Sunday, 26 February 2017

From #RPF to M23 - Kisoro under 'fresh attack' - #Uganda

Bufumbira which is present day Kisoro district was initially part of the pre-colonia Rwanda Kingdom. It became part of Uganda at the beginning of the last century and the new Ugandan ethnic community opted to call itself Bafumbira.  Because of Kisoro's proximity to Rwanda's Hutu stronghold of Ruhengeri, the majority of the Bafumbira are Hutu.  To a big extent the emergence of Bafumbira helped to provide cover for the Rwandese imigration into Uganda; beyond Kisoro to deep inside Uganda, the Rwandese identified themselves at Bafumbira.
The predominantly Catholic Bafumbira took advantage of the church provided formal education and excelled in many fields at a very early stage and during the first few years of Uganda's independence, they held vital positions in civil and public service.  Such migrants like John Kalekyezi (father to Gen. Kalekyezi) was expelled from Makerere University and deported to Rwanda-Urundi over communist oriented independence activism.  He sneaked back into Uganda from where he connected to Cairo.  He died in 1960 in a plane crash enroute from USSR and was buried in Kisoro but the Catholic church refused to conduct mass during the burial.  As to when and how he regained his Ugandan citizenship, your guess is as good as mine.
Because of land scarcity in Kisoro coupled by their sound economic muscle, many Bafumbira have over the decades migrated and found new settlements in other parts of Uganda more especially in Buganda and Tooro where Edgar Muvunyi is the Kingdom's Attorney General.  In an attempt to shed off the Rwandese connection, some of them prefer to shorten the Kifumbira names i.e. Kale for Kalekyezi,  Nkurunungi or simply Nziza for Nkurunziza, Nsenga for Nsengaimana, Tonku for Tom Nkuringiye, Nzeyi for Nizeyimana, Sibo for Siboimana, Mahoro for Nyiramahoro, Habyara for Habyarimana, Kalema for Kalemanzira, Mbanza for Mbanzabugabo and others.
Back in Kisoro, the predominantly Hutu Bafumbira retained their roots with the Hutu regime in Rwanda.  Bufumbira acted as a buffer zone between the exiled Tutsi activists in Uganda and the Hutu regime in Rwanda.  Because of its proximity and special relationship with the Hutu regime in Rwanda, Kigezi sub-region did not feel the bite of economic hardships during the Iddi Amin regime.  That is why the Tutsi RPF attack from Uganda in 1990 had to go through the Tutsi strongholds in Ntungamo and Umutara and not the Hutu strongholds in Kigezi and Ruhengeri.
When the Mufumbira Tutsi Catholic Bishop of Kigezi, Bernard Harerimana (Halel'Imana) openly morally and materially supported the RPF invasion, the Catholics in Kigezi revolted against him and he fled the diocese.  In 1994 he took an early retirement and Museveni appointed him the Chairman of the Uganda Aids Commission.
With the Tutsi RPF taking power in Rwanda, the Bafumbira Hutu in Kiroro were at a loss.  The minority Bafumbira Tutsi got  allies in the new Tutsi establishment in Rwanda.  Since 1994 when the Hutu in Rwanda were flashed out of power, the Bafumbira Hutu have helped thousands of Rwandese Hutu to settle and acquire Ugandan citizenship.
However, of recent Museveni is keen on affording the 'Bafumbira' a special status in his regime.
Eastern DRC rebel Banyamulenge strongholds north of Goma are in proximity with Kisoro which has repeatedly borne the brunt of the conflict's spillovers like insecurity and influx of refugees from Masisi and Walikale.  In those areas the majority Congolese Hutu who are the fleeing refugees while the minority Congolese Tutsi are the M23 fighters.  Both ethnic groups speak a language similar to the Bafumbira.  There is a refugee Transit camp at Nyakabande that is supposed to be a temprary holding ground for refugees as they are processed before being taken to refugee camps outside Kisoro district.
However, the regime has allowed refugees to establish residence in Kisoro town. Gun trafficking and mysterious killings have of recent hit the town. The district local government is attributing the surge in insecurity to the uncontrolled presence of M23 rebels in Kisoro.  The District chairman who is a Hutu alleges that some five district councilors are supporting the M23 rebels. He goes ahead to claim that the five were encouraging young Ugandans to join M23 with promisses of pay in form of US Dollars, ivory and gold.  In return the five are threatening to censure him over the 'wild allegations'. 
Arms coaches are intercepted in Kisoro, M23 fighters re-entering Congo via Kisoro, the Congolese army is repeatedly pursuing the M23 fighters upto the border with Uganda and the number of Congolese refugees fleeing Uganda are surging by the day. 
Compared to Ishasha in Kanungu, owing to the impenetrable Bwindi Forest and the mountanous Mgahinga, Kisoro remains the easiest route.  Will the new M23 conflict further split the Bafumbira along
Hutu/Tutsi ethnic lines?
Watch the space.

From #RPF to M23 - Kisoro under 'fresh attack' - #Uganda

Monday, 20 February 2017

#GreatLakesRegion security - what #Uganda regime is not disclosing

There is a brewing nasty security situation that should be a cause of public concern. Last week Museveni's Army chief, Gen. Muhoozi cautioned the western region based 2nd Division to be on the look out for a potential security threat from what he described as eastern DRC based rebel ADF
and 'other negative forces’ that he described as "an issue of concern".  In February 2014 the regime declared that the ADF had been decimated by the DRC army and Museveni rang Kabila to thank him for the job well done.

Coincidentally, last week the elite SFC took over from Police the mandate to provide security at major water bodies throughout the country.  The directive was issued by Museveni as the commander In Chief (CIC) and the focus is not on central region's Lake Kyoga but the strategic Lakes Albert and Edward along the Uganda/DRCongo border.  Otherwise, the SFC's Marine Unit under Col. Michael Nyarwa has all along been in-charge of L. Victoria waters owing to its proximity to Museveni's State House and Entebbe Airport.

Just yesterday the army announced that it had taken over security of the major forest reserves in the Bunyoro sub-region which borders with eastern DRC.  Now, Rwanda is reportedly accusing Museveni of offering military training grounds to its dissident RNC Gen. Nyamwasa.  The training bases are alleged to be in one of these forest reserves in Bunyoro.  However, last week the Museveni regime had given RNC chief financier, Rujugiro Ayabatwa a US $20 Tobacco investment in West Nile region.   Nyamwasa fell out with Kagame some years back and has since then been living in South Africa.  You can imagine if Uganda's Sweden based dissident, Col. Samson Mande was to be given investment opportunities in Kigali!!!   No wonder, Col. Abel Kankiriho who around 2013 had been the Chief custodian of RNC operatives in Uganda was last month appointed Military Intelligence Chief (CMI).

