Friday, 29 September 2017

#Museveni's #Uganda - RUN UP TO AND POST 2016 ELECTION

First published by Change of Guards Blog on August 3, 2015

Last week Uganda's military dictator Museveni picked nomination forms for renewing his 30 years hold on power. He has used all dictatorial means to block whoever intended to contest against him in the party's primaries. He launched the sole candidature scheme in February 2014 and has been promoting it through intimidation, harassment, bribery and blackmail. This followed public outcry over wrongly perceived intention to be succeeded by his son in the so called Muhoozi Project - which actually did not exist but the rumor was generated for diversionary purposes.

Fresh on the long list of victims of his political greed is his long-time comrade Amama Mbabazi. Until recently, Mbabazi had stood as the only historical member whose association with Museveni was still intact after many others were knocked off at different stages of Museveni's life Presidency. When it was suspected that Mbabazi had intended to seek the highest office in the country, Museveni dropped him from the positions of Prime Minister and party Secretary Generalship.

Mbabazi’s efforts to consult with the electorate were frustrated by the regime security machinery who arrested him and continue to harass and arrest his supporters. He has now withdrawn from contesting on the party ticket but insists that he will remain a party member and will contest as an independent candidate.

Unfortunately, Mbabazi who is yet to come to the reality of Museveni's dictatorial tendencies is preoccupied with legalities. By the time, he realises that dictators follow no law, he will be politically '6 feet deep'. He knows more than anybody else how dangerous and ruthless Museveni can be when it comes to retaining his hold on power. Unless Mbabazi stops being shy from the reality of Museveni's dictatorship and resolve to destroy Uganda thus adjust his approach to the ugly situation, he is in for a big surprise of his life.

He will be framed on criminal charges and sent to jail the same way Dr. Besigye was treated. The current regime false pretense to tackle corruption is a smoke screen to frame Mbabazi while at the same time hoodwinking Ugandans that Museveni is serious with fighting corruption. With both the regime cadre law enforcement agencies and Judicial officers, Museveni has all that it takes to finish off his political opponents.

The regime is very mindful of the fact that the masses are craving for change for which Dr. Besigye is riding on his popular nationwide mobilization tour and call for change through civil disobedience. Parallel to neutralising Mbabazi, the regime has the uphill task of ensuring that Dr. Besigye does not come up as the main opposition party flag bearer. Once Dr. Besigye is rigged out, he and many of those towing his line of civil disobedience will be arrested and charged with inciting violence/terrorism. Gen Ssejusa who is currently towing the Dr. Besigye school of thought will also be dealt with in the same way.

The regime will undermine the cohesion and strength of the much-cherished opposition alliance (TDA) through fomenting of further division in the traditional political parties (DP and UPC). Museveni has of recent been courting the northern region and it is not by coincidence that the architects of the split in DP and UPC are Norbert Mao and Jimmy Akena respectively who hail from northern region. Norbert Mao has in the past been a stumbling block in opposition alliance to Museveni's advantage and is set to do it again. His being very crafty and ambitious coupled by his closeness to the Deputy Speaker of Parliament Jacob Oulanya makes him well placed to be used by Museveni.

Between now and end of November 2015 the regime will focus on the above mentioned behind the curtains of political schemes while at the same time building capacity for the security forces and the power of cash as that is the main weapon for the final March 2016 showdown. The timing is dictated by the impending Papal visit at the end of November 2016 which Museveni intends to exploit to boost his international image. The same period will also witness improved cosmetic security, political freedom and tolerance by the regime. The ongoing security swoops under cover of the Papal visit targeting unemployed urban youth will be intensified in order to deplete urban centers with the youth who may take part in civil disobedience.

Those youths will be subdued through arrests and detentions while others will either flee to rural areas or forced to become less active through bribery. The current acts of unexplained killings especially in and around Kampala are designed to provide a justification for a security crack down - the Operation Wembly way. The military training and arming of millions of a ruling party youth under cover of Crime Preventers is also in this regard. There is going to be no more killing of Muslim clerics because the objective of getting Jamil Mukulu extradited has been achieved but more so because the Muslims came out strongly and threatened to take on the regime for its systematic persecution of Muslims.

There is a high possibility that after the Pope's visit a stage-managed terror attack will take place in order to win back the attention of the West and more especially President Obama and the USA. It happened in 2010 when the West had put Museveni in the spotlight over his intentions to seek another term and he had been shy to declare his intention. A twin terror attack in Kampala left over 70 dead and immediately President Obama made a telephone call to Museveni reassuring him of USA's support in fighting terrorists. Indeed, in that confusion Museveni simply embarked on campaigns without even