Wednesday, 31 May 2017

PICTURES: #Kenya elections - why #Museveni is stuck between a rock and a hard place

When Museveni came to power in 1986, Kenya was the first victim of his regional military aggression.  Kenya was suspicious of Museveni's association with Gadaffi and Museveni's links with the communist block. With the insurgency in the north and northeastern Uganda, about 2000 Ugandan refugees fled to Kenya. Ugandan dissidents based in Kenya carried out attacks on Local Council officials in the areas of Busia and Tororo. Dissident groups like FOBA and individuals like Aggrey Awori were identified by the Kampala regime as being behind the attacks.
Museveni amassed troops along the border and around December 1987 the tensions escalated into a three days military confrontation. Uganda troops overpowered Kenya Police and GSU and attacked Adongosi police station, two kms inside Kenya from Busia border post.  Consequently, Uganda's trade, transport and communication links were temporarily disrupted.  Uganda cut off electricity supply to Kenya.  Kenya imprisoned and sentenced to nine years a Kenyan Journalist on charges of spying for Uganda. The standoff was resolved through talks between Museveni and Moi but it was not yet over.
In Early 1990s, Kenya accused MUSEVENI of harboring and facilitating the military training of Kenyan dissidents. Uganda hosted a Kenyan dissident, self styled Brig. John Steven Ochieng Amoke alias Brig. John Odong.  Kenya alleged that he was the head of the rebel group, February Eighteenth Revolutionary Army (FERA).  
Kenya went ahead to allege that with Uganda's assistance, over 1,000 Kenyans had had military training in both Libya and the then SPLA controlled territory in Southern Sudan. Museveni turned down Kenya's request to have Brig. Odong extradited to Kenya to stand trial.  Museveni cited international law since Odong was a recognised refugee. Note:  If it had been now, under the EAC and in particular the Coalition of the Willing (COWI) and its defence and security pact, he would just hand over the victim to be slaughtered.
Museveni went ahead to claim that he had personally known John Odong since 1972. Twenty Kenyans were charged with treason related to FERA and sentenced to ten years imprisonment. The tension was put down by relocating John Odong to Ghana. It is a fact that Museveni had zeroed in on John Odong after a prominent politician, Kijana Wa Wamalwa proved incapable while Railla Oding refused straight away.
In August 1993, former Obote II Cabinet Minister and Deputy Director of NASA, Amon Baziira was gunned down along the Nairobi-Nakuru highway.  It is said that he was on his way from meeting President Moi at Eldoret State Lodge.  Baziira had fled to Kenya after putting in place an armed rebel group, NALU around the Congo side of the Rwenzori mountain.  Baziira who hailed from Kasese is suspected to have been gunned down by Uganda's ESO agents under Kahinda Otafiire who was its Director General at the time.
It was around the same time that Lt. Col. Ronald Kawuma was deployed by ESO to infiltrate suspected dissident groups based in Kenya.  However, after Kawuma publicly declared war against Museveni he was arrested and incarcerated in the Makindye dungeons from where he died.
Museveni's military adventures in Rwanda and the Congo helped to redirect his focus from Kenya. From the experience in Rwanda and Congo, Museveni came up with the idea of securing a regional security alliance through the revival of the defunct East African Community (EAC).
In 1917 the British colonial authority had established a Customs Union between Kenya and Uganda.  In 1927 Tanzania joined the union which transformed into the East African High Commission in 1948.  In 1961 it transformed into East African Common Services Organisation (EACSO).  It provided for a customs union, external tariff, currency, postal and common service in transport and communications, research and education. 
In 1967 the EAC was born out of the EACSO until 1977 when it disintegrated. The causes of the disintegration is a subject of discussion. Uganda had Iddi Amin who was not seeing eye to eye with Tanzania's Nyerere. Kenya was aligned to the west and pursuing capitalist policies while Tanzania was close to China and pursuing communist policies. However, Kenya is alleged to have grabbed much of the community assets.
Museveni saw a regional integration as a strategic security measure against his political opponents establishing bases in neighboring countries. He also saw it as an opportunity for him to become the leader of the EAC political federation. That is partly why he has continued to hold on power in Uganda. At home he was facing an armed rebellion from the predominantly Luo ethnic group whom he had dislodged from power a decade ago.
He had been engaged with the South Sudanese SPLA so as to detach it from its Luo cousins of Northern Uganda. Kenya's Western region has a number of ethnic communities whose populations are a spillover from Uganda -the Luo, Luhya, Kalenjin, Iteso etc. In 2007 a prominent Luo, Raila Odinga contested for the Presidency in Kenya.  Fearing a Luo victory in Kenya for the above stated reasons, Museveni favoured Mwai Kibaki, a Kikuyu.
During the bloody election violence, the section of the Uganda Railway in Raila Odinga's constituency was uprooted by angry mobs in protest for Museveni's alleged involvement in elections.  Raila Odinga had called in during a live radio talk show, KFM in Kampala and alleged that Ugandan troops were sighted in Kisumu, Eldoret and the other border areas. It was also alleged that Kenyan residents of Malaba had intercepted a lorry full of Uganda army uniforms destined for Kenya.
Uganda bound goods trucks were attacked thus paralysing flow of essential commodities like fuel and other goods into Uganda. Uganda denied its involvement but recently Gen. Ssejusa confirmed that Museveni had sent security forces into Kenya during the 2007 election violence. Later, at Mweya, Museveni admitted his role thus; "Recently there was election in one country. As usual, some people wanted to reject results and cause trouble. Someone who knew our experience in dealing with trouble makers approached us and we rented them equipment. We helped them."
As usual, after pouring fuel into the volatile situation, the panicky Museveni rushed to Kenya pretending to mediate between the warring parties. Raila Odinga out rightly rejected Museveni's mediation and he bowed out.  It was former UN Secretary General, Kofi Annan, who secured a power sharing deal that saw the aggrieved Railla Odinga become the Prime Minister.  In a turn of events, during Museveni's election campaigns in 2010, then Prime Minister Railla Odinga came to Uganda and boosted Museveni's campaign trail.
Interestingly, in the same contest was for UN undersecretary, Olara Otunu, a Luo, who was rumored to have been partly sponsored by Railla Odinga who accused the opposition for failing to unite under a joint candidate. Museveni capitalised on the help he had extended to Railla Odinga when he was fleeing the Moi regime to Norway.  Later at a function in Dar Es Salaam, while commenting on the disputed Mgingo Island, Museveni said that the Luos of Kenya were mad. He was speaking in reference to the 2007 uprooting of the railway in Kibera during the riots.