Since the beginning of 2017, former Congolese M23 rebels have been reportedly 'escaping' from the military encampment in western Uganda and sneaking back into eastern DRC.  The DRC government had earlier alleged that these former fighters had reorganised into military formations in eastern Congo.  As usual the Museveni regime vehemently denied but shortly after it confirmed the disappearance of the fighters including their topmost leader, Brig. Sultan Makenga.  Along the Uganda/DRC border in Kisoro district, security agencies intercepted a Ugandan registered car that was being loaded with six SMG rifles and one PK Machine Gun for onward transportation into DRC.

In January 2017 during an end of year party for soldiers of the Masaka based Armoured Brigade, Brig. Semwanga cited government intelligence to warn the public against a group of people who were recruiting youth from Masaka region and taking them to eastern DRC for subversive activities against the regime.  Five months earlier, in July 2016 unknown people attacked and killed two soldiers who were guarding special items stores before fleeing with their two SMG rifles.  Two weeks later, the DRC army killed two people donning a Museveni army uniform during clashes around areas of Beni.  The Museveni regime army claimed that the killed two had been wrong elements based in eastern DRC before thanking the Congolese army for neutralising them.  It went ahead to claim that they had been responsible for the killing of two soldiers in Masaka barracks before taking their guns. It went ahead to confirm that one of the guns recovered from the two dead 'wrong elements' had much earlier been stolen from an LDU who had been guarding Mulo Plaza in Masaka town.

In November 2016 the army issued a directive for its personnel to return all the old woodland camouflage uniforms citing misuse by wrong elements.  In 2015 the then Army Chief, Gen. Katumba Wamala appealed to the public to help locate the army veterans who had disappeared with army uniforms upon return from AMISOM in Somalia.  The army spokesman contradicted him: "......all the combat uniforms they used are with us, there is no such a thing as Veterans running away with uniforms."

Currently the DRC government is accusing the Museveni regime of harbouring its dissident armed groups (M18 and ALPC) in West Nile region.  The army has acknowledged the protest from the DRC government and promised to carry out an investigation.  M18 came to prominence in March 2013 when its leader, Col. Eric Ndoso was abducted by Uganda's Col. Phenekasi Mugyenyi in Kampala and handed over to Congolese intelligence operatives.  As they were taking their captive to Congo, the army intercepted them in West Nile and rescued Col. Ndoso who was held at the 409 Brigade in Arua.  The Congolese intelligence officers were allowed to proceed to Congo while Col. Phenekasi Mugyenyi was arraigned before the court martial for kidnap.

Shortly after, criminal proceeding again Col. Mugyenyi were halted on technical grounds.  He had earlier on commanded 67th Battalion based in Isiro during the military expedition into the Congo in the late 1990s.  M18's military activities in North-Eastern DRC had led to the fleeing of thousands of Congolese into Uganda as refugees.  It had been recruiting Ugandans including army veterans into its ranks and at one time it was commanded by a Ugandan, Benjamin Muki – a former Uganda Army soldier who was being used by Museveni's intelligence to spy on LRA activities in north-eastern DRC.

In late November 2016 the army arraigned Col. Desderio Balidde of Artillery Division together with two other junior soldiers before the General Court Martial for treason.  It alleged that around August 2016 in various places in Kampala the accused recruited soldiers into rebel activities and disclosed secret information to unauthorised people.  Earlier on 19 soldiers and civilians had been indicted before the same court over a successful attack on a military detachment and a foiled attack on CPS in Gulu town.

In July 2016 Nakawa M.P, Michael Kabaziguruka together with over 30 serving soldiers were arraigned before the military court for treason.  Museveni alleged that Kabaziguruka had twice tried but failed to kill him at his farm in Kisozi.  This followed the arrest of Col. Dan Opito of the Air Force base and Capt. Ojara of the arms stores at Bombo.  This is not to forget the arrest, torture and detention of the Col. Frank Iguma of the Armoured Welfare Training School and 19 other soldiers and civilians over alleged plot to attack Kabamba barracks.

Therefore, the recent army command reshuffles should be looked at from the above background.  If our parliament had not been compromised by the regime, it would be in position to demand for security accountability.  Maybe the opposition shadow Internal Affairs Minister will rise it on the floor of parliament.  Otherwise, Ugandans deserve to know what is going on.


Sunday, 19 February 2017

Why #Uganda's #Museveni warned #Trump against trampling on #Russia

"Russia is a very powerful country even after the breakup of USSR.  The country developed Russian technology and it can develop more.  To think that you can trample on Russia like they have been trampling on other unfortunate peoples is to be very reckless and dangerous on world peace.  Why do we not examine the possibility of working with Russia against common threats such as terrorism."
Museveni's latest missive on international relations - Feb 2017. 
During the U.S presidential election campaigns, the then Republican candidate Donald Trump pledged to lock Presidents Mugabe and Museveni in prison if he would become the President.  He clearly stated:  "I want to reiterate here before America's greatest heroes that I will not condone any dictatorial tendencies exhibited by dictators around the world especially the two old men from Zimbabwe and Uganda.  Mugabe and Museveni must be put on notice that their days are numbered and that I am going to arrest and lock them in Prison."
Responding to the Trump arrest threat, in January 2016 Museveni told a press conference that he was not bothered by Trump's empty talk.  "I have not heard about Trump and what Trump says is none of my business.  I think Mr. Trump has got enough work to do in the US.  People are dying, being killed by guns.  Maybe I could give him some advice on how to have peace in the USA.  I didn’t even know what Trump says.  He has no credentials to talk about Uganda.  He has no authority.  He has got enough work to do in the US: in case you are in touch with him, tell him that."
In February 2016 Museveni rigged his way to another five-year term.  While at a Catholic Parish in Harare, Zimbabwe's Robert Mugabe remarked that "......Trump is a fool and he should go and commit suicide if he is not comfortable with President Museveni's victory."
He went ahead to urge Museveni to tell Trump that he (Museveni) was there to stay.  As usual, Museveni was not being sincere; instead he had been keenly and closely following the entire Trump presidential campaign.  He has now admitted this fact in his latest missive:  "During the US campaigns, I noticed President Trump using the words 'convergence' rather than 'divergence' while handling international affairs."
Museveni had not expected Donald Trump to win the US presidency.  His preferred candidate had been the democrat, Hillary Clinton.  In November 2016, he sent him a congratulatory message:  ".......we look forward to working with him as we have been working with other leaders before him,” Around late November 2016, while still recovering from the Trump victory shock, he authored a lengthy missive blaming 'western aggression' in the Middle East and North Africa for the global wave of migrants and a backlash that caused Hilary Clinton to loose the presidential race and BREXIT. 
He went ahead to state:  "Mr. Trump won the elections in the USA against our long time friend, Hillary Clinton.  Although Hillary won the popular vote, Mr. Trump won the electoral college vote.  That is their system which we must respect.  He went ahead to call upon African countries to develop a mechanism that would guard against 'western encroachment'.
Two months later, he is now authoring another missive targeting Donald Trump’s relations with Russia.  It is a clear manifestation of how he is seriously taking the Trump threats to dislodge him from power. Initially he had wrongly believed that Trump would not win the Presidency.   Even when he did win, still Museveni thought that the threats were mere campaign rhetoric.  However, given Trump's demonstrated resolve to effect his campaign promises, Museveni is justified to panic thus the most recent missive. 
In both form and content, the missive portrays Museveni as being desperate, uncertain, bitter, warry, and concerned over the Trump presidency.  His only consolation is Trump's alleged closeness to Putin whereby he believes the later can prevail over the former in the event that he opts to fulfil his campaign pledge of 'imprisoning dictators'.  But still, given that the no nonsense Donald Trump is uncompromising and unpredictable, Museveni is not taking chances.  His latest missive is an attempt to blackmail Donald Trump while at the same time seeking the attention and protection of Russia’s Putin.
Museveni fully switched to Russia around 2012.  He acquired from Russia a squadron of Shukoi SU 30 jet fighters at a cost of US $700M.  While commissioning this squadron at the Airforce Base in Entebbe, Museveni remarked:  "The Russians work with us, they don’t mix up their politics with our politics, they just do what we agree on."  Russia has been supporting the army industries at Nakasongola in the production of classified military hardwares.  A Russian firm recently won the construction of Uganda's oil refinery at a cost of US $5.4M.


