Thursday, 29 June 2017

PICTURES: Of Museveni's Gen. Saleh, Brig. Mayombo's Katuraamu, Gen. Kalekyezi's Uwera, and Col. Kaka's Brian Bagyenda #Uganda

On 28th March 1999 Tooro's Prince Happy Kiijanangoma and a one Kaganda were shot dead in Fort Portal by Alex Twinomugisha, an army deserter. The assassins had been hired by the then Tooro Kingdom Prime Minister, John Katuuramu.
Happy Kiijanangoma had been spearheading the mobilisation of the royals in Tooro to move a vote of no confidence against John Katuuramu for his alleged role in theft of the Kingdom property. Kiijanangoma was shot dead two days before he was to testify against Katuraamu in the High Court over the same matter.
As the search for Kiijanangoma's killer was ongoing, around June 1999 the same Alex Twinomugisha shot dead three Makerere University students around Wandegeya.  One of the slain students, Cpl. Kajabago Mirundi was a potential witness in the Murder of Happy Kiijanangoma three months earlier. Cpl. Mirindi Kajabago who knew Alex Twinomugisha had witnessed the later at the scene of crime in Fort Portal shortly before Kiijanangoma was shot.
The following month in June 1999, military intelligence arrested the assailant Alex Twinomugisha over the murder of the three university students. It is alleged that Alex Twinomugisha confessed to having been hired by John Katuuramu to kill Happy Kiijanangoma and later Cpl. Mirindi Kajabago. John Katuuramu was arrested and charged with murder of Happy Kiijanangoma whereby in 2001 he was convicted over murder charges and sentenced to death. He appealed the sentence in the Court of Appeal which unfortunately upheld the conviction in 2002. He again appeal to the Supreme Court which also upheld the decision of the Court of Appeal in May 2003.
In November 2001, a Supreme Court ruling required that a condemned prisoner must be executed within three years of confirmation of sentence. Consequently, Katuraamu's death sentence was automatically reduced to life imprisonment which translates to 20 years. He is almost finishing his sentence and regaining his freedom. It remains to be seen if he will face fresh murder charges related to the three slain Makerere students.
Katuraamu is married to the sister of Brig. Noble Mayombo who was the Chief of Military Intelligence (CMI) at the time the murder was committed and the subsequent trial and conviction. Despite his (Mayombo) record breaking brutality, undue influence peddling and being the worst human rights violator ever in the history of the Museveni regime, Mayombo could not save his in-law, John Katuuramu.
This was because of the much stronger influence of the mainstream Tooro royal family (Mayombo belonged to the peripheral royal blood), Mayombo's hypocrisy and Museveni's game plan. In 2001, Mayombo hypocritically carried out brutality on his own brother, Maj. Okwir Rabwooni at Entebbe Airport in order to stop him from taking a campaign flight with Dr. Besigye.  Katuuramu had so much been helped by the NRA during the 1985 interim administration in the western region when he struck lucrative trade deals with the lead NRA commanders, Fred Rwigyema and Jim Muhweezi. He has been writing to Museveni reminding him of the past financial 'contribution’ in his quest for pardon.
A 2001 Commission of Inquiry into irregular purchase of junk helicopters for the army recommended the prosecution of Museveni's young brother Gen. Saleh for bribery and causing financial loss of US$ 7M. However, Museveni vehemently shielded him thus; "......I think Gen. Saleh told me about US$ 800,000 commission, since I did not want to delay the delivery of the helicopters that were badly needed to fight Kony, I told Saleh to go ahead and receive the commission but surrender it to the army for special operations in the north."
Museveni's pardoning of Gen. Saleh cleared the way for a series of financial scandals involving very heavy sums of the tax payer's money and state property by the same "retired" General who is above the law.
Around 2011 the then Permanent Secretary of the Ministry of Local Government, Kashaka Muhanguzi stole 4.6b shillings meant for purchase of bicycles for Local Council officials. It had to take a parliamentary resolution for Kashaka to be charged before the Anti-Corruption Court. In January 2013, his trial commenced and in July 2014 he was convicted to 10 years’ imprisonment and ordered to refund the money. In November 2014, he was released on bail pending appeal and since then he has been a free man as his five co-accused languish in prison. Muhanguzi Kashaka is from Kiruhura and is the elder brother to Brig. Steven Kashaka and Col. John Kashaka. His bail application was facilitated by Cadre Justice Steven Kavuma after Justice Salome Bbossa had rejected it. One of his sureties was Brig. Amos Makumbi, the then ISO chief.
In January 2013, Police Chief, Gen. Kalekyezi's sister in law, Jackie Uwera was alleged to have murdered her husband, Juvernal Nsenga. Gen. Kalekyezi fought very hard to have the charges reduced to traffic offence but succumbed to pressure from the politically powerful deceased's family comprised of Mzei Don't Kananura and the then DPP, Richard Buteera. In September 2013, she was committed to the High Court for trial over murder. Gen. Kalekyezi went ahead to compel the Deputy Director of Criminal Investigations, Godfrey Musana testify in defence of the accused - it has never happened anywhere in the world.
In September 2014, she was convicted for murder. On 4th January, 2017 a one Brian Bagenda murdered his girl friend, Enid Twijukye in Kampala. He was assisted by domestic servants, one Byamugisha and Vincent Rwahwire before disposing off the body in Namanve Forest from where it was recovered by the Police on 13th January, 2017. Four days later, on 17th January 2017, the Police arrested Brian Bagyenda and his two accomplices for murder.  Shortly after, a video recording of Brian Bagyenda's confession to murdering Enid Twijukye went viral on social media. On 24th January 2017, Museveni appointed Brian Bagyenda’s father, Col. Kaka Bagyenda as the new Internal Security chief (DG/ISO). Col. Kaka Bagyenda had fought the Bush War and retired from the army in 1993 at the rank of Major. In 2014, Museveni promoted him to the rank of Colonel. His job description includes among other obligations, securing the lives and property of Ugandans.
On February 1st 2017, Brian Bagenda and his accomplices were arraigned before court and charged with murder of Enid Twijukye. The deceased who hailed from Kiruhura was a 2nd Year University student of International relations. He sister is married to a senior army officer under CMI. In mid June 2017, the three accused were committed to the High Court for trial over murder. Note the suspiciously impressive speed at which the matter is moving!
In 12th November, 2017 Kenneth Akena was shot dead by assailants in a parking yard in Kampala. A one Mathew Kanyamunyu and his Burundian girl friend, Cynthia Munwangari claimed to have witnessed the shooting by strangers and only helped to rush the victim to the hospital. On 22nd January 2017, Mathew Kanyamunyu, his Bother Joseph Kanyamunyu and girlfriend, Cynthia were charged with murder of Akena.
On January 31st 2017 the Magistrates Court at Nakawa committed the three to the High Court for trial. Bickering and negative tribal sentiments between the Banyankole Bahima and the Acholi ensued prompting Police to summon Kanyamunyu's aunt, Edith Byanyima. On 28th March 2017, High Court granted bail to Joseph Kanyamunyu and Cynthia Munwangari. On 4th April 2017 Mathew Kanyamunyu filed a notice of intention to appeal against the decision on his bail application. On the same day, Museveni paid a visit to the late Akena's family in Kitgum where he assured them of a fair trial. Kanyamunyu is a brother to Col. Michael Kanyamunyu of the elite Presidential Guard unit, the SFC.


