.  Between March and June, the security forces embarked on a nationwide violence campaign aimed at destruction of MDC structures.  Arbitrary arrests, detentions, torture, maiming, and destruction of property characterized the Violent campaign.  MDC pulled out of the race leaving Mugabe and his ZANU-PF to hold into power.  Since then the military openly asserted its authority and assumed the role of managing the country.  Obviously with no managerial skills, Zimbabwe’s economy collapsed.

Therefore, the top security officials became some kind of secucrats by controlling and managing a large business empire thus increasing their leverage over various organs of the state, the economy and ZANU-PF structures as well as the legislature.  It is against this background that last month these secucrats moved to reassert the status quo by pushing Robert Mugabe into 'early retirement'.  See one of our articles titled; "WHY ZANU-PF'S ARMED WING NEVER OVERTHREW MUGABE" dated 22nd November 2017.

Similarly, Uganda's military dictator, Museveni has for decades been systematically drawing the military into the management of the economy.  First it was the establishment of the business arm of the army, National Enterprises Corporation (NEC).  It ventured into military industries (NEC industries in Luwero), mining of lime in Dura (NECLIME), mixed farming ranches in Kisozi and crop husbandry in Kiryandongo, pharmaceutical production (NEC Pharmaceuticals), hospitality (NECTARINE) and others.  The venture was rundown and swept clean whereby Museveni ran off with the Kisozi ranch.  The NRM also attempted to manage DANZE but it was also run down.

It was until around 2013 when Gen. Ssejusa fled to exile and threatened to dislodge Museveni by military means that Museveni moved very fast to mobilize former war veterans in the Luwero Triangle.  He assigned his brother Gen. Saleh to oversee the operation who in turn demarcated the former Luwero Triangle into 43 Zones where he deployed retired army officers for purposes of 'wealth creation' dubbed Operation Wealth Creation (OWC).  Shortly after Museveni took over the National Agriculture Advisory Service (NAADS) from the Ministry of Agriculture and placed it in the hands of his brother's OWC.   He went ahead and seconded an initial batch of 300 active army officers to the OWC.  After these officers had been taken through a two weeks agricultural seminar by Makerere University's Faculty of Agriculture they were deployed in 238 constituencies to manage agricultural extension services under OWC/NAADS.  The scheme has been allocated more money and facilities than the Ministry of Agriculture.

As a result, there is a general outcry in the countryside over OWC's failure as evidenced by the recent widespread food scarcity.  For Museveni, the scheme is a success story as army officers whom he fears to retire are contained while at the same time the scheme opened the door for retiring of others since OWC now acts as the reception for retiring army officers.  Museveni is now planning to increase OWC's annual budget to hit over one trillion shillings.  It is against this background that a few days ago Gen. Charles Angina, the Deputy Chairman of OWC disclosed that Museveni is considering deploying the army to the mining sector.

He said; "OWC will not only end at Agriculture, we shall also engage in other activities in mineral exploitation to help kick out poverty from Uganda.  We were entrusted to come from the military to create wealth and with all those unexploited minerals, we shall deliver as directed."  In Zimbabwe, the army failed the economy but kept Mugabe in power and in Uganda the army is systematically killing the economy but it is succeeding as the custodian of Museveni's life presidency scheme.  It is actively in agriculture, fisheries, forestry, tourism and conservation, revenue collection, urban law enforcement, land grabbing, provision of health care, criminal investigations, adjudication of civilian non-military matters, markets, trade disputes resolution, public transport management construction, capital investments etc.