Tuesday, 14 February 2017

#Uganda - Is mob justice criminal only when the victim is an #M23 fighter?

Last week in Kisoro town two businessmen were charged with murder of a former M23 rebel fighter and remanded.  Bertin Birori described as a Congolese refugee residing in Kisoro town was lynched by a mob on the night of 28th January 2017 after he was caught stealing a TV set in the house of one of the accused.  This is a very big shift in policy because the regime has always kept a blind eye on violent and gruesome acts of mob justice throughout the country.  Maybe it is because of the special status that the regime accords to the Tutsi M23 fighters.  It should be noted that Kisoro is now a center of renewed activity by M23 rebels returning to launch a fresh rebellion in Congo.

Under Museveni's military dictatorship, mob justice is the order of the day.  It takes the form of stonings, beatings, matchette attacks, burning alive, stripping suspects of clothes and parading them on the streets and destruction of property.  The most common is lynching (gruesome mob murder) that mainly targets suspected robbers, thieves, witches, defilers, criminal trespassers, and murderers.  The major underlying issue is release on bail of suspects by courts and bond by the police - a constitutional practice that is misunderstood by some members of the public.

Museveni has been the leading advocate against granting of bail in his effort to target his political opponents that he repeatedly detains on concocted charges.  Much as the public has lost confidence in the criminal law enforcement agencies, the regime uses such violent scenes to keep the public in fear.

His regime cohorts have also re-echoed his opposition to bail thus inciting mob justice.  In August 2016 at Luwero Town Council offices, now Minister Hajji Naduli rallied residents of Luwero to revive mob
action against suspects citing an earlier operation that he led as the District leader in 2009 that left five suspects lynched. 

In October 2013, the Lyantonde district Chairman, Fred Muhangi urged Boda Boda cyclists to lynch and burn suspected thieves.  As of April 2001, the then Police Chief Gen. Katumba Wamala estimated that more than 1000 people had been killed by mob violence since 1991. The then National Political Commissar (NPC), Cryspus Kiyonga called mob justice "another type of insecurity".   Contrary to what Museveni wants us to belief, the criminal justice system is okay and not different from other civilised societies elsewhere in the world.

Here below, find a few of the gruesome incidents of mob justice that have gone unpunished.

1.  In May 2016 three suspected armed robbers were lynched by an angry mob in Rubaga, Kampala.

2.  In August 2016 Bodaboda riders in Rukungiri town lynched a robbery suspect, Kafeero, before setting his body on fire and destroying all his property.

3.  In September 2016 an angry mob in Kyanja Parish in Kampala lynched a suspected car robber and seriously injured another.

4.  In December 2016 a mob in Mukono lynched a senior army officer, Lt. Col. Kebe Nepekele, over suspicion that he wanted to steal from a mobile money shop.

5.  In December 2016, an angry mob in Kabaale burnt to death a man after suspecting him to be a thief by a shop keeper.

6.  In October 2016 in Kamira S/county in Luwero an angry mob lynched  Edward Ssekate after he was found stealing pineapples.

7.  In October 2016 in Kamira S/county Luwero, two brothers, Kitaka and Sembewo were lynched by an angry mob after they were found in possession of suspected stolen property.  The two slain brothers
brought the total number lynched in a period of two months to eight.

8.  In May 2016 in Maziba, Kabaale three unidentified people were lynched after they were suspected to have stolen 120kg of maize.

9.  In April 2015, Makerere university students lynched their alumni, David Ojok Otim suspecting him to be a thief after he had gone to claim his money for computer repair services.

10.  In February 2017 Aroon Musawo a student of MUBS was lynched by fellow students and Bodaboda riders after he was mistaken for a thief.

11.  In February 2017 a retired soldier, Pte Waiswa Kabalindi was lynched for attempting to steal a mattress in Itonko village, Namutumba.

12.  In July 2012 Paulo Semanda was lynched and his body set ablaze by angry residents of Luwero Town Council for suspected murder.

13.  A 2009 Police Annual Crime Report recorded 232 mob action cases many of which resulted in death.

14.  In February 2017 Pastor Severino Lukoya narrowly survived lynching by angry residents in Agago for false prophesies.

15.  In April 2016 Paddy Aroho was lynched by an angry mob in Hoima town after they suspected him to be a motorcycle thief.

16.  A police crime report covering Jan - Sept 2015 revealed 180 victims of mob lynching.  Of these, theft took 46, robbery 22, murder 10, house breaking 10, witchcraft 5, land disputes 5, and Kampala city
accounted for 40 incidents.

17.  In January 2011 a Managing Director of a city laboratory, Yusuf Kigozi was lynched by an angry mob who suspected him to be a robber.

18.  In April 2004 two suspected motorcycle robbers were lynched by a mob in Ntungamo while another five survived with serious fatalities.

19.  In Dec 2009 an unidentified man suspected to have stabbed another was lynched an angry mob.

20.  The 2008 Police crime report revealed 368 cases of mob justice of which 232 were suspected of theft while 59 were suspected of murders.