A week ago, a Kampala businessman, Mathew Kanyamunyu shot dead a social worker, Kenneth Akena at the parking area of one of the shopping malls in Kampala. Since then the regime has behaved in such a way as to shield the culprit from the long arm of the law.
The trial has not yet commenced but the record breaking supersonic speed by which investigations were completed and the accused committed to the High Court within less than a month is suspect. It is a norm for much more straight forward cases to take years before being committed to the High Court.
On 8th April 2017, the Minister of Labour, Kabafunzaki was arrested over corruption charges. Together with two of his close aides, he was on 11th April 2017 charged with corruption related charges and remanded. The following day on 12th April 2017 he was granted bail. Two months later, today the DPP declared that investigations were complete. He has subsequently been committed by the Anti-Corruption Court's Chief Magistrate to the High Court's Anti-Corruption Division where they are to appear on 12th July 2017. Criminal Justice in Uganda looks expeditious!
All godfathers are equal but some are more equal than others.
change of guards blog

Monday, 26 June 2017

PICTURES: Is clothing the only second-hand item imported by EAC!!!!!!!! #Uganda #Tanzania #Kenya #Rwanda

In February 2015, the 16th Summit of East Africa Community (EAC) Heads of State sitting in Nairobi received and adopted a report by the EAC Secretariat on banning the importation of second-hand clothing, bags and shoes. The Summit issued a joint statement directing the Council of Ministers to study modalities for the protection of regional textile and leather industries by banning the importation of second-hand clothes and shoes.

In March 2016, the 17th Extra-ordinary Summit of the EAC Heads of State at Arusha unanimously decided to ban the importation of second-hand clothing, bags, shoes and other leather products by 2019.  The argument was that the move would boost local industries, create jobs, and instill a sense of pride as opposed to putting on someone else's used and discarded clothing. They further argued that the practice was degrading, undermining the pride of Africans, and a source of being looked down upon by the West.

A few days later, Uganda's Minister of Finance, Matia Kasaija proposed increasing the rate of the environmental levy imposed on second hand clothes from 15% to 20% of the cost, insurance and freight (CIF) value. Around the same time, Kenya's Uhuru Kenyatta met with the Association of Mitumba (second hand clothes) Importers in Kenya where he guaranteed to them the continuous flow of Mitumba uninterrupted.

In June 2016 Uganda's Minister of Trade, Amelia Kyambadde told visiting EALA members that Uganda had decided to go slow on the ban on used clothes.  She further disclosed that the ban would be a gradual process as the country develops its textile and leather industry.

In September 2016, the USA Ambassador, Deborah Malac paid a courtesy call on the Speaker of Parliament and warned her that the proposed ban on importation of second-hand clothes was posing a risk on the African Growth Opportunity Act (AGOA) arrangement.

In May 2017,Kenya took a bold stand when it declared that it would not ban importation of second-hand clothes.  It argued that much as it would make efforts to develop and promote its local textile industries, it would allow the continued importation of the much more competitive and consumer friendly second-hand clothes.

During the same month, the EAC Secretariat presented a report in which it was proposing a tax rise on importation of second-hand clothes from 25% to 50%.  In the same report, it was disclosed that the region was spending US$ 350M on importation of second-hand clothes.

In June 2017, the parliaments of Tanzania and Uganda voted to approve a budgetary provision doubling import duties on second-hand clothes from US$ 0.2 per Kg to 0.4 per Kg.  On its part, Rwanda increased import duty from US$ 0.2 per Kg to US$ 2.5 per Kg.

Consequently, the office of the US Trade Representative (USTR) has disclosed that it was reviewing the eligibility of Uganda, Tanzania and Rwanda for AGOA.  In 2000 the AGOA was signed into law. It is meant to promote trade and investment in Sub-Saharan Africa.

Under AGOA, duty free treatment is given to certain products as well as the preferential treatment of certain textiles and apparel articles.  During 2016, Uganda, Tanzania and Rwanda combined exported a total of US$ 43M worth of goods to the USA duty free under AGOA.  Kenya alone exported US$ 394M worth of textiles and apparel to the USA under AGOA.  In return, the USA exported to the EAC region US $281M worth of goods under AGOA.

USTR's review of Tanzania, Uganda and Rwanda's eligibility for AGOA has the risk of making them lose out on duty free access to the USA market. The other eligibility requirements are good governance, human rights, democracy, and rule of law.  AGOA requires the President of USA to terminate the designation of a country as a beneficiary if it is not meeting eligibility requirements.  Currently, the US President is the no nonsense, Donald Trump.

In August 2015, the parliament of Zimbabwe unanimously blocked the government's move to ban the importation of second-hand clothes.  It described the move as being insensitive to the poor and that it would make the ordinary people to go naked.  In 2015 alone, Uganda imported 1261 tonnes of worn second-hand clothing from the USA.  Second-hand clothes are a source of livelihood for millions of impoverished residents of EAC.  Millions are employed and dressed by this sector since local textile industries are almost non-existent.  Even a number of the rich and the elite policy makers stealthily encroach on these second-hand clothes because of their superior quality.