When the ICC indicted Uhuru Kenyata over the 2007 election violence, Museveni opportunistically jumped in to attack it as an imperialist tool against African leaders.  He supported Uhuru Kenyata's presidential bid against Railla Odinga. During Kenya's 50th independence anniversary in Nairobi in December 2013, Museveni thanked Kenyans for voting against 'the wishes of western imperialists." He unsuccessfully tried to dissuade President Uhuru Kenyatta from going to the Hague claiming that he had credible intelligence that that they were to be retained there. In September 2014, the ICC dropped charges against Uhuru Kenyatta.  In December 2014, during the AU Peace and Security Council summit on terrorism in Nairobi, Museveni opportunistically called upon African states to get out of the ICC.
All along, Museveni had been pushing for the fast-tracking of the EAC and in Uhuru Kenyatta he found a partner of convenience.  However, Museveni had problems with Tanzania's cautious approach to EAC affairs that was being mistaken for 'slow pace'.  Matters were made worse when Tanzania expelled illegal immigrants from Uganda and Rwanda.  
Earlier, President Kikwete had had problems with Rwanda's Paulo Kagame and Museveni after he advised them to talk to their armed groups.  Museveni rallied Rwanda's Kagame and Kenya's Uhuru into the Coalition of the Willing (COWI) that excluded Burundi and Tanzania.  COWI resolved to fast-track the political integration with or without Tanzania by 2016. This was during the so called Northern Corridor Heads of State summit in Kigali where Tanzania was not invited. COWI went ahead to put in place a single tourist visa and free movement of nationals using national IDs.
In January 2014 COWI Defence and Security Ministers and security chiefs met in Kigali and signed Museveni's most cherished a Defence an security pact under the guise of fighting terrorism and other transnational crimes.  In early 2015, then Tanzania's President Kikwete addressed a parliamentary session in which he assured his country that it was still a strong member and advocate of EAC. He said; "....they are calling themselves the Coalition of the Willing with intentions to isolate us. They are in some conspiracy to put us aside."
Burundi sided with Tanzania before causing Rwanda of supporting its enemies.  In the meantime, around late 2015, Uganda and Kenya settled on construction of a K shs 400b oil pipeline from Hoima to to Lamu via Turkanaland. Uhuru Kenyatta visited Uganda and even addressed parliament. In August 2015, Museveni accused Railla Odinga of being against regional integration owing to the latter's opposition to Uganda sugar being exported to Kenya.
On September 3rd 2015, the ODM Secretary General, Ababu Nawamba while addressing students at Strathmore University said; ".....Ugandan dictatorship and prevention of freedoms of expression can not be allowed in Kenya.  Let Museveni do that in his country.  He has the tendency of brainwashing the people's minds and enticing them with niceties in the guise of initiating developmental projects."
In February 2016 while on a campaign trail in Nakasongola, Museveni asked Uhuru Kenyatta to control 'his people' campaigning for his opponent, Dr. Besigye. He said; " I would like to ask Railla Odinga to control his supporters more so those Luos that are campaigning for my opponent especially on Facebook. Those people are influencing Ugandans so much and I will not take it anymore. I don't know what they are gaining from trying to bring me down by poisoning the minds of Ugandans but their campaign seems to succeed among the elites."
Museveni also visited Nairobi in March 2016 to follow up on the oil pipeline project but the opposition ODM lambasted the visit arguing that it was wrong for Uhuru to host Museveni without discussing the controversial Mgingo Island issue. At the same time, Museveni was having parallel discussion with Tanzania over an alternative oil pipeline route.  Kenya was displeased with this development. Eventually Museveni settled for the Tanzania route thus dumping the Kenyan one on flimsy grounds of insecurity and cost of land compensation.
During the same month while in Mbale, Museveni attacked Railla Odinga thus; ....if Railla loses the elections in 2017, which I am sure President Uhuru will beat him, Luos will vandalize our pipeline just like they vandalised the railway in Kibera.  These Jaluos of Kenya are very mad and that is why we can not risk investing in Kenya.  That is why most of them make a lot of noise and die poor because they don't think development. In fact, even President Uhuru is so patient."
When Museveni militarily intervened in the South Sudan conflict, Railla Odinga said that "Museveni is an opportunist and should withdraw from Migingo Island before deploying in South Sudan."
The truth is that after realising that his schemes can't do without Tanzania and more so, President Magufuli had mended fences with Kagame, he had to move very fast to get hooked to Tanzania through the oil pipeline. Tanzania's Magufuli and Rwanda's Kagame had jointly launched a One-Stop-Border-Post at Rusumo.
On the Kenyan border, Magufuli and Uhuru had launched construction of a number of road linking their two countries.  Moreover, he was already done with Kenya when it was duped into the Coalition of the Willing (COWI), the SGR project, the Defence and Security Pact, free tourism and travel zone etc.
Museveni did not like Kenya's involvement in Somalia yet it was directly affected by the Alshabaab militants. He had wanted to remain the only player in Somalia so as to blackmail the West.  It was until Kenyan troops entered Somalia and swiftly took over the strategic post of Kisimayo, that Museveni's troops also moved out of the Airport and State House and took over all the districts of the Capital Mogadishu.
You recall what happened in the Congolese city of Kisangani when the Uganda and Rwanda troops clashed over influence. In August 2012 Uganda lost three of its combat helicopters in Kenya enroute to Somalia. It is most likely even the delay to start the construction of the Malaba - Kampala Standard Guage Railway (SGR) section is because Museveni is eyeing the much anticipated Dar EsSalaam - Mwanza SGR where Tanzania has promised to construct an inland port at Mwanza to cater for Uganda.
Kenya has completed its first phase of Mombasa-nairobi while Uganda has not yet started.
In Tanzania the main opposition, CHADEMA has declared its intentions to support Uhuru Kenyatta in the upcoming August Kenya polls. It argues that President Uhuru has excelled in promoting democracy and has not arrested and persecuted the opposition in Kenya. It further argues that the opposition candidate Railla Odinga is a traitor – in the 2012 Kenya elections, CHADEMA supported Odinga but in 2015 Tanzania elections Odinga supported Magufuli who trounces the CHADEMA candidate, Edward Lowasa.