21.  In April 2002 a young man suspected to be a robber was lynched by an angry mob in Kawempe, Kampala.

22.  In August 2008 an angry mob in Bwanga trading centre in Mayuge lynched three suspected robbers after cutting off their genitals and hacking them to death.  The mob grabbed them from the custody of
security officers who had arrested them.

23.  In May 2003 two suspected robbers were lynched by an angry mob and the third one seriously injured but was later on grabbed from a hospital bed and lynched too.

24.  In Sept 2009 angry residents of Obutweli village in Lira town lynched a suspected robber.

Security personnel have been exemplary in carrying out mob justice through extra judicial killings and torture of victims.  From the rounding up of villagers suspected of being rebels in northern Uganda before shooting them dead or tortured to death to burning people alive in a train wagon in Kumi.  From close range shooting dead and crashing with tanks of Karamajong women and children inside their
krals during the disarmament exercise to extra judicial killings by JATT, CMI, OPN Wembly, Flying Squad, regular police and other security outfits.

Police in Kyangwali beat to death suspect Gilbert Mukonyezi.  In Kampala RRU officers tortured to death suspect Henry Bakasamba.  In Gulu Police officers killed suspect Calvin Ocwee.  In Kisoro two SPCs beat to death Evaristo Mihigo for resisting arrest.  In Kiruhura district police shot dead two people who they wanted suspecting them of being thieves.

Just last week, in Ibanda bodaboda cyclists petitioned for police permission to allow them to lynch suspected motorcycle thieves.  The list of incidents is endless and the above is just a tip of the iceberg.

Who will put a stop to this carnage???


Friday, 10 February 2017

Mwenda walks dangerous path by manipulating "intelligence" - #Uganda #TVO

Intelligence Community is a term used to collectively refer to a federation of different formal anti-Intelligence agencies of a particular sovereign state. In Museveni's Uganda there has been both formal and informal intelligence outfits. Upon taking power in 1986 he has his three bush war intelligence outfits i.e. Civil Intelligence, Military Intelligence (DMI) and Clandestine. Civil Intelligence came to be known as President's Office, DMI went to Basiima House and clandestine went 'underground'.
Having started his political career as an intelligence officer and more especially in a communist background and setting, Uganda's military dictator, Museveni values the flow of information on all aspects of public affairs right from the smallest unit at village level to the top at national level. All his decisions and policies are based on the information generated in such a way.
Andrew Mwenda met Museveni a few days ago flauting his intelligence on the so called Tom Voltaire Okwalinga. The problem is that he is fronting wrong intelligence, and Museveni probably knows it, and may use this as a way of bringing him(Mwenda) down for good. Museveni has done it before with a lot of people. Mwenda is now being treated with suspicion and monitored by State House Intelligence for every move he makes. Museveni will give him the money he needs to continue doing his work of gathering intelligence on the four TVOs, but he is laying traps for him at the same time. That's how he operates.
State House Intelligence - this is an informal intelligence outfit that Museveni personally manages. It has a wide network and well facilitated both financially and logistically. It collects intelligence and inquires into any matter in any government sector. Allover, intelligence is a vital component of any government. In democratic societies intelligence organisations run governments behind the scenes. In dictatorships, intelligence plays a vital role in sustaining dictatorship. Museveni's interest in Tom Okwalinga is so big on the agenda because it concerns intelligence, and a 'rebelious' intelligence officer or officers. He or she is wanted to be eliminated and those associated with him.
Where some governments decide to help dissidents, its the intelligence agencies that take the lead. Intelligence officers are expected to have 100% loyalty to the government of the day. It is intelligence that directs all military operations and determines their failure and success. The rule of the game is that where an intelligence officer expresses political dissent or falls out with the system he is eliminated (killed) by any extra judicial means. 
A system may accomodate the defection of a military General but not an intelligence officer. That is why the likes of Amon Baziira, Rwanda's Col Karegeya and Joel Mutabazi had to be dealt with in exile. Mwenda is, therefore, putting the lives of the people he named as Tom Okwalinga in real danger, if manages to convince Museveni with his crap details.
Mwenda isnt a political mobiliser and hasnt mastered the art of spying.If he had, he would not have been careless to publish wrong intelligence in the way he did. He has connections within Rwandas intelligence and Uganda's military command structures,because of his friendship with Kagame and Museveni respectively, but most of these boys dont like him. So, its probable that a lot of people are working behind the scenes to see his downfall.
When former intelligence officers opt to dissident activities, their capability of interpreting situations and planning of their activities is rather advanced. Of course an intelligence officer must be intelligent but not all intelligence officers are intelligent. Actually of all people who serve under intelligence agencies, very few become intelligence officers. Intelligence operations involves some element of criminality. 
This is what knocks off former DMI and now leader of opposition Mugisha Muntu. He is too much of an honest gentleman to apply his intelligence experience tough he is intelligent and Museveni knows this. Museveni has his background in intelligence services. Museveni has been very clever not to breed career intelligence officers. One can accurately say that Museveni uses party cadres as intelligence officers. It is this experience that has helped him to gain and retain power by hook or crook. He has survived several military onslaughts because the those fighting him lacked the intelligence input.

Thursday, 9 February 2017

#Uganda - Are Balalo 'vagabonds' or an extension of land grabbing?

"We resolved that the invaders (Balalo) should leave the area on 18th.  The communication was made to them but their leader, James Mushabe instead called the Brigade Commander, the DPC, the DISO, who are all Balalo from the west who mobilised the police and the army and started arresting people.  We are not going to allow our land to be grabbed; it is clear that the Police, army, GISO, DISO, RDC and other authorities are all inclined towards defending the Balalo".
          Resolution by MPs from northern Uganda -  February 2017.

In Nov 2016 the L.C V Chairman Gulu district issued a two days’ ultimatum for the Balalo to leave the district and return to where they had come from.  In October 2016, these same Balalo led by the L.C
III Chairman of Kyankwanzi, Fred Mpora after he hired land for two years from a local resident of Palaro S/county at 7.5M shillings and two bulls.  Earlier in August 2016, the district Executive Committee had passed a resolution for the same arrogant and armed Balalo who were destroying locals' gardens to leave the same S/county.
In March 2011, residents of Kotch-Goma and Puranga Sub-counties demanded for a by-law stopping land owners from leasing out land to the Balalo following destruction of crops by their cattle.  The RDC Nwoya District, Semei Okur and M.P Richard Tadwong warned residents against attacking Balalo.