The governments of EAC earn a lot of the much-needed tax revenue from importation of the second-hand clothes.  Even the millions of Museveni's refugees can only be properly clothed in these second-hand clothes. It is not only the second-hand clothes, bags and shoes that are sustaining the economies of the EAC States and the livelihoods of its residents. Second-hand cars, furniture, electronics, construction machinery, farm machinery, industrial machinery, motorcycles, bicycles, toys, beddings, military equipment like tanks, artillery pieces and war planes are all second-hand.

The policy makers only console themselves by claiming that the military equipment is 'overhauled'.  How come they don't lose pride by importing military equipment that was used during World War II, the Middle East conflicts, the conflicts in the Balkan and Afghanistan? The Anti-riot police vehicles that were used by Apartheid South Africa have been imported by Museveni and modified with mounted machine guns (MAMBAS) for use to suppress Ugandans.

What about the tanks from China that were used to crash to death student protesters at Tienanmen Square! The same used military equipment imported by African governments is responsible for the displacement of their nationals into refugee camps and risky and treacherous journeys into death traps across the Sahara and the Mediterranean Sea.

Maybe they want to protect industries of cheap and low quality textiles from their new colonial master, China.


Change of guards blog

Sunday, 25 June 2017

Why #Uganda state prosecutors are not threatening to quit despite "low pay"

Uganda's State Prosecutors are threatening to lay down their tools if the government does not look into their 'peanut pay and poor working conditions'.  Under their trade union, Uganda Association of Prosecutors (UAP), they have overwhelmingly voted in favor of a 14 days’ ultimatum for the government to address their grievances. The lowest paid Prosecutor earns around 600,000 shillings per month while the highly paid is the Director of Public Prosecution (DPP) who earns around 4,000,000 per month. Indeed, compared to their core regime agencies, it is a small pay. They want their pay increased to the minimum of 9,000,000 shillings per month.
They have argued that many of their colleagues have been arrested over bribery and attributed it to small pay. They claim to have petitioned Museveni over the same matter five years ago, through their former DPP, Richard Buteera but nothing has been done.  
In June 2009, the Resident State Attorney (RSA) of Gulu was dramatically arrested as he attempted to chew and swallow a 50,000 bribe.  In August 2009, the RSA of Nebbi was arrested over a 200,000 shilling bribe in a motorcycle robbery case.  In June 2011, the RSA of Jinja was arrested in a 500,000 shilling bribe.  In September 2015, the RSA of Masindi was arrested in a 70,000 shillings’ bribe.  In May 2015, the RSA of Mubende was arrested over a 500,000 shilling bribe in a murder case.  In July 2016, the RSA of Koboko was arrested over 900,000 shillings bribe to withdraw charges from an accused.
The above list and a few others are the unlucky ones to be netted because almost every prosecutor is corrupt. Even those who don't solicit for monetary or material gratifications, they have been corrupted by the regime to promote persecution instead of prosecution.
Under the DPP, there are State Attorneys and State Prosecutors. The former are Lawyers who prosecute cases in all courts and Man District stations as Resident State Attorneys (RSA), while the latter are para-legals (Diploma holders) who work under the supervision of the RSAs and only prosecute cases in Magistrates Courts (Grade II to Chief Magistrate).  Both, State Attorneys and State Prosecutors prosecute cases on behalf of the State thus are professionally referred to as State Prosecutors.
The Chairman of UAP, Baxter Bakibinga joined DPP together with his sister Stella Bakibinga - both as Para-legals around 1999 and has since upgraded to State Attorney.  In January 2015 as the State Attorney of Masaka, he sanctioned murder charges against the LC III Chairman of Ntusi sub county but the suspect was released from court premises by armed men in a commando raid.
The suspect was a close associate of Minister Sam Kuteesa and Baxter Bakibinga was forced to make a public statement to the effect that the DPP had withdrawn the charges by a telephone call to him. This site ran an exclusive piece on the Criminal Justice system under Museveni. We highlighted the role of the Prosecutors in promoting injustice on April 26, 2015 via:


Introduction Since its inception, the Museveni military regime has persistently been obsessed with the criminal justice system. They use it as a scapegoat for their failure to fight crime, deliver justice and a justification for torture, illegal detentions and detention without trial.

It is a fact that the Prosecutors manning up country stations are the most corrupt because they handle criminal cases under the lower Magistrates courts which are the cradle of corruption and injustice.  Most of them are able to raise their so called monthly meagre pay in an average single day bribery collection. They can even survive without pay and there is no guarantee that if their demand for pay rise is effected by government they will stop soliciting for bribes.
Much as their demands are genuine, they are partly driven by the recent Museveni handshake of 6 billion shillings to 42 regime cohorts and its attempt to blackmail the regime.  By Museveni appointing his former Principal Private Secretary (PPS), Mike Chibita as the DPP in 2013, the Prosecuting authority was fully incorporated into the regime. The department lost its independence and has been under the control of the regime's security agencies for persecution of citizens.  Otherwise, why are they not complaining about the interference from the state?
Change of guards blog