Earlier in May, Tanzania's Foreign Affairs Minister, Augustine Mahiga refuted claims by sections of Kenya media that Tanzania was facilitating Odinga's National Supper Alliance plots to hack into the Electoral Commission's system during the upcoming August polls. The allegations further disclosed that the Odinga camp was to set up a Tallying Centre in Tanzania for this purpose. President Magufuli is said to be a close friend of Railla Odinga. Earlier on even before Magufuli was elected as President, Kenya had developed skepticism. In his farewell address to parliament, then President Kikwete had this to say; "....only some crazy person can contemplate shift of policy as far as good relations with Kenya is concerned.  Let nobody have any misgivings about relations with Kenya in case the CCM candidate wins the elections."
Later on, in Nairobi, Kikwete assured Kenyans thus; " is true Magufuli and Railla are good friends just like I am a good friend of Kalonzo Musyoka.  But being friends with Kenyan opposition leaders does not and can not affect our good relations with the Kenyan government." President Magjfuli's friendship with Railla Odinga date back to the days when both of them were Ministers of Works in their respective countries.
In 2012 Magufuli attended an ODM event at Kasarani stadium where he expresses support for then Presidential candidate, Railla Odinga. Back in Tanzania, the opposition protested over Magufuli's open support for Railla. In January 2015, then Minister Magufuli attended the burial of Railla's son, Fidel in Kisumu. During President Magufuli's swearing in ceremony, Railla Odinga was accorded almost an equall reception with President Uhuru.

In April 2016, now President Magufuli hosted Railla Odinga, his wife and daughter at his upcountry home in Geita for three days. Now, Kenya's Starehe M.P, Maina Kamanda has publicly issued a statement to the effect that Railla Odinga is being funded by Ma Presidents Magufuli, South Sudan's Silva Kiir and other unnamed foreign powers to destablise Kenya. Much earlier, there had been an incident where Tanzania banned Kenyan tourist vans from ferrying tourists to Serengeti National Park. In retaliation, Kenya banned Tanzanian tourist vans from accessing Jomo Kenyatta International Airport. Kenya went ahead to reduce its airway flights between the two. countries. However, such minor contradictions were resolved amicably.
Museveni is a sworn enemy of Railla Odinga but is currently trying to win over Tanzania's Magufuli who is a close friend of Railla Odinga. He fears that if he openly supports Uhuru Kenyatta or decampaigns Railla Odinga, he may lose out on his new found strategic friendship with President Magufuli. That is the precarious situation that the Ugandan military dictator created for himself - caught between a rock and a hard place.
change of guards blog

Friday, 26 May 2017

VIDEO: #Museveni shields Frank Tumwebaze against Kadaga's 'Rwandese artillery' barrage - #Uganda

Last week parliament debated and overwhelmingly resolved that the registration of SIM cards exercise should be extended for one year. The motion had been moved by the Leader of Opposition in Parliament. The decision was premised on the fact that citizens were undergoing a lot of hardships in trying to beat the deadline. The executive did not rise any objection on the floor of parliament.  Unknown to the Speaker, Museveni had directed his Prime Minister, Rugunda to chair a meeting of security agencies that fixed the deadline.  

Information Minister, Frank Tumwebaze thereafter called a press conference where he insisted that government was to stick to the deadline.  He argued that Parliament's resolution was simply advisory and not binding. Indeed, government went ahead and switched of the unregistered SIM cards.

The Speaker of Parliament, Rebecca Kadaga later moved the house to refer Minister Tumwebaze to the parliamentary committee on discipline for contempt of Parliament. She said; "...we cannot accept this disregard of the people's voices, their challenges and problems. It is a high level of arrogance." Members of parliament became furious and vowed to impeach Minister Tumwebaze.

Museveni realised that the Speaker, Kadaga had once again not only scored by identifying with the oppressed Wanainchi but was heading for another battle with the executive for which she was bound to win.  He moved very fast to convene a ruling party caucus in which he declared that the exercise of registering SIM cards was extended to August 30th, 2017 thus ending the impasse. He advised Tumwebaze to apologize on the floor of parliament. Instead, Tumwebaze attempted to dupe parliament by reiterating the executive's position on the matter. 

He said; "I take responsibility for communicating a government position because that is the work I was given. If that angered this house, I take responsibility and I apologise."  The Speaker whose interpretation of Tumwebaze's so called apology was that of continued arrogance, referred the matter to the Disciplinary Committee for advice. However, she went ahead to caution the Executive thus; " The country has lost revenue collections because of rigidity of the executive." She went ahead to advise the government to always read the public mood and act in the interest of the people.

Above all, Museveni realised that the Kadaga/Tumwebaze war of words was heading for another level - name calling. Ever since Museveni suspected Kadaga to be harboring presidential ambitions, he has carried out a series of offensives aimed at undermining her credibility. Over the years, he has used different regime cadres to fight his wars with Kadaga and this time it was Tumwebaze's turn. In September 2015, she owed up to an audio recording that had gone viral in which she had accused Banyankole and Banyarwanda for turning Uganda into an oligarchy.  

Despite the existence of anti-sectarian law, Museveni feared to take action against her but behind the scenes 'the leopard had been trickled in the anus'. In October 2016, Kadaga told off anther Munyarwanda, Frank Gashumba thus; "Uganda is really a linient country; how can Gashumba, a Rwandese, abuse us in Uganda?  He can't do that in Rwanda." Gashumba had earlier made a public statement that "Kadaga belongs to the Stone Age."  It obvious that had the fire that had been generated by the SIM card impasse not been timely put out, Tumwebaze was headed for a "Rwandese artillery" barrage from Kadaga.

Kadaga has to a significant extent put up a spirited fight in preservation of parliament's sanity against Museveni's concerted efforts to undermine and subdue it into his rubber stamp. Having assumed the position of Speaker in May 2011, a few weeks later she chaired the Appointments Committee that rejected six of Museveni's nominees to Ministerial positions. Shortly after she presided over a sitting that rejected the 61b shillings thermal power subsidiary. In October 2011, she presided over a sitting that debated the oil sector and the controversial contracts that Museveni keeps secret. The House threatened to censure Prime Minister Mbabazi and Misters Sam Kuteesa and Hillary Onek. 

The regime accused her of being in league with the opposition to undermine the government. During the regime MPs' Caucus meeting, Museveni accused parliament of rushing to pass things without caution. In May 2012, she told The Observer that those accusing her of favouring opposition didn't understand what multiparty means; " means many parties and it means that they should be allowed to speak. Some people think that when you are in opposition, you are not allowed to speak. But that member is not an enemy."