In September 2016, across the River Nile in Nebbi district, locals accused the RDC, Ms. Ajilong of not doing enough to stop land disputes involving Balalo.
In 2010, 50 Balalo families were evicted from Arua district.
In February 2012, 30 Balalo together with their 2000 heads of cattle were forcefully evicted from Ubongi S/county, Moyo district to the border with Yumbe district.  This followed the expiry of a one month ultimatum.
In Kitgum district, around October 2016 members of the Koppi clan Evicted the Balalo with their 150 heads from Orom S/county who were destroying locals' gardens and had fenced off the communal water dam.
In May 2015, elderly women stripped naked before government Ministers who had gone to Angara and Atang S/counties to oversee the surveying of land for purported government projects.  They suspected that the Museveni regime had sinister plans of ferrying Balalo and Bakiga from western Uganda to take their land.  The army was accused ferrying armed Balalo at night to into northern Uganda.  Aru county M.P, Odong Otto called on Acholi leaders to prepare for resistance warning that;
"if the Acholi people keep begging Museveni to remove the army from land disputes, he will keep on humiliating the Acholi community".  In 2007, local residents in Apach district attacked and killed some Balalo and 25 locals were consequently arrested.

In Bunyoro sub-region, there were serious clashes between the invading Balalo and indigenous Bagungu.  The former claimed to have bought land from the Bagungu in 2003.  Fearing the backlash owing to the oil drilling in the area, Museveni withdrew his backing of the Balalo by ordering Gen. Ssejusa to forcefully evict them from the oil rich Block 2 of the Albertine area.  The evictees went to court where in 2013 they were granted a refund of 2M they had used to purchase the land by each of the 158 Balalo families.
In October 2009, clashes between locals and migrant Balalo in Panyandole Parish, Kiryandongo S/county left one Acholi man killed, 17 Balalo huts burnt down and several cows killed.
In Kibaale district, locals clashed with Balalo who invaded Kasambya S/county around 2007.  In Hoima district, residents of Kigorobya petitioned the then Minister of Internal Affairs for intervention in land conflicts between the indigenous Alur cultivators and the migrant Balalo.
In Teso sub-region, the Balalo had encroached on wetlands notably Tsai island, Ongin S/county in Kumi district.  In 2004, Museveni vowed to punish Balalo by ordering the local authorities to sternly deal with them before describing them as vagabonds who had sold their land elsewhere before moving to Teso and other regions.  Muse Echeru who is now a Minister was pictured canning some of them.
In Jan 2017, Balalo were evicted from Amolatar district after one of them stole a cow and were accused of arrogance and having no respect for humanity.
Balalo is a term used to refer to those Bahima and Rwandese Tutsi who go out to work for other non Hima/Tutsi owning cattle.  For decades the Balalo left their traditional homeland in Ankole and ventured into Buganda, Acholi, Lango and Teso sub-regions.  Before 1979 Balalo in Lango and Acholi who were referred Olari worked for Acholi and Langi as herdsmen. They were paid in cash and sometimes in kind (cattle) from which some of them accumulated own herds and separated from their masters to settle in the region.
During the 1979 chaos following the overthrow of Iddi Amin, the Langis and Acholis looted the Balalo of all their cattle in Lango and Acholiland.  The Balalo fled to Bunyoro, Buganda, and Busoga.  It was not long before the Luwero Bush war displaced them again some fleeing to Teso and Ankole.  However, they played a vital role in sustaining the Bush War in the original Luwero Triangle.  Interestingly, they were not targeted by the so called Obote soldiers in Luwero and their skulls are not among those on display at different spots. Baganda landlords were stunned to see their herdsmen turn into NRA guides and commanders and they now own big chunks of land in the Luwero Triangle.
North-western Tanzania region of Kagera was another sanctuary for these Balalos before the government of Tanzania became hard on them. 

However, with the advent of Museveni and Kagame into power in Uganda and Rwanda, these so called Balalos also changed character and form.  It’s no longer the other poor pastoralist Hima/Tutsi in search of casual labour but rich people in terms of cash and herds of cattle.  They are a bunch of beneficiaries of the newly minted wealth of the past three decades using their connections with the powerful political and military elites thus why they are armed.  Their efforts to look for new territories outside the traditional cattle corridor is part of the wider scheme to strengthen their positions within the closed ranks of wealth and power.  It is a well designed conspiracy from political actors as manifested by a systematic stealth movement of animals to the affected areas.
There is no doubt the Museveni regime is behind the coordinated movement of the so called Balalo in search of new territories.  It facilitates them by providing both legal and physical protection.
Through a well designed scheme, specific government officials like RDC, DISO, CAO, District Veterinary, Forestry, and Land officers, are posted in the target districts.  In some instances, locally elected leaders are compromised for fear of being DE campaigned and at worse framed.  The purported establishment of a military installation in a particular target area has been used as an advance party not only for the Balalo incursion but also for land grabbing.  The regime has degazetted national parks and other public lands to provide settlement of the Balalo.  Security has been another excuse for giving away public land to the Balalo.  When Gen. Kalekyezi was the PPS to Museveni, he cited insecurity as the reason for the directive to have Hima pastrolists occupy Katonga Wildlife Reserve and as of now they have taken over Kyaka county.  It was the same case for the Congolese Hema immigrants in the Semuliki Game Reserve.
With their privileged economic position, the so called Balalo have what it takes to acquire land in any part of Uganda.  They are now exploiting the economic deprivation of northern Uganda.  This partly explains why the regime undermined the post-insurgency northern Uganda reconstruction schemes.

Museveni will not intervene in the Balalo land conflict in northern Uganda the way he did in Bulisa and Teso because he feared the Bagungu backlash on oil and the Iteso withdraw of support on Karamoja disarmament respectively.

Monday, 6 February 2017

#Museveni massages his police as #EAC states take tough action - #Uganda

Last week Museveni's Partisan police's so called Disciplinary Court gave its verdict in the sham trial of nine police officers accused of beating up opposition leader, Dr. Besigye supporters in July 2016. The were sentenced to reprimand, trivial demotion in rank and fine of one third of the monthly salary.

In Tanzania, last week the government suspended for questioning 17 police officers including a senior commander of the Anti-Narcotics Unit for suspected aiding of illegal drug dealers.

In Rwanda, last month a cabinet meeting chaired by the President expelled 200 police officers for corruption and other offences.  Of these, one quarter were senior officers.

In Kenya, in December 2016 the National Police Council dismissed from service 127 police officers of the Traffic department in Nyanza, Rift Valley and Coast regions alone.  They were accused of unexplained
financial transactions, professional misconduct, owning Matatu (PSVs) business, receiving bribes from transporters and operators of breakdown business.

Elsewhere, in July 2016 in Philippines, the President fired top police officers for alleged links with illegal drug deals.  Top Police Generals were alleged to be rendering protection to drug dealers. 

In South Africa, in September 2016 alone, Gauteng Provincial administration dismissed 66 police officers for corruption and robbery related offences.

In Uganda, the Police is Museveni's private coercive arm embedded into his regime structures with the sole goal of suppressing any form of political dissent.  The alleged misconduct had been approved and
applauded by the regime top officials including Museveni and the sham trial was just to dupe the public. 