VIDEO: Why #Uganda’s #Kadaga was very right on Rwanda's intolerance of crooks

Around October 2016, the Speaker of Parliament, Rebecca Kadaga made a statement to the effect that; ".... Uganda is really a lenient country; how can Gashumba a Rwandese, abuse us in Uganda? He can't do that in Rwanda." This statement was in reaction to Frank Gashumba's attack on Kadaga where he described her as belonging to the Stone Age.
In November 2014, another Rwandese, George Mutabaazi, the Chairman LC V of Lwengo District hit headlines when he publicly went on rampage caning adult residents of Lwengo while forcing them to do community service.  In the company of armed policemen, he was captured by the media. He publicly bragged that he didn't care about his reputation or elections, but the development of Lwengo.
The regime did nothing to him but he was instead re-elected to the same position in 2016.  In August 2016, he was elected unopposed as the President of Uganda Local Government Association. Lwengo District is a new-found Rwandese stronghold in Uganda.  It’s the home of other prominent Rwandese like Col. Felix Kulaigye and the recently slain Police Chief, Felix Kaweesi.
Chairman George Mutabaazi’s luck ran out of hand yesterday when he attempted to take his arrogance and impunity to Rwanda. The Rwandese security grabbed him off the plane scheduled for Uganda. The airline gave a statement to the effect that their action against Mutabaazi was meant to ensure the safety of their flight and passengers and that Mutabaazi was disembarked from the flight due to his disorderly behaviour.
The Banyarwanda controlled Uganda Police was quick to issue an uncalled-for statement that Mutabaazi had insisted on sitting in the Business Class yet he had paid for the Economy Class.  What really had this to do with the Uganda Police to the extent that a whole Police Spokesperson had to issue a statement!!!
Mutabaazi has come out to give his side of the story claiming that he was in Kigali on transit from Burundi. That it was a case of mistaken identity when security asked him to get off the plane for questioning and he resisted by raising an alarm to alert fellow passengers. That he later explained himself to the security officials who cleared him for the next flight to Kampala.
The Tutsi regime in Rwanda suspects that there is something going on against them in Uganda. It also looks down upon the Banyarwanda in Uganda who opted to stay behind when their kinsmen and women returned to Rwanda. The worst category is of those Banyarwanda who did not even want to be identified as such leave alone being associated with concerted efforts during the armed war that returned them home.
The likes of Donat Kananura played a vital role in supporting the RPF war thus enjoy leverage and immunity in both countries. Moreover, some of the influential Banyarwanda in Uganda are Hutu and sympathetic to the worldwide Hutu cause to recapture power in Rwanda.
Rwanda is currently nursing bad blood with the Hutu regime in Burundi and it’s not a coincidence that Mutabaazi was questioned on transit from Burundi thus the so called "Mistaken Identity".  By the Uganda Police in Kampala and not the Uganda Embassy in Kigali rushing into issuing a panicky statement over a simple personal matter, depicts either guilty consciousness or backwardness.
But watch the space, we are yet to know the exact source of the friction. However, one thing is clear, the Speaker, Rebecca Kadaga was 100% right that some of these Rwandese who abuse Ugandans can't do it in Rwanda.  Mutabaazi's wings have been trimmed in Kigali.
change of guards blog

Thursday, 22 June 2017

#Museveni cup league - tournament fixture #Uganda

Uganda's military dictator's 30 years hold on power has been thriving on the Divide and Rule Policy. The country has witnessed the worst forms of ethnic and tribal divisions that have often culminated into bloody clashes. His scheme aims at dividing the communities so that they don't get a united voice to challenge his dictatorship. Here below, find the 'tournament fixture':
  1. BAGANDA Vs BANYALA @ Kayunga stadium
  2. BAGANDA Vs BARULI @ Nakasongola stadium
  3. BAGANDA Vs BAKOOKI @ Nakasongola stadium
  4. BAGANDA Vs BAKOOKI @ Kyotera stadium
  1. BAKONJO Vs BASONGORA @ Muhokya stadium
  2. BAKONJO Vs BAMBA @ Rwenzori stadium
  3. ITESO Vs JAPADHOLA @ Tororo stadium
  4. BALALO Vs BAGUNGU @ Masindi stadium
  1. BANYORO Vs Bakiiga @ Kibaale stadium
  2. ACHOLI Vs MADI @ Apaa stadium
  3. BAGISU Vs BAGWERE @ Namatala stadium
  4. BAGISU Vs SABINY @ Sironko stadium
  5. BUDAAKA Vs BUTALEJA @ Mpologoma stadium
The following teams have applied to be join the league:
  1. BATOORO Vs BAKONJO @ Bunyangabu stadium
  2. BAGANDA Vs BALALO @ Cattle Corridor stadium
  3. BATOORO Vs BATUKU @ Ntoroko stadium
  4. TUTSI Vs HUTU @ Kisoro stadium
Much as the above tournament are ethnic/tribal bases, there are other tournaments being contested for under the same Museveni Cup. These are:
  1. The Religious League
  2. The Security agencies League
  3. The Cabinet League
  4. The Opposition Parties League
  5. The KCCA League
In all the above leagues, Museveni is the major sponsor of the contests for his regime survival. The earlier Ugandans realise that, the better.

Understanding the Tamale Mirundi, UCC/NBS TV saga - #Uganda

Controversial veteran Journalist Tamale Mirundi is a Ugandan, Catholic and a staunch member of DP. He worked with the pro-Catholic Muno Newspaper before founding his own short lived tabloids, Alipoota and The Voice.  He came to prominence in the late 1990s when he excelled in accurately analysing the Museveni dictatorship on Radio and TV talk shows.
Like is always the case with any Ugandan who accurately analyses Museveni's dictatorship, Museveni moved to silence Tamale Mirundi.  He appointed him a Presidential Spokesman - a position he held for 13 years.  As a Spokesman, Tamale Mirundi had his office in State House under the Presidential Press Unit, had access to privileged information, managed to see the art of statecraft first hand thus enhanced his professional status.
For Mirundi, his tenure at State House was mainly for boosting his political ambitions thus why he refused to be soiled in any dubious deals.  For Museveni who believes in blackmailing and holding at ransom his lieutenants in order to ensure personal loyalty, he soon realised that Tamale Mirundi was a wrong catch. Confident that he had done enough damage to Mirundi, Museveni, as usual set on a journey to humiliate him by unleashing his juniors on a humiliation mission.
Around mid 2015, Museveni confronted Mirundi with audio evidence of the latter insulting the First Lady.  Shortly after, Museveni again confronted Mirundi with another audio recording in which Mirundi was allegedly ridiculing Museveni's poor management of the country.  Museveni sacked Mirundi from the influential position of Presidential Spokesperson and made him Senior Presidential Advisor on Media.
Mirundi was rendered redundant and joined the row of other over one hundred redundant Presidential Advisors. To understand the seriousness of Mirundi's sacking from State House, you need to realise that at one time he was questioned as to why he had been found to have been in close telephone contact with renegade Gen. Ssejusa.