In December 2012, she stood her ground to recall parliament from recess to debate the death of M.P Nebandah who was feared to have been killed by the Museveni regime. She rejected the government autocracy report but instead appointed a team of Doctors to carry out an autopsy but were arrested by Museveni who vowed not to allow parliament debate the death, in his infamous phrase; "Over my dead body".

In April 2013 Museveni expelled the so called 'Rebel MPs' from his party and wanted them to subsequently lose their seats. The Speaker, Kadaga refused to expelled them prompting g Museveni to go to Cadre Kavuma (Constitutional Court) which granted his prayers. Later the Supreme Court ruled in favour of Kadaga's position and Museveni humiliatingly lost that battle. Kadaga's Appointments Committee rejected Museveni's appointment of Aidan Nantaba to a ministerial position. When Kadaga was away in Canada, Museveni used her Deputy Speaker, Cadre Jacob Oulanya to approve Nantaba. Since then, the regime adopted to sideling Kadaga and using Oulanya to push for its selfish interests in parliament.

In an interview with Urban TV and Bukedde TV in late 2014, Kadaga expressed his wish to run for the presidency.  She also expressly stated that she couldn't be silenced by anybody when she is convinced about something. With the 'change of guards' in April 2016, Museveni attempted a final move to get rid of Kadaga by intimidating his top cohorts under Central Executive not to nominate her. He wanted Jacob Oulanya to replace Kadaga. 

He argued; "I want a Speaker that I will work with, and not to fight with." Despite the huge financial bribery to MPs, still Kadaga triumphed and retained her position of Speaker for the 9th Parliament. As if Museveni was not yet done, early this year he used Cadre Kavuma of the Constitutional Court to block Parliament from debating a daylight theft of 6b by Museveni's cohorts. 

Kadaga stood her ground and threw out what she called "the stupid order" before indefinitely suspending Parliament. Museveni had to swallow his pride and relented. However, when Kadaga put in place a committee to probe the cold-blooded murder of over 100 people in Kasese by security forces, Museveni withdrew his cooperation and the probe collapsed.

Therefore, last week's SIM card registration impasse was a Museveni scheme in furtherance of the fight against Kadaga.


Thursday, 25 May 2017

VIDEO: How Museveni blackmailed Gen. Ssejusa to return from exile

Around mid 2013, Gen. Ssejusa sought asylum in the UK. He attempted to rally Ugandan exiles in the diaspora against the Museveni regime by founding Free Uganda Front (FUF).  He issued several stinging public statements against the Museveni regime.  He also made a number of revelations implicating the Museveni regime in a number of past incidents of controversial deaths of national leaders. His dissident activities threatened to tear apart the internal cohesion of Museveni’s security forces. 
Museveni then hatched a scheme that would portray Gen. Ssejusa as a war crimes fugitive and instil in him a sense of guilt for his past role in some human rights abuses in Uganda thus leading him into isolation.
Following the overthrow of the Okello Junta in January 1986, Gen. Ssejusa had been the topmost NRA commander who led troops into northern Uganda. The initial conduct of the NRA in pursuit of the defeated UNLA soldiers amidst a hostile population was not the best. It partly accounts for the factors that gave rise to the insurgency.
Around 1991 while Gen. Ssejusa was the Minister of State for Defence, he led a counter insurgency operation against the rebels dubbed "Operation North".  It involved the cutting off of northern Uganda from the rest of the world as the military arrested, detained, tortured, killed, maimed, and pillaged.  Prominent politicians from the area like Omara Atubo and others were tortured and charged with treason. During the operation, Gen. Ssejusa gained popularity amongst the rank and file of soldiers whose welfare and working environment tremendously improved.
Despite its poor methodology, Operation North was on the verge of breaking the back of the LRA. Mid way into the operation, fearing Gen. Ssejusa's growing popularity, Museveni recalled him from overall command. No one was punished for the atrocities including the suffocation to death of 35 locals in a pit at Bucoro Primary School. The prosecution of the 18 prominent politicians went ahead.
In 2001 Gen. Ssejusa had been behind the Dr. Besigye airport fiasco and the infamous Black Mamba commando raid on the High Court. 
In exile, Gen. Ssejusa initially found favor with dissident majority northerners while others had reservations about his intentions. During the launch of his FUF at the LSE in December 2013, Monique Wyatt publicly accused Gen. Ssejusa of heinous atrocities against Acholi.  She said; " committed genocide against the Acholi when you commanded anti-insurgency operations in northern Uganda." 
Later she expressed shock that Britain was giving asylum to a 'war criminal' to launch a "rebel/terrorist" group in London.  Gen. Ssejusa appealed for forgiveness before urging for a reconciliation committee to prosecute all fugitive perpetrators.
In Kampala, the regime picked on a June 2013 damming report released by a local NGO, Justice and Reconciliation Project (JRP) over war atrocities during Operation North. Titled "The Beast of Bucoro", it enumerated the circumstances around the infamous Bucoro Massacre where 35 people were rounded up and suffocated to death in a pit after fire was lit on top of the pit on 4th December 1991.  The same report identified among other units of the NRA, 22nd Battalion that was under the command of Maj. Reuben Ikondere for being responsible for the Bucoro carnage. 
Note:  22nd Battalion had been one of the units under Operation North whose overall command fell under Gen. Ssejusa. First, it was the then army. chief, Gen. Katumba Wamala who in January 2014 disclosed that the army would investigate NRM atrocities in Teso thus; "....we will go back to those areas and find out whether the population has some issues to raise."
The following month, during the 28th NRM Anniversary celebrations in Mayuge District, Museveni promised to investigate the NRA atrocities against civilians during the Northern Uganda insurgency and punish all those responsible.  He said; "......there are incidents to be ashamed of.  Apart from the Mukura incident and the Bucoro pit incident which were reported, there were other incidents that are coming to light now, ..... I don't know why the people did not report those incidents.  At Kamunyu wanainchi were killed by elements of our army for no reason at all after the army had been attacked by the rebels; there were incidents of looting property including cattle, and other incidents of indiscipline reported in Nwoya. I am going to follow up all those incidents, unearth the culprits if they are still alive so as to hold them accountable and compensate the victims or their descendants."
Of course, the above message was a warning shot directed at Gen. Ssejusa.  It was meant to simplify the role of envoys that Museveni sent to Gen. Ssejusa. They carried a simple and clear message of blackmail thus; "You are under threat of being indicted before International war crimes tribunal for the role you played in counter insurgency operations in Northern Uganda and other incidents of suppressing political dissent. In the event of such criminal proceedings, we have no alternative but to abandon you. We intend to initiate an Internal Audit in order to clear ourselves but our findings will obviously zero on your culpability."
In December 2014, Gen. Ssejusa controversially returned from exile.  He was not joined to the group of his former close aides who were facing treasonous activities linked to him.  Instead, shortly before the February 2016 general elections, he was charged before the Court Martial with insubordination and involvement in partisan politics and remanded to prison. The probe into the atrocities in the Northern Uganda has never taken off and will never take place because Museveni was simply trying to dupe Northerners while at the same time blackmailing Gen. Ssejusa.
Such a probe couldn't spare loyal cadres like Gen. Kyaligonza, Gen. Pecos Kuteesa to mention but a few. That is how Museveni uses, misuses, dumps and blackmails whoever attempts to turn against him.  Today Gen. Elwelu is a Hero because he massacred 100+ people in Kasese but the day he will dare have divergent views, he will be blackmailed into submission.