During the trial one of the accused, Bamuzibire questioned:  "Why us and not the likes of Ruhweza,
Jotham Baroza and others?  The batons we used were the standing Operational procedure (SOP) that came into force on 11th May 2016.  Police had procured several types of batons - big ones from South
Africa, long ones from Kenya and metallic ones from France".  The Police disciplinary court responded by informing the accused that "We were not involved in the process of bringing you to court.  Our role
is to hear the case brought to us.  We don’t know how you were selected".

A number of heinous crimes involving police and other security personnel have been swept under the carpet by the regime.  It is an open secret that most of the gravest crime related insecurity have been
directly or indirectly linked to security personnel who have enjoyed full protection and cover up by the regime.  Here below, find a few of such incidents:

1.  In April 2016 ASP Mugarura submitted a detailed report to the IGP detailing Police Commanders who were conniving with criminals to rob banks, petro stations, mobile money agents, supermarkets, and killing and disarming policemen on foot patrol etc.  Top police bosses like Edward Ochom, Grace Turyagumanawe, Jimmy Katonyerera and others were implicated but instead the IGP threatened to arrest Mugarura for releasing the information to the public.

2.  In June 2016 the PSU Commandant, F. Habyara disclosed that more than 100 officers were under investigations for involvement in criminal activities but the outcome is no where to be seen.

2.  During 2016 army Capt. Peter Mushabe Kashaija, Capt. Jonas Mushabe and Sgt Nayebare were arrested for a series of armed robberies involving 528M shillings from an Indian business man and US $350,000 from a Chinese construction company among other incidents but the country is yet to see them punished.

4.  In 2016, 80kg of seized cocaine worth 13b shillings was stolen and replaced by cassava and wheat flour by Aviation Police at Entebbe airport.

5.  In Dec 2016 Police arrested CMI's Capt. Barigye, Cpl. Amon Twino and Sgt Agaba over armed robbery of 25Kgs of gold worth 3.7b shillings from illegal Congolese dealers in Kampala.

6.  CID officers, Moses Kato and George Komurubuga took bribes in a 165b shillings Pensions scam.  Police promised criminal proceedings but wapi!

7.  In October 2016, four police officers ambushed a BIDCO truck along Lira-Alebtong Road and robbed 45M shillings.

8.  In Feb 2014, police officers in Kumi led by the O.C operations, Jacob Emau ambushed and robbed South Sudanese traders.

9.  In Feb 2016, police in Kampala arrested 4 policemen, 3 soldiers and 3 Congolese and South Sudan civilians from refugee camps who had been carrying out armed robberies using guns hired from policemen.

10.  In Dec 2016 army Capt. Mageni killed an Eritrean businessman after stealing his 2M Euros.

11.  In Jan 2017 the O.C Gaba and the GISO robbed 4M shillings from a Chinese fish company in Gaba.

12.  In June 2016 SPC Isaac Ssegawa robbed a car in Mbarara.

13.  In Jan 2017 police Cadet Mulyanka was lynched to death in Kaliro after he robbed a hardware shop.

14.  At Karuma Bridge, two police officers who were guarding the hydro power project broke into the facility and stole billions of shillings.

15.  Former Kampala North CID, Victor Wanyama stole and sold recovered exhibit gold and US 11,000 cash after replacing them with fake ones before he attempted to burn Old Kampala police station so as to kill evidence.  He also extorted 60M from a fuel dealer, Muhammad, after he falsely accused him of dealing in fake fuel and detaining him for 4 days.

16.  In September 2016, the head of Intelligence in Sironko district, ASP Denis Nyirinkindi stole 7M shillings exhibit money recovered from the YLP defaulters.

17.  Capt. Nyakaringa of CMI robbed 700M from a Chinese company in Kireka, 300M, and 400M shillings from a businessman in Muyenga.

18.  In May 2016, Kanyomozi Moses of Kitintale Police Post was arrested for robbing 110M shillings in Mbarara using a hired gun from his colleagues at CPS.

19.  A Kenyan gold dealer recently appealed for Museveni's intervention after his gold worth US $240,000 was stolen from him by army General Taban Amin and Brig. Mugyenyi in Sept 2016.

20.  In 2015, the then head of the Police Special Investigations Unit, Charles Kataratambi was reported to have been arrested for theft of US $450,000 recovered as part of the US $1.4M fraudulently stolen
from Equity Bank.

The above incidents are just a sample of the bigger problem for which Ugandans patiently wait to see action towards disciplinary redress. This is not to mention incidents of gross violation of human rights
including kidnapping, maiming and killing. Instead, the regime has been covering up and protecting the officers involved in criminal activities. 

Therefore, pretending to be fighting indiscipline in the security agencies when ignoring and covering up serious criminal acts by the same personnel is a matter of grave concern.  Ugandans are keenly following what is going on and one day those responsible will be made to answer.


Friday, 3 February 2017

#Kenya continues to reap big from #Museveni's criminal deception - #Uganda

 Uganda's military dictator, Museveni has over the years been desperately endeavoring to secure an East African Community (EAC) political federation so that he becomes its first president.  Besides the presidency, his major stake is to secure for himself and his ruling family a guarantee to hold on power by securing a regional military alliance.  As usual along the way he has manipulated his EAC member states for his selfish interests.
Kenya has suffered most under Museveni's geo-political machinations. It is currently crying foul over what they are terming as Museveni's 'deception and betrayal' in the recently concluded election of the AU Commission Chairperson.  It had fronted its own Amina Mohammed who lost to Chadi's Faki Mahamat and Museveni is alleged to have favoured the later.  In response, Kampala has come out to describe the assertion as baseless.  As the saying goes; "A fly that does not listen to advice follows the corpse to the grave".
Tanzania's cautious, reluctance and suspicion in fast-tracking the political federation earned it the accusation from Museveni of slowing down the integration.  Consequently, in 2013 he set off to manipulate his presumed underdogs, Rwanda and Kenya into entering an unholy alliance dubbed Coalition of the Willing (COWI) comprised of Uganda, Rwanda and Kenya to the exclusion of Tanzania and Burundi. 
COWI went ahead to initiate a raft of infrastructure, telecommunication, defence and tourism projects. It was under COWI that Museveni lured Kenya into signing MOU over the oil pipeline and the Standard Gauge Railway (SGR). 
Uganda was supposed to transport its crude oil through north-eastern Uganda, northern Kenya to the costal port of Lamu.  Although Uganda and Kenya had signed an MOU in 2009 for the construction of the SGR from Mombasa to Kampala, it was not until in August 2013 under COWI that Rwanda, Uganda and Kenya signed a tripartite agreement for the construction of the SGR from Mombasa-Kampala-Kigali.  The excited Kenya immediately embarked on construction of the SGR from Mombasa to Nairobi and as of now it has been completed and in October 2016 it launched the 2nd phase from Nairobi to Kisumu.  On his part, Uganda which launched the Malaba-Kampala line in October 2014 has not yet commenced construction of the same.