For Mirundi, his sacking let him loose and he set out to vent his anger on the establishment which he often refers to as Mafias. He reverted to critically analysing Museveni's gross failures, dictatorship and outright plans to destroy Uganda. To this date, he is carrying out this crusade that has won him immense popularity.
However, a few Ugandans understand him but for Museveni and his Mafia clique, they know where Mirundi stands.  Around December 2015, the regime moved to silence him. The Uganda Communications Commission (UCC) banned him from appearing on any radio and TV station. Tamale Mirundi lost his head by openly attacking Museveni. He said; " appears Museveni has failed to manage this country.  He should hand it to Mbabazi. I am going abroad and I will come back in April. I am only asking for safe passage. I will go through Entebbe Airport on Saturday. I will come back in April."
Tamale Mirundi who harbours high political ambitions indirectly supported Mbabazi.  He repeatedly portrayed Mbabazi as a sophisticated person who had strong influence in all sectors of the Museveni regime.  He said; ".... you can join Mbabazi without knowing you have joined him. You don’t know how Mbabazi works. He has people in intelligence and State House. He can fight you without you seeing him."
By promising to 'return from outside the country in April', he had hoped for a change of government during the February 2016 polls. The Minister of Justice, Kahinda Otafiire defended Mirundi thus; .... Mirundi has a constitutional right to speak and those who are not happy with what he says should go to court."

UCC withdrew its directive and Mirundi resumed his crusade to this day.  Because of his extra ordinary intelligence, he authoritatively presents his information such that it can not be challenged by anybody in courts of law.  He used his past positions to gather such rich information that is rarely accessible by most Ugandans. His resolute and unweathering character puts him in a position to continue winning the trust of disillusioned Ugandans, some of them in positions of authority who continue to update him on some of the scandals.  During his last days, as Presidential Spokesman, Tamale Mirundi had threatened thus; .... you are better off to have Mirundi within than on the outside".  
They arrogantly sacked him and now they are paying the heavy price. However, Mirundi is aware of the dangers posed by his actions and that is why he pretends to cosmetically exonerate apportioning direct blame on Museveni, Kayihura, Saleh, Gen. Muhoozi and a few others. He knows their capacity to physically 'neutralize' him.  He is caught between a rock and a hard surface. Uncertain if his contract was to be renewed or not, in July 2014 he promised never to attack Museveni. ".... Even if my contract is not renewed, I will not complain. I can assure you I will never attack Museveni when I am outside State House."
To the eyes of most gullible Ugandans, Mirundi has kept to that promise but the equally intelligent Museveni has a different view. Tamale Mirundi is a top regime critic and going by classification by the intelligence agencies, 'he is dangerous and all efforts should be made to neutralise him."
Tamale Mirundi uses the radio and TV talk shows to vent out his anger while at the same time helping Ugandans to understand the rot in the Museveni regime. The regime is stuck and that’s why last month it took another gamble at intimidating the closure of NBS TV over Tamale Mirundi.  His on camera physical confrontation of his host, Simon Muyanga Lutaaya was just a coincidence.
Muyanga Lutaaya is a poor Journalist who can't afford interviewing Tamale Mirundi.  He is green on Uganda's history, the Museveni regime, and geopolitical situation for which Mirundi is an expert.  In order to remain relevant, Muyanga Lutaaya simply concentrates on telling viewers how he is an elite and a professional Teacher with a degree from Makerere University.
On the other hand, Tamale Mirundi prefers someone who understands his motivation and can elicit from him relevant information instead of ignorantly obstructing him.  It is most likely that some individuals also use Muyanga Lutaaya to deliberately suffocate some of Mirundi's revelations during the talk show on WBS TV.
Tamale Mirundi’s dream is to see a regime change and the 'arrogant boys' fleeing across the border while others are hoarded into a prisons bus to prison. This is the prayer he repeatedly submits during his talk shows. It’s a prayer for most Ugandans but unfortunately, Tamale Mirundi may not live to realise it.

#SouthernSudan crisis - lessons for #Uganda

First published by Change of Guards blog on December 30, 2013
The current security crisis in Southern Sudan is a good lesson for both Museveni and those opposed to his 27 years’ dictatorship. Of recent both Ugandan opposition and the general population have developed a consensus that it’s only use of force that can put an end to Museveni's dictatorship.  No doubt, forceful removal of Museveni implies the use of arms as is the case in Southern Sudan.
It means disabling and alienating the dictator from the armed forces. It is the role of a few elites whether civilian or military to effectively utilise the existing armed forces. In such a situation, the much acclaimed "the people" does not matter.  It is the men in uniform and their handlers who matter.
However, drawing lessons from the current Southern Sudan crisis, advocates of forceful removal of Museveni should organise a decisive plan of action that can dislodge Museveni within a period of between one hour and the next one week.  On the contrary, a poorly planned and protracted armed action will simply play into the hands of dictator Museveni thus throwing the country into carnage.
Like everyone else, Museveni is very much aware that the situation in Uganda is riper for armed confrontation than Southern Sudan.  He has stocked all sorts of military arsenal and succeeded privatising the armed forces by positioning his ethnic cohorts at the helm of strategic military positions.
Drawing from the experience of recent events in Southern Sudan, he is going to intensify intelligence surveillance on his own Military Commanders.  His Southern Sudan counterpart had similar arrangements but has only been saved by external intervention coupled by poor planning by the armed opposition.
It is this desire for a regional military alliance that explains the idea behind Museveni's desperate push for regional integration.  The current events in Southern Sudan have sent him more panicking than Silva Kiir.  His NRA units now in Southern Sudan will soon devise a means of committing a big massacre that will be blamed on the rebelling group.  This will be designed to brand the belligerents as terrorists and at worst subjected to indictment by the ICC in order to cripple their genuine fight against Silva Kiir’s dictatorship.
Above all, Museveni's military intervention in Juba is dictated by his historical urge to contain his own Northern Uganda Luo influence.  He did the same move in Kenya but of recent Raila Odinga has warned him to keep off Kenya's internal affairs.  Earlier he had wanted to keep the Southern Sudan occupied with war with Khartoum but this could not work for him.  For his designs, the current situation in Southern Sudan fits well if only it can keep the new nation unstable security wise.
Therefore, a Southern Sudan like situation is inevitable in Uganda and there are lessons to learn.