Friday, 19 May 2017

VIDEO: #Obote, Iddi #Amin and #Museveni debate #torture in #Uganda

(Warning:  this is satire)

Your Excellencies, you have ruled Uganda at different times but your legacies are marked by gross abuse of human rights like torture of citizens. It’s as if you attended the same school because the methods are identical.  What's your take?

First, it is wrong to assume that torture in Uganda is associated with only the post independence governments. In 1886 King Mwanga burnt to death Christian converts. Colonial administration was as brutal as the post independence governments and that's why we retained their oppressive and draconian laws.  Secondly, it is also wrong to insinuate that we attended the same school because of the three of us, I am the only University graduate.  Even unlike the illiterate and semi illiterate security officers who served under these two gentlemen, my security officers are University graduates thus their superiority.

Museveni is a consummate liar who only tells the truth by accident.  His opening statement above is misleading.  For the record, Museveni is my student of politics but for violence, it is his inborn character. In 1971 Iddi Amin overthrew my government before I could fully study Museveni whom I had just recruited into state security services.  When we were in exile in Tanzania, he carried out a lot of counter revolutionary acts designed to undermine my leadership of anti Amin exile groups.  His treachery was responsible for much of the violence that was netted out on our supporters inside Uganda during the regime of my brother here (Iddi Amin).

MODERATOR (interjects):
Dr. Obote, you mean to say Museveni was an agent of the Iddi Amin regime!

While in Tanzania, Museveni proved too ambitious and power thirsty.  He repeatedly lied to the Tanzanian government that UPC and Dr. Obote were unpopular in Uganda.  He would gather information about our plans and would ensure that it indirectly leaked to the Amin government in Kampala thus compromising our operatives and contacts inside Uganda.  That is how he ended up being detained several times by the Tanzanian authorities.  To outsmart UPC and Dr. Obote, he would recklessly carry out his so called clandestine missions inside Uganda such that many of our young men who associated with him would be captured and executed but for him he would survive like the film legend John Rambo.

MODERATOR: Iddi Amin, Dr. Obote has exonerated your regime which is reputed for killing half a million Ugandans.  Have you now reconciled with Dr. Obote?

Dr. Obote was my Commander in Chief who found me fit to lead the national army.  Five Hundred Thousand people killed during my reign; that is propaganda.  I challenge anyone to name just one hundred people killed during my reign; date, place, their addressees, age and sex.  Yes, my government constitutionally tried, convicted and publicly executed a few people involved in treasonous activities as confirmed by Dr. Obote.

MUSEVENI (interjects)
You ran torture chambers where thousands were killed.

After I was overthrown I went into exile in Saudi Arabia. I did not see any of my security agents there; why didn't the successive governments arrest and cause them to account for such alleged atrocities? Why is it that the so called Iddi Amin torture chambers were preserved and treated as the most sacred places by successive governments?  They are now MUSEVENI'S most sacred places of crimes against humanity; Makindye Barracks, Nakasero State Research Bureau headquarters, Naguru and other places.

Dr. Obote, why didn't your government pursue and bring to justice former Iddi Amin agents who were accused of having tortured and killed Ugandans?

Let me set the record straight.  The second UPC government that I led assumed office in December 1980 following three successive post Iddi Amin governments; Yusuf Lule, Godfrey Binaisa and Military Commission.  Former Iddi Amin security officers had fled to Congo and Sudan and were already waging a comeback war.  Two weeks after the December 1980 elections that brought my second UPC government to power, Museveni launched his selfish Bush War.  He incorporated a number of former Iddi Amin security agents and that is partly why we referred to his NRA as bandits.  In July 1986, my government was overthrown and these former Iddi Amin soldiers joined hands with the short lived Okello Junta before they settled down in the Museveni government.

MODERATOR (interjects)
But Dr. Obote, your government is accused of having tortured, maimed and killed an estimated 300,000 Ugandans.

Point out to me any single member of former UNLA soldier, NASA, or party functionary who was pursued and charged with torturing and killing Ugandans between 1981 and 1985.

MUSEVENI (interjects)
Chris Rwakasisi was sentenced to death and Musa Ssebirumbi who was hanged.

Chris was my Minister in charge of security.  His conviction was politically motivated owing to his alleged role in expelling of Rwandese refugees around 1983.  His conviction just like his later pardoning was based on ethnic considerations i.e. to appease the Rwandese and Bairu respectively.  Haji Musa Ssebirumbi had been the UPC and Chairman for Luwero district when he almost captured Museveni during the Bush War hence why he was later hanged.

Museveni paraded a number of skulls around Luwero that were allegedly associated with the government soldiers (UNLA); but where are the skulls of the victims of the NRA bullets - both UNLA soldiers and UPC local functionaries?  How come the so-called NRA's Kadogo orphans were only males; what about the female orphans? 

When I assumed the presidency in December 1980, I adopted security forces that had been assembled by Museveni who had been the Minister of Defence and Vice Chairman of the Military Commission right from the time Iddi Amin was overthrown in April 1979.  The conduct of these security forces to some extent was dependent upon the mode of recruitment and mentorship by Museveni. That is why the so-called NRA/UPDF is nothing but a remodeled UNLA.  Otherwise, let Museveni tell Ugandans the number of former security officers that he made to account for the so-called atrocities in Luwero during the Bush War.