In late 2013 Tanzania invoked Article 7(1) (e) of the EAC Protocol that requires all member states to endorse bilateral and trilateral agreements by individual member states.  The three COWI members went ahead to sign agreements on single custom territory, free movement of people by use of national ID, single tourist visa and political federation.  However, with the coming into office of President Magufuli in Tanzania, Rwanda shifted its focus from the Kampala route to the port of Dar Es Salaam before accusing Museveni of prioritising the rail to Juba instead of Kigali.  It buried its earlier differences with Tanzania under the Kikwete presidency and became the first country to host President Magufuli.
In April 2016, Museveni opportunistically shifted the oil pipeline deal from Kenya to the Tanzanian port of Tanga.  The difference in distance of about 70kms was given as one of the reasons.  The insecurity in northern Kenya and Lamu port being one other reason can be contrasted with Tanga's recent insecurity spillovers owing to its proximity to Mombasa.  The other reason of natural obstacles like Mt. Moroto in north eastern Uganda can also be contrasted with the Usambara ranges that shield Tanga.  The issue of land compensation is understandable because in Tanzania all land is vested in the President as a trustee and there is no freehold system.  The President has powers to revoke private land titles to give way to projects of public or national interest.  You now understand why Museveni is pushing for the law to provide for compulsory acquisition of private land. The truth is that Museveni's shift of the oil pipeline route was driven by his desire to hook and win back Tanzania.
Museveni had always been pushing for the controversial EAC Defence and Security Pact.  It has an intriguing provision that provides for "an attack on one member to be construed as an aggression against all the member states".  Though Tanzania had earlier dodged signing the single defence territory protocol in Bujumbura, in 2012 it signed the same but has never ratified it.  However, in 2014 COWI signed a Defence Pact ostensibly to fight against transnational crime including 'terrorism'.  It provided for an EAC Standby Force to draw forces from Rwanda, Uganda, South Sudan, Kenya, Ethiopia, Djibouti, and Eritrea.
This is the pact that was passed by Uganda's parliament this week. For Museveni, it is this force that will crush any armed opposition to his dictatorship thus aims at averting a scenario similar to the recent ECOWAS/Gambia situation.

#Uganda @Museveni manipulation, #AfricanUnion (#AU) chair

During the 2nd Congo War Chadian troops fought with Museveni's army at Gemena before it pulled out of the war at an early stage.  The Chadian leader, Idris Debby who until recently has been the Chairman of the AU has been in power since 1990.  In August 2015, Museveni attended his swearing in for a fifth term in office as President. 
In May 2016, Chad's President also attended Museveni's swearing in ceremony in Kampala where he applauded his host for building a strong personal Special Forces Command. The Chadian who has been elected as the Chairperson of the AU Commission had been at the helm of the AU's Peace and Security agency before he became the Foreign Affairs Minister.  
Museveni has thrived on regional security and insecurity undertakings in the Congo, Burundi, CAR, South Sudan, Somalia etc.  Therefore, his manoeuvres must have gotten him closer to both Idris Debby and Faki Mahamat. Moreover, his LRA is in CAR which borders with Chad.  Mahamat's ascendancy to the helm of AU favors Museveni's permanent military welfare and logistical support project from the peace keeping mission under AMISOM.
On the other hand, Kenya has historically been Uganda's major trading partner and also provides a shorter sea route for its landlocked neighbor.  Until recently it provided a major sanctuary to Ugandans fleeing persecution including Museveni's External Wing during the Bush War in the early 1980s. 
When Museveni came to power, thousands of Ugandans fled to Kenya from where some of them attempted to regroup into armed opposition.  In 1987 following a spate of killings of local council officials in Busia, Uganda amassed troops at the border.  Kenya accused Uganda of aiding Kenyan dissidents alleged to be travelling to Libya for military training. 
A Journalist was accused of spying for Uganda and sentenced to 9 years’ imprisonment.  Kenya went ahead to cut off direct dialing telephone links and Uganda responded by disconnecting electricity supply to Kenya.  NALU's Amon Bazira was gunned down in Kenya by Museveni's security agents.  Raila Odinga fled Kenya for Uganda and then Col. Odong of the February Resistance Army (FERA) who upon protests from Kenya was relocated to Ghana.  After a series of meetings Between Moi and Museveni, relations improved from the mid 1990s onwards.
During the 2007/08 election violence in Kenya, Museveni is alleged to have sent his army to Kenya against the opposition.  In response, opposition supporters uprooted a section of the Uganda bound railway line in Nairobi.  It is alleged Museveni was worried of the Luos getting into power in Kenya at a time he was facing stiff resistance from Luos of Uganda under the LRA umbrella.   However, with diminishing Luo resistance in Uganda, in 2010 Museveni managed to lure Raila Odinga to join his campaign trail in south-eastern Uganda. 
In 2012 Museveni visited the Luo stronghold of Kisumu in Kenya.  As Museveni manipulated the Uhurus against the ICC, he again clashed with Raila Odinga over the controversial sugar exports to Kenya.  Raila told Museveni to keep off Kenya affairs thus "Uganda's dictatorship and prevention of freedom cannot be allowed in Kenya.  Let Museveni do that in his country", he warned.
During his 2016 election campaign Museveni invited Kenya's Vice President William Ruto to drum up support for him amongst his ethnic Sabiny in eastern Uganda.  While in Nakasongola, Museveni accused Kenya Luos of campaigning for his opponent, Dr. Besigye on social media. 
Museveni did not want Kenya to join the Somali peace keeping mission thus his then argument of ".....we can provide all the required ground troops so long as the West provides the financial and logistical support".  Moreover, the persistent Al-Shabaab incursions into Kenya were disrupting Kenya's tourism sector in favor of Uganda.
Therefore, now that Museveni has renewed his friendship of convenience with Tanzania, he feels Kenya does not matter.  Who won’t be fooled by Museveni???

Wednesday, 1 February 2017

#Uganda #31years - Government bans use of private cars to take prisoners to work on private farms

Last week we did a piece on Prison Carnage in Uganda where prisoners are transported by private cars to go work on people's farms for nearly nothing.

We are glad to update you with good news.

Following the other piece on prison carnage, the Prison authorities banned use of private cars and increased pay for prison labour.

Information is Power. Defiance is the way to go.

Below is the piece on the prison carnage.

Mid this week four inmates were killed in a road accident along FortPortal - Kamwenge Road just four kms from FortPortal town. Several other inmates and Prison Warders sustained serious injuries.

The prisoners from Katojo Prison who were being transported on a private Mitsubish pick-up vehicle number UAE 234 were going to work on a private farm in Gweri village.
In September 2016, in Ibanda, one prisoner died on the spot and 21 others when a private vehicle they were travelling in overturned along the Ibanda - Kamwenge road.  The prisoners from Nyabuhikye Prison were being taken to work on a private farm in Bisheshe.  The accident was blamed on the drunk driver.
In May 2016, 19 prisoners were critically injured and one Prison Warder died on the spot in a road accident along the Kyotera-Kabira Road in Rakai district.  The prisoners from Kalisizo Prison were being transported on a private truck to work on a private farm.

In July 2014, five prisoners died on the spot and several were injured in a motor accident along the Kabwohe-Ishaka road in Shema district. The 45 prisoners and four Prison Warders were being transported in a private FUSO lorry as they returned from working on private farms.
In October 2011, one prisoner died on the spot while two Prison Warders and eleven prisoners were seriously injured in a road accident.  Their over speeding private pickup truck, UAN 3935 carrying 15 people overturned at Kyetume along the Masaka - Mbarara Road.  They were from Lwengo Prison and were heading to Kyabusolo village to work on a private farm.
In March 2005, one 60 years old prisoner died on the spot and another 20 were seriously injured around Kagote Housing Estate within FortPortal town when the private lorry they were travelling in overturned while on its way to a private farm.
Reports of gross abuse of prisoners' human rights have been repeatedly highlighted over the years but the regime is adamant.  Prisoners are detained without trials, are tortured and in some instances killed

Court have carried out inquests in deaths in prison but we are yet to see anyone held accountable.  The welfare and living conditions of prisoners in the country is appalling. Instead, the regime is busy making manoeuvres to privatise the Prison Services the same way it has done with the Army, Police and the intelligence services.  Recently the parliamentary committee on Defence and Internal Affairs presented made a country wide tour of prison facilities.  Just this week it presented its report to the Speaker in which its mainly highlighting issues of congestion and overcrowding which it blames on the Judiciary. 
It points out that the 209 inmates who have been on death row for many years are contributing to overcrowding. This is a very unfortunate observation by such a committee.
Imagine private individuals paying prison officers for free labour by prisoners.  The same individual provides transport which causes accidents and inmates are killed and maimed.  The other day Prison vehicles were involved in evacuating traders from South Sudan yet private cars in poor mechanical condition are used to transport prisoners in some parts of the country. The prisoners earn only 100 shillings for skilled labour, 200 shillings for semi-skilled labour and 500 shillings for skilled labour rendered.

Prisons are supposed to be safe places for prisoners but imagine your loved one who is serving a sentence and looking forward to returning home but is instead killed in a stupid way.  Imagine you are held in dilapidated building and fire breaks out; did the honourable Members of Parliament ascertain if there are fire fighting equipment in prisons?  Prisons have no windows and are only locked from outside; what evacuation measures are in place in the event of fire?  What about the over speeding special prison vehicles that certain classes of prisoners between court and prison?  Imagine getting involved in a motor accident when your hands are hand-cuffed or two prisoners are jointly hand-cuffed!  REMEMBER, EVERYONE IS A POTENTIAL PRISONER.  The Commissioner General of Prisons or even his deputy can at one time become inmates the same way it is for any other Ugandan regardless of status.
Who will stop this carnage in #Uganda #prisons?

#Uganda #31years - Brig. Balya will only go to Juba out of fear for the court martial

Mid this month Museveni sacked his Internal Security spy chief, Brig. Ronnie Balya just because he predicted that rampant corruption could make the regime to fall.  Last week he posted him to South Sudan as the Ambassador. 

Obviously, this is a humiliating demotion on the part of Brig. Balya.  It becomes worse when of all the countries, he is posted to the Southern Sudan which is no different from Uganda's remotest Karamoja region.  Last week regime leaders and cadres in his home district of Kabarole staged a protest over what they described as alienation of 'their son'. 

They even went ahead to resurrect the demand for the controversial Brig. Mayombo death report.  Such
pressure wont change anything because Brig. Balya being a serving army officer can not refuse to go for fear of being reprimanded for subversion.

In 2005 another son of Tooro, Prof. Edward Rugumayo who had been the Minister of Tourism, Trade and Industry was dropped from cabinet. Shortly after, Museveni appointed him Ambassador to France.  Prof. Rugumayo turned down the offer on grounds that it was grossly demeaning.  Since then he has lived his dignified private life in Tooro.  Then aged 78 years, Prof. Rugumayo had been exiled by the Iddi
Amin regime before he became the Chairman of the National Consultative Council (NCC), quasi post Iddi Amin parliament under UNLF.  When Museveni and his colleagues overthrew the UNLF in 1980, Rugumayo and the Gang of Four set up an armed fighting group with bases in the Rwenzori under the command of Chef Ali.

In 2006 Museveni made a cabinet reshuffle in which he posted his long time comrade in arms, Col. Tom Butime as Minister of State in the office of the Prime Minister In-charge of Karamoja.  Residents of his
constituency threatened to stripe naked if he did not reject the 'demeaning' appointment.  Two weeks later after taking oath a member of the cabinet, Col. Butime resigned his ministerial post before he could even set foot in Karamoja. 

Col. Butime formed the original Bush War fighters who had trained in Libya and had held several cabined positions including Internal Affairs and Foreign affairs.  He is a member of the regime's historical leaders’ forum and national Vice Chairman, Western Region.  Museveni instead appointed his wife to the Karamoja docket.  Col. Butime took to a private life until recently when Museveni re-appointed him Minister of Local Government.

In 2003 LT. DR. Kagoro Kaijamurubi another son of Tooro, retired from Internal Security Organisation following the purging that saw him demoted and posted to the remote Karamoja as the Regional Security Officer.  The Veterinary Surgeon had served ISO for 17 years and held the same rank for the same period.  At the time he was posted to Karamoja he had been the Director of Human Resource Management.  He was later to be summoned from retirement in 2006 to testify against Dr. Besigye in a treason trial.

Brig. Balya is replacing Maj. Gen Robert Rusoke who had been the Joint Chief of Staff before he was dropped for opposing the creation of the SFC as a separate entity from the Land Forces, Airforce and
Marines.  He was dropped as JCS and instead dumped as Ambassador to South Sudan.  Its not clear as to what his next assignment will be.

Save for the disgrace, Andrew Mwenda, it looks like Tooro is exemplary reputed for men who can stand out against Museveni's demeaning, humiliating and disrespectful bullying.   Brig. Balya outstanding clean record at ISO and his boldness puts him in that category. However, the fear for the Court Martial compels him to swallow his pride and accept to be dumped in South Sudan.