#SouthSudan crisis - #Uganda's #Museveni's stake @UN @UNMISS @UPDFspokesman @KenRoth

First published by Change of Guards blog on December 24, 2013
Right from the regimes of Obote 1, Iddi Amin, Obote 11 and now Museveni, Uganda had been a key ally of the struggling Southern Sudanese people.  Starting with the Anyanya rebellion in the 1960s and 70s to the SPLA during the 80s and 90s, successive Ugandan governments offered support to the Southern Sudanese struggle.
However, it’s during Museveni's reign that Uganda's support took discriminatory dimensions - "our Southern Christian brothers".  According to Museveni, the struggle was against the Arab Islamic regime of Khartoum that was bent on spreading Islamic Fundamentalism orchestrated by Hassan Ali Tourabi.
The truth is that Museveni opportunistically wanted to detach the people of Northern and West Nile regions from any direct link with their cousins in Southern Sudan.  Northern and West Nile regions had rejected the Museveni government right from its inception and had gone into armed rebellion with near bases in Southern Sudan.  The Museveni government referred to the people from Northern Uganda and West Nile as Anyanyas in reference to the Southern Sudan liberation struggle.
Khartoum decided to offer retaliatory support to Uganda dissidents based in Southern Sudan.  Relations between Kampala and Khartoum deteriorated to the extent that during the early 90s the NRA assaulted the Sudan embassy in Kampala with armoured personnel carriers (APC) leading to shivering diplomatic relations.
The USA threw its weight behind the Uganda's support for the SPLA.  A full-fledged supply line was established and coordinated by Gen. Joram Mugume the then NRA Chief of Combat Operations (CCO) and Fred Tolit the then Director of Military Intelligence (DMI).  Actually, Fred Tolit was just a figure head DMI meant to hoodwink the Acholis.  He was a mere head of the Sudan desk concerned with matters of Southern Sudan and the LRA. The real DMI was instead his deputy, Aronda Nyakairima.  Worst of all, Tolit was viewed as a General Tinyefuza confidant since it’s the latter who had brought him to the fore.
This did not deter the Ugandan armed groups from getting support from some sections of the SPLA fighters. One of the deceptive ways was for the SPLA to pretend that the LRA had overran its camps and seized arms.  As the South was heading towards gaining full autonomy from Khartoum, the legendary SPLA leader John Garang had to die in a helicopter crash provided to him by Museveni.
No doubt, like all revolutionaries an autonomous state of Southern Sudan under Garang would have sought to support other liberation movements that already had bases in its territory. Garang had a softer approach towards Khartoum - Museveni's arch enemy and a bait for USA support.
Garang's successor, Silva Kiir set up a Museveni client regime in Southern Sudan.  Being an international figure, John Garang would not have taken orders from Museveni without question.  In return Museveni, has been fighting hard to have South Sudan incorporated into the East African Community solely in order to secure the northern border.
It is against this background that Museveni has had to move very fast to intervene and save his client regime of Silva Kiir.  In the same vein of keeping the ethnic Luo influence in check, Museveni intervened in Kenya against a Raila Odinga victory.  Earlier, during the early 90s, he had denied Kenyan dissident Col. Odong's FERA bases in Uganda against the Arap Moi government.

Is #Uganda's #Museveni contemplating a union with #SouthSudan?

First published by Change of Guards blog on March 13, 2014
Museveni gave support to the South Sudan independence struggle on grounds that he was containing the spread of Islamic Fundamentalism from Khartoum.  In doing so he registered the support of the USA. Unknown to many, Museveni's main interest was to counter the potential bases for the struggling people of Northern and West Nile regions of Uganda against his governance.  
The over two decades old northern Uganda insurgency alludes to this.  It is in the same efforts that the SPLA Chairman John Garang died in a mysterious helicopter crash provided to him by Museveni thus giving way for Museveni's puppet Silva Kiir to take over.
Since Southern Sudan gained independence two years ago, there has been internal squabbles that exploded to full military clashes in December 2013.  Museveni moved his private army into South Sudan to save President Silva Kiir from being overthrown. His army has been involved in combat operations against the rebelling SPLA in defiance of calls by the international community for hm to withdraw his troops.
The rebel faction is composed of Museveni's arch enemies like former SPLM Secretary General Pagan Anum who according to Museveni had links with Uganda's rebel group, LRA.  It is in the same vein that the vocal Minister of State for regional cooperation, Okello Oryem has been left in the cold on matters concerning the current South Sudan saga.
Museveni has used the current South Sudan crisis and his military intervention to indirectly rebuke the UN and the West in particular through the puppet shaky government of Silva Kiir.  He has found an opportunity to prove his traditional argument thus "African solutions for African problems".
He has openly declared his intentions to dump the West and instead deal with Russia.  The conflict in South Sudan is not about to be resolved.  The rebelling SPLA has the capacity to overrun the government troops and overthrow the government of South Sudan of it was not for the presence of Museveni's army.  Museveni has cited protection of Uganda's security interests as the idea behind the military intervention.
Before 1960, the major political parties in Zanzibar i.e. ASP, ZNP, NPP and UMA had such differences that threatened the state along racial lines (African Arabs and black Africans).  In December 1963 Zanzibar gained independence from Britain with Mohamed Shamte as the Prime Minister under the rule of the Sultan.
On 12/01/1964, a bloody revolution led by Ugandan John Okello took place.  The Sultan fled into exile and the Arab influence on the island was contained by the leader of the ASP Sheikh Abed Amani Karume taking over as President.  Tanganyika's President Nyerere provided him with the required security apparatus. Hardly a month later, Tanganyika and Zanzibar were united to give rise to Tanzania.
Zanzibar lost its sovereignty and Tanganyika disappeared.  Fifty years on, the union remains one of the most controversial issues in Tanzania.
Museveni is not about to give in to such calls for withdrawing his troops from South Sudan. Is he contemplating to enter a union of some kind with South Sudan??