Iddi Ami, I can see you smiling; events seem to exonerate you. Are you innocent?

Very innocent indeed and that is why Ugandans are yearning for my leadership.  For decades, these two gentlemen (Obote and Museveni) wrongly used their upper hand in formal education to spread harmful propaganda against Iddi Amin.  They successfully connived with the west to poison the minds of Ugandans and the world.  Alhamdhulilah, Ugandan now know that Iddi Amin was a patriot who had Uganda at heart.  I challenge anyone to conduct a free and fair election for the Presidency of Uganda where the three of us are contestants and I prove my point.

Mr. Museveni, you have always claimed that you don't support impunity.  When will Ugandans see the people you claim to have been torturing and killing Ugandans made to answer for their crimes?  Who and where are they?

When we took over government in 1986, we adopted the policy of reconciliation for the good of national healing.  We opted to rehabilitate and incorporate some of these people who had wronged Ugandans.  A classic example is the son of Iddi Amin, Gen. Taban who is the Deputy Director General of Internal Security.  Taban had caused mayhem at Makerere University in the 1970s.  I pardoned Obote's Minister, Rwakasisi who is now my Advisor on something I don't remember well.  With many others who have served us in different capacities, we managed to reconcile Ugandans and move forward.

Mr. Museveni, your regime seems to be outwitting these two past leaders in as far as commission of atrocities against Ugandans is concerned.  It is like they left some Standard Operation Procedure (SOP) literature on the walls of those torture dungeons from which your security officers are reading.
Such a blanket Judgement is unfair.  First of all, while they (Amin and Obote men) used illiterate and semi illiterate agents, we are using university graduates.  We have a friendly parliament, Judiciary/prosecutorial agency, which makes and interprets favourable legal regimes in defence of our actions.  The other day I saw this lady, Speaker of Parliament, ordering for a parliamentary probe into alleged tortures at Nalufenya.  That is a waste of time and resources because our boys are not idiots like had been the case with past regimes.  I am sure police chief; Kale has prepared them a wonderful reception.
They will be hosted into cleaned and polished floors and walls of the facility on top of our security officers posing as detainees to give positive information.  We have our own Uganda Human Rights Commission (UHRC) with some mandate of providing a cover up to our actions.  Moreover, this is not the first-time parliament is poking its nose in law enforcement.  What happened to previous findings about torture in ungazetted places dubbed Safe Houses? 

What about the so-called atrocities during counter insurgency operations in the North and East of the country and let alone the recent massacres in Kasese?  It is the same parliament that has just renewed the police Chief's contract, idiots just.

Next month the same hypocrites will be approving huge financing for the sustenance of the so-called torturers and torture facilities. Such public outcries about torture and high handedness keep coming up.  Human rights organisations compile and launch reports but they all end up in archives and this one too is headed for the same fate. 

We have the West on our side and if they dare to depart from our cause, we shall as usual threaten to withdraw from Somalia and other regional peace keeping missions and they will go on their knees apologising.  We have a new tool to hook them - liberal refugee policy where we host over a million refugees thus attracting huge funding.  If God answers our prayers and this Trump man is impeached, then the sky will be the limit.

Mr. Museveni, it’s like you are confessing to crimes against humanity.  For the record, does your government torture Ugandans?

What you call torture is what we revolutionaries call revolutionary violence - which is acceptable as opposed to the backward violence that was practiced by past regimes.

MODERATOR (interjects)
What is the difference?

In revolutionary violence, our agents take actions meant to jealously defend the revolution.  We make them view the revolution as their own by allowing them, to among other means, accumulate personal material wealth by whatever means.  They own real property, business enterprises and fat bank accounts thus viewing the revolution as the cow that provides milk to their children.

On the contrary, security agents of past regimes accumulated no illegal wealth for themselves thus were not motivated for jealously defending their respective regimes.  Their backward violence was out of illiteracy and excitement as opposed to ideological commitment.  They stayed in government houses, did their shopping from subsidised government stores. They stole radios, watches, extorted small money at roadblocks for cigarettes and local booze. Their wives reared a few goats, rabbits and local chicken in government quarters. They sold sweets and dry fish on stalls outside their quarters. When they were threatened to be evict them, they had nothing to lose thus simply took off or surrendered.

Our boys engage in multi billion trans-boundary organised economic crimes, they put to personal use almost half of the national defence and security budget, they own big companies, invest in real estate, leading in land grabbing.  Their wives own fancy shops in expensive shopping arcades etc.  We have no doubt; they have the necessary motivation to ensure that the status quo remains intact.  For those who have been wondering as to where our security agents get the anger to carry out such brutality against those who threaten the status quo, you now know.

Mr. Museveni, are you not worried that your confession may one time be used against you before courts of law over crimes against humanity?

No way whatsoever.  That is why we must retain the status quo.  Maybe on judgement day in heaven but again unlike earthly rulers, God is forgiving.  We shall apply for amnesty in heaven.

On this note, my guests, Dr. Obote, Gen. Iddi Amin and Gen. Museveni thank you for the wonderful insights.

Over to you Ugandans.


Wednesday, 17 May 2017

Plagiarism is THEFT - stop stealing other people's writing #Uganda

Apparently, imitation is the best way of adoration.  No one even asks to be paid for anything you lift off the Internet.  Always indicate the source.

In this age of the Internet, you steal someone's article and it will become public.  As public as you have no idea.

There is something in media that you need to know.  All News Reporters and Media houses share stories from other sources.  You will be on Reuters and the story will end up with "AP published".

Or you will read something on a news site that will end with "The Observer" OR "Daily Monitor". No serious journalist or news reporter lifts stories off the Internet and does not mention the source.

But apparently in Uganda it is perfectly normal to steal other people's work and make it your own. Try "Uganda Shilling, Oil and Global Market Report" and some hopeless site in Uganda is posting it as their own.  President Yoweri Museveni is not a thief.  Ugandans are thieves.  When you steal a story from someone and make it your own, you likely just committed the biggest crime in life.  What is even worse is media houses pick up your posts and then indicate that you are the source.  SERIOUSLY?  Uganda media must get serious.   If the post you are lifting from does not indicate the source or author, they likely stole it. 

In this age where everyone is connected, when you plagiarize, you will look like the thief that you are and you will never regain your integrity.  

This blog is up for sale.  If you like what they write, show them money.  The information will still go out and we will never say we wrote it.  We always end all our articles with "Change of Guards Blog".

VIDEO: Why #Museveni is patron of #Uganda torture - from Saul to Paul!!!!

"I don't know torture. I have educated myself on many things but I have never known the boundary between what is torture and what is not. I know the NRA people tie these people when they arrest them.  They tie their hands backward.  I am now being told this is torture."

    1986 - Museveni addressing international media.
"What is the Geneva Convention on war? I have never read it."

    1987 - Museveni during the BBC Panorama program.
For the first time since Museveni made the above and more other reckless statements 29 years ago, two days ago on 15th May 2017 he opportunistically came out pretending to be against torture. In his letter to his top security managers, he justified torture by citing the infamous proverb thus "a thriving dog pays with its back being caned."  He tactfully turned around to reluctantly discourage the use of torture. In his usual style, he wisely saw it fit to dupe Ugandans and the world that he is an advocate for human rights and indeed his statement has made global headlines.

His statement has been precipitated by the recent flooding of social media with gruesome pictures of victims of torture at the hands of his security officers.  Hardly six months ago, in Rwenzori region his security forces gruesomely killed over one hundred unarmed civilians, burnt their dead bodies before inhumanely degradingly humiliating the captives. Museveni handsomely rewarded the Operation Commander of that operation, Gen. Elwelu with a promotion, appointment to head the Land Forces and was awarded the Rwenzori Medal for exemplary performance.

Torture under Museveni dates to his Bush War days where detaining of victims in mud flooded underground cells, mob beatings, tying of Kandoya style a.k.a Three Piece and Kafuuni (smashing of the skull) was the order of the day.  At the time, the victims were mostly members of the NRA who would be suspected of being disloyal or enemy agents and kidnapped UPC local functionaries like zonal Chairmen and Youth Wingers. The only UPC member who was kidnapped but survived being gruesomely killed by the NRA was the former District Commissioner (DC) of Luwero district, Nathan Kalemanzira just because he was a Munyarwanda.

When the NRA captured power in 1986, the old Bush War torture methods were adopted in dealing with dissenters, more especially the former Baganda FEDEMO/UFM supporters and the defeated 'Northerners'.  It was the highhandedness and gross human rights abuses by Museveni's NRA that fueled the Northern Uganda insurgency.  The gruesome physical torture, forced disappearances, and summary executions were among the adopted counter insurgency methods by the NRA.  Gross human rights abuses by Museveni's NRA in Acholi, Teso and Karamoja, were well documented by local and international human rights organisations.  Please refer to A BRILLIANT GENOCIDE which RT aired multiple times.

The late 1980s and early 1990s were characterised by gruesome tortures by military intelligence at its different stations countrywide.  At the Makindye dungeons, at Lubiri Barracks Main quarter guard and the Lower Gate cells opposite Kibuye round about, at Katabi barracks in Entebbe, at the 157 Brigade Headquarters in Mbale under Matayo Kyaligonza and his band of Rwandese Intelligence officers, 7th battalion in Jinja, 49th Battalion in Kihihi, 75th Battalion in Katebwa - Rwenzori, 167 Brigade Headquarters in Lira and to a smaller extent at the headquarters of Military Intelligence at Basiima House.  The dumping and humiliation of former UNLA soldiers and suspected insurgents (referred to as lodgers) at Kiburara and Luzira Prisons respectively helped fuel the insurgency in Northern Uganda.  In Lubiri Barracks under Captain Gayiira, the Division Intelligence Officer, dead bodies of victims would be hanged on the perimeter wall before being riddled with bullets so as to look as if the victims had been shot as they attempted to escape.

With the opening of political space in the mid 1990s, a new phenomenon of silencing political dissent through arbitrary arrests, torture, and detention without trial developed.  Museveni established the Joint Antiterrorism Task Force (JATT) under the guise of fighting terrorism.  It came along with the establishment of the notorious ungazetted torture and illegal detention facilities commonly known as Safe Houses.  To supplement JATT, Museveni created the notorious Operation Wembley which was designed to deplete the countryside of imaginary suspected PRA rebel infiltrators.  Then came the notorious Sure House on Bombo Road, Kalangala Action Plan (KAP) under Major Kakoza Mutale and the Gulu based Popular Intelligence Network (PIN) who caused mayhem.

JATT under Brig. Kayanja Muhanga (brother to Journalist Mwenda) was reputed for dumping their dead victims in the Golf Course.  Later its headquarters in Kololo distinguished itself for gruesomely torturing its victims during the reign of Captain Joseph Kamusiime.  The Clement Hill based, Operation Wembley under Brig. Elly Kayanja, Godfrey Musana, Bageya and others, was reputed for torturing, maiming, extorting and summarily executing its victims in broad daylight.  Its regional offices were manned by among others; Captain Rwakanuma and Captain Rudahigwa at Kamukuzi in, Lt. Shiraje at Bugema in Mbale, Maj. Joel Walusimbi in Masaka, and Cadre Amon Rutenta in Fort Portal.

It was after public outcry that Operation Wembley evolved into the Kireka based Violent Crime Crack Unit (VCCU) under ASP Magara, Col. Charles Tusiime, Godfrey Musana and other rogues.  VCCU evolved into Rapid Response Unit (RRU) which in turn also gave rise to the Special Investigations Unit (SIU) that has of recent teamed up with the dreaded Flying Squad and established base at the notorious Nalufenya torture facility.  The choice of Nalufenya (50 Kms away) in Jinja was precipitated by the desire to get away from the public eye in Kampala and to complicate ease of access to the facility by human rights activists and journalists and to tie down dead tortured bodies with rocks and dump them in the Nile.

Over the years, reports by local and international human rights organisations have highlighted the appalling state of gross abuses by Museveni's security agencies.  The regime has made it a custom to rubbish off these reports as baseless.  One such alarming report was by Human Rights Watch titled "STATE OF PAIN; TORTURE IN UGANDA".  Instead, acts of torture have been steadily escalating unabetted to the extent that Ugandans have learnt to live with them in the hope of divine intervention. No security officer has ever been held accountable over torture under the Museveni regime.  As he stated 29 years ago, even in his yesterday's missive, he made it clear that he is not yet convinced that his agencies carry out acts of torture thus; ".... if it (torture) was being used as I see some groups claiming in the media."