Friday, 16 June 2017

Maj. David Kibirango - a victim of persecution or a spy for hire? #Uganda

Maj. David Kibirango is one of the few uneducated Baganda army officers still lingering in inactive military service. Museveni's Bush War (1981 - 1986) deliberately dodged recruitment of educated Baganda recruits. While the few Baganda university graduates who sneaked to the Bush War never came out of it, the very few ones like Ddiba Sentongo, Mbuga Kojja, Sserwanga Lwanga fell victim of intrigue and nepotism. The bunch of uneducated Baganda soldiers did the donkey work during the Bush War - an issue that prompted the NRA to conduct then Prince Mutebi to the Liberated Zone for a fact-finding mission.
Upon coming to power in 1986, the uneducated Baganda army officers were systematically eliminated from positions of responsibility.  The bunch of uneducated Baganda Junior army officers rallied around their equally powerless senior officers like Col. Badru Kiyingi, Maj. Kigundu, Col. Kawuma, Maj. Kanaabi, Bruce Muwanga, Herbert Itongwa, Sula Semakula, Waswa Balikalege, JB Mulindwa, Elly Kayanja, Proscovia Nelweyiso, and others; many of whom have since passed on.  These alienated Baganda would often find solace by running to Gen. Saleh for attention - development that at one time brought problems to the General.
One such Muganda army officer who still thrives is RO/452 Maj. David Kibirango.  During the short-lived Maj. Itongwa rebellion in the mid 1990s, then Capt. David Kibirango was briefly arrested and detained. In April 2001 when Capt. David Kibirango was the 3rd Division Sports Officer, was arrested and charged with armed robbery of a car. Around April 2005 Capt. David Kibirango was arrested by the authorities in Rwanda as he attempted to enter Rwanda at Kagitumba border post. He claimed that he was fleeing persecution in Uganda but the Rwandese authorities branded him a spy and he was immediately deported back to Uganda.
At the time, Rwanda and Uganda were embroiled in diplomatic issues.  He was briefly detained based on these squables over alleged Rwanda's support for the opposition aligned PRA rebels.  Uganda's intelligence had successfully managed to infiltrate the Rwanda based dissidents with the likes of Capt. Muhamad Kiwanuka and Maj. Mugizi (recently returned from a spy mission in South Africa).  Upon extradition, Capt. David Kibirango was briefly held at Makindye where other suspected PRA rebels were being detained but was shortly after released.
In January 2017 now Maj. David Kibirango resurfaced as one of the Baganda army officers who threatened to rebel over the dropping of Gen. Katumba Wamala as Army chief.  Interestingly, the authorities did not take any action against these officers.  Instead, Maj. David Kibirango was in April 2017 charged with failure to protect war materials because in December 2016 he had been found in possession of an AK 47 (SMG) with 14 rounds of ammunitions.  At that time, he was serving under Operation Wealth Creation (OWC) as a Research and Information Officer.
From the above narration, it can be authoritatively concluded that Maj. David Kibirango is always available for hire as a spy by the Museveni regime.  Criminal charges and the subsequent imprisonment is always used by the regime as a smoke screen for the assignment of Maj. David Kibirango to any spy mission.
Watch the space for his next move.
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Wednesday, 14 June 2017

How the #Acholi #Madi bloodbath plays into #Uganda's #Museveni's hands - #LandGrabbing