Museveni fully supports the use of both physical and mental torture as a means of humiliating, suppressing and subduing his real and perceived political opponents into submission to his whims. State inspired gruesome torture fits well into his designs of reigning over a terrorised and fear stricken population.  Byamukama is lucky that he was not killed and dumped or branded an armed robber killed in a shoot out with the police.

It’s because a Good Samaritan leaked his whereabouts around mid April 2016 and his captors panicked.  He is their own - LC III Chairman for Kamwenge Town Council and District NRM Chairman hence why they took him to an expensive private hospital where they parted with the bill of UGX 27 million. 

Thousands of Museveni's torture victims will never see justice.   His Uganda Human Rights Commission (UHRC) is meant to provide a cover up for regime excesses.  Parliament did a disservice to Ugandans by conniving with the executive to exonerate strict liability for torture from the police as an institution. That way whenever acts of torture are complained about, the institution of the police and the regime pushes it to individual police officers but behind the curtains the regime does all within its means to get such individuals off the hook.

Therefore, as long as Museveni remains in power, torture will continue and Ugandans are yet to see and should prepare for the worst.


Monday, 15 May 2017

VIDEO: #Uganda President Besigye should act now or face impeachment

President Besigye should act now or face impeachment

Your Excellency, Dr. Warren K. Besigye,
President of the Republic of Uganda,


Your Excellency, following your victory in the February 2016 general elections, on 11th May 2017 you took oath of office of the President of the Republic of Uganda. You undertook to uphold, protect and defend the constitution of the Republic of Uganda.

It is now one year ever since you took oath and the country is bleeding under your watch. The Museveni military junta is pillaging, ransacking and pillaging the country this time around without any form of pretence. As if the repeated defilement of the constitution has not been bad enough, they have now resorted to sodomy. The judiciary and Legislature have been compromised, coopted and rendered useless. Cadre Judicial officers and parliamentarians have opted to connive with the Museveni's military junta to completely destroy whatever little remains of the country. For religious leaders, its God who will question them as to why they let their flock to be prayed on by hyenas in exchange for posh cars, cash bailouts and medical treatment abroad.

Your Excellency, the military junta is preoccupied with schemes to entrench itself in power by brutally suppressing form of dissent. The purported peaceful resolution of the political impasse is untenable more especially with Museveni who understands no other language other than violence. To him, dialogue is only meant to buy time for his political manipulation. Citizens have lost all hope and are growing more and more desperate for change by every hour that passes. Their only hope is in you, the national pro change leadership to guide them for an organised regime change. It is feared that once citizens feel let down they may resort to extremist actions on their own initiative which may prove disastrous.

Your Excellency, the military junta is confident that it has enough infrastructure to brutally suppress any form of mass uprising. It’s only worried of external intervention that may come to the aid of oppressed citizens.  Its for this reason that of recent the junta is more boldly switching more to the eastern communist block. Libya's Gadafi was on the verge of brutally suppressing the uprising in Benghazi around March 2011 had it not been for the intervention of NATO and the UN Security Council. Detractors have selfishly argued that Libya was economically vibrant before the 2011 revolution. During the commemoration of 60 years of EU, in his message, Museveni preferred economic development to human rights. He stated thus; "It’s okay to talk about human and other rights but growth of the economy should be the first right to emphasize."

Your Excellency, some sections of the west have either connived with the Museveni's military junta or fallen victim to his manipulation. At regional level, Museveni is ahead of events by pursuing a military alliance under the guise of political and economic federation. The only hope for Ugandans is in the USA's Donald Trump. He is responsible for your current partial freedom from incarceration.  He is your surety and has described you as "the only Ugandan patriot. He has described Museveni as a despot who should be in prison. He has described Ugandans as cowards who " are easily dispersed by a single tear gas canister before they run around like sheep when they see the police."

Your Excellency, you have the people's mandate through the constitution to point out to the west that Ugandans are not cowards but are faced with a ruthless military despot. You need to draw the attention of the west to the plain fact that the Museveni junta is thriving on posturing over manipulative liberal refugee policy, global fight against international terrorism and regional peace keeping. You need to tell them that the influx of millions of refugees into Uganda is indirectly a result of Museveni's military aggressive actions in the region. It is designed to attract foreign aid and global attention. You need to tell them that the so-called peace keeping missions are nothing but a means of holding the west at ransom thus the unending Somali peace keeping mission.

Your Excellency, Ugandans appreciate your extra ordinary courage, focused and consistent commitment in keeping the crusade for change alive. Ugandans fully understand the treacherous hurdles in the way for change. You have repeatedly stated that the armed option is not viable thus unconvincingly giving the regime a sigh of relief. On the contrary, Ugandans have lost all hope of putting a stop to the Museveni menace through other means other than use of arms. They strongly believe that you being a military officer at the rank of Colonel are better positioned to pursue the armed option.

Your Excellency, the days of armed rebellion taking to the jungles are long gone. Even with Museveni's NRA it was the government troops (UNLA) that simply invited it into power in 1986 following the July 1985 Okello coup and the subsequent manipulation of the Nairobi Peace Talks. Tens of thousands of Ugandans are serving in the country's armed forces and other security agencies. These Ugandans are being held hostage by a small clique around Museveni's manipulative ways. They have more stake in regime change than anybody else. 

That is why the voting patterns of army and police barracks has consistently been in favour of the opposition. Its for the same reason that of recent the Court Martial has been flooded with cases of attempted coups by army officers of all ranks. The suicidal courage exhibited by the Police Officer who gave you a Salaam Za Raisi (presidential salute) in Teso recently depicts the underlying desire to have a capable Commander in Chief (CIC). Though the said Police officer will face criminal charges related to subversion, he is a hero whose message was well sent.

Your Excellency, Ugandans have had enough of the Museveni junta. They want you to go back top the Operation Room and use you political and military skills to come up with a decisive strategy that will ensure Museveni's exit, now and not tomorrow.  Short of that you are bound to fail in carrying out your constitutional obligation for which you took oath on 11th May 2016 and you will soon be subjected to impeachment proceedings because incapacity. The situation is ripe and you have all it takes to deliver the desired and much craved for change. This is what the detained Dr. Stella Nyanzi meant when he told you that "the struggle is for change has taken long."

Your Excellency, I have all your private contacts but I deliberately chose to communicate to you through an open letter so that the desperate Museveni junta does not construe this as an overt act of treason.

I salute you, Your Excellency.

Toka kwa bara bara, Besigye anayingiya!

President Dr. Kizza Warren Besigye swears in after a landslide win for presidency,