Six days ago, in Northern Uganda, members of the Acholi and Madi ethnic groups had another round of a bloody clash that left several murdered, many severely injured, hundreds of homesteads set ablaze while thousands have fled their homes. They are conflicting over a 40 square Km piece of land in Apaa at the border between the Acholi district of Amuru and the Madi district of Adjuman.
The Acholi belong to the Nilotes while the Madi belong to the Central Sudanic tribes mostly found in West Nile region of Uganda.  They are closely related to the Lugbara.  The Acholi and Madi also have ancestral lands in the South Sudan's Eastern Equatorial Province that borders with Uganda.  Before Museveni swung in with his Divide and Rule policy, the Acholiland in Uganda was comprised of Gulu and Kitgum.  The Madi are found in Adjuman and Moyo.  The Madi speak Acholi language but the Acholi don't speak the Madi language.  Actually, some of the South Sudanese Madi trace their ancestry to the Acholi of Uganda.  There are Acholi speaking Madi clans in the Pakele area of Adjuman.
The Madi of South Sudan spearheaded the original Anyanya uprising that metamorphosed into the SPLA.  Anyanya is a Madi language word to mean snake poison.  During the initial Anyanya rebellion in the 1960s and early 1970s, both Madi and Acholi of South Sudan fled to Uganda as refugees. The Uganda government was supporting the rebelling South Sudanese.
The exiled UPC/Obote group set up anti-Iddi Amin military bases in the South Sudanese dominated Madi and Acholis and notably around the Owiny Kibul area.  Following the 1972 Addis Ababa agreement between Uganda and Sudan, the Sudanese Acholis returned to Sudan and settled around the Owiny Kibul, Opari and Lyii.
The Sudanese Madi who claimed that the above areas were their ancestral land, felt deprived of by the Acholi and a conflict ensued.  As the Anyanya movement faded, the Acholi of Sudan allied with its heir, the SPLA to the disadvantage of the Madi. There has always been friction between the two ethnic communities in South Sudan.  Around 2011, the friction erupted into an open bloody clash over land in Moli village, Magwi county of Eastern Equatorial Province where two people were killed.
To the annoyance of the Madi, the Acholi allied regional administrator, Brig. JJ. Okot, simply removed a Madi and replaces him with an Acholi as the Commissioner of Magwi County. The matter was only resolved through the mediation of the church led Acholi Madi Peace Conference that came up with a Joint Madi-Acholi Peace and Reconciliation Committee that has successfully ensured harmony between the two ethnic communities in South Sudan.
In Uganda, the Madi and Acholi clashed for two years (1924 - 1926) over the boundary under question before it was finally settled on Ruver Joka. The colonial authorities evacuated people from the disputed area to save them from epidemics and disease.  Later the same area was made a hunting area and the evacuated people lost ownership.  However, over the years both Madi and Acholi returned and settled in the same area.  During the 1970s, the Madi were more identified with the Iddi Amin regime. After the overthrow of Iddi Amin, a Madi, Moses Ali formed an armed rebel group, the Uganda National Rescue Front (UNRF) with bases in Sudan.
In August and October 1980, the Acholi dominated UNLA carried out reprisal attacks against the Madi, Lugbara and Kakwa communities. In particular, the February - March 1981 attack by Acholi militias on East Madi led to an exodus of Madi to the UNRF bases in South Sudan.
When Museveni overthrow the government in 1986 and bundled all the 'northerners' as Anyanya, the Madi and Acholi set their differences aside as the grappled the deliberate humiliation that ensued. The Acholi were trotting between Sudan and Uganda under the rebel LRA. Zoka Forest that is near the disputed Apaa land was a major LRA base.
The army's 11th Batallion occupied Zoka Forest as the residents of Apaa were boarded into Internally Displaced People's (IDP) camps. While the residents of Apaa were away in IDP camps, the government leased out part of Apaa land to a South African investor, Bruce, for Sport Hunting.  That is why the Minister of Tourism is in the company of the PM, Rugunda during the visit to Apaa now.  At the end if the 20 years of the northern Uganda insurgency, people reoccupied Apaa area. The new occupants, both Acholi and Madi, often clashed over ownership of the land. One such clash in 2011 affected about 1,500 households.
In January 2012, 200 Amuru residents attacked and displaces 20 families of Madi. During the same year, Uganda Wildlife Authority in collusion with the army evicted 6,00 residents if Apaa to make way for a wildlife reserve. The affected people were hoarded into Pabbo Sub-county. In northern Uganda land is communally owned but a 2012 study report by Makerere University's Refugee Law Project into Apaa land could not clarity whether that land was either a game reserve or customarily owned.
The government planned to give land in Amuru to the Madhvani Group of companies for sugarcane growing. In April 2012 women from Amuru district undressed in protest over their land. This followed Museveni's visit to Apaa where he told residents that they would soon have to hand over their land to a multinational company for sugar growing.
To ease the land grabbing, the Museveni regime had created the district of Amuru from its mother, Gulu district. Convinced that the Acholi in Amuru had now been weakened, it moved to redraw the border between Amuru and Adjuman so that Apaa land could be moved to the friendlier Adjuman district. However, when it came to the two communities, each of them wanted Apaa to be incorporated into the district where the tribesmen were the majority.
The Madi wanted to be part of Adjuman district while the Acholi wanted to remain in Amuru district.  In 2015 the government deployed to army to occupy the disputed land in Apaa in preparation for demarcating the boundary between Amuru and Adjuman districts. The army went on rampage arresting, detaining and destroying property belonging to Acholi.  The government claimed that the army was providing security to officials who were demarcating the land between Acholi and Madi. The Acholi resisted and removed the mark stone that had been 'illegally' places by the officials. 
Two weeks later, on 16th April 2016, the Minister of Internal Affairs, Aronda and Lands Minister, Migereko made a visit to the area in the company of Surveyors with an intention of erecting a mark stone for the boundary. The two were welcomed to a humiliating welcome by public protests by naked women. The area M.P, Gilbert Olanya was violently arrested, detained and charged with inciting violence. The Ministers left the venue after ordering the army to withdraw from the area, set free the Acholi they had detained and promised to compensate destroyed property.
Instead, four months later in September 2016, the army and police returned to Apaa and opened fire on villagers who were protesting the alleged government ploy to steal their land. It is alleged that a number of people were killed and their bodies taken to the Adjuman side of the border, several were injured and many were arrested. The mostly women with children on their backs who were peacefully protesting at Apaa Trading centre were met by anti-riot police and their armored cars and the army.  31 of the arrested were charged with inciting violence and remanded in Gulu. 
The religious leaders from Acholi led by the Vice Chairman of the Acholi Religious Peace Initiative, Sheikh Musa Khelil, together with Gen. Oketta organised a meeting with the victims. Evidence of bodily wounds from gunfire and beatings by security forces were displayed and a demand for the withdraw of security forces from Apaa was presented.
The victims went ahead to accuse Gen. Oketta of betrayal and connivance with the government in grabbing their land. Shortly after the country witnessed the mysterious death of Gen. Aronda followed by Gen. Oketta.
In a March 2016, ethnic clashes in Apaa left one person dead, several injured and more than 130 homesteads burnt to ashes. In a March 2017, ethnic clashes in Apaa, two people were injured, one was reported missing while 13 were reportedly kidnapped following an alleged attack that left 35 homesteads set ablaze.
For years now, the army, Police and other regime officials have been involved heavily involved in illegal timber logging in Zoka Forest. The Adjuman Woman M.P brought the matter to the attention of government on the floor of parliament in August 2016. Consequently, the Prime Minister appointed a four-member ministerial team led by Karoro Okurut to investigate the matter but the findings have never been made public.
In October 2016, the State Minister for Lands, Namuganza told a press conference that the government was to degazette part of Zoka Forest to give way for sugarcane growing as an alternative to Busoga as a way of mitigating food security there. Gen. Moses Ali organised the people of Madi in a protest conference where they invited the lands Minister, Betty Amongi. She disputed her junior Minister's earlier assertion and instead disclosed that government was to acquire land in Amuru district near Murchison Falls National Park. During the same conference Mises Ali denied allegations that he was working with government to destroy Zoka Forest.
The army's 4th Division in Gulu also instituted a probe committee headed by the then Division Commander, Brig. Muhanga to investigate the army officers involves in illegal logging.  Despite the overwhelming evidence of military trucks from the Pabbo barracks, the army probe found no one culpable. In April 2017, while presiding over the handover/takeover of 4th Division, the Commander of the Land Forces, Gen. Elwelu implored the incoming Division Commander, Brig. Kanyesigye to stop the illegal logging carnage in Zoka Forest.
The 13 square Km forest is mainly located in Adjuman district's southern part of East Madi Wildlife Reserve and part of it is in Amuru District. Together with its adjacent areas like Apaa, the forest is part of the game corridor between Murchison Falls National Park in Uganda and Nimule National Park in Sudan.  Museveni has repeatedly referred to environmental conservation as 'conservation of poverty' in his strong advocacy for giving out forest lands to the so called 'investors'.
It is against the above-mentioned developments that the Apaa land conflict erupted into bloody clashes last week. It is reported that the Police and the army visibly backed the Madi during the attacks thus humiliating the Acholi. The army has come out to vehemently deny ever taking sides in the conflict even when the evidence is overwhelming. An NBS Television Journalist was manhandled and threatened with harm before he was forces to delete the video footages he had captured. The government has sent the Prime Minister, Dr. Rugunda to the area on a fact-finding mission. The police have not yet held anybody responsible claiming that no complaint has been lodged yet.
The Acholi and Madi comprise the frontier tribes with the trouble stricken South Sudan. It is public knowledge that Ugandan youths are sneaking into South Sudan to join the SPLA-IO. For Museveni who does not favor a stable South Sudan for fear that they may aid their oppressed cousins (Acholi and Madi) back in Uganda, must be equally having no trouble with disharmony between the Acholi and Madi of northern Uganda.
The two communities have also been jointly vocal in opposing the systematic invasion of their region by armed Bantu pastrolists commonly referred to as Balalo. With this disharmony, the Balalo must be smiling.  Regrettably, the worst is yet to come unless the two communities style up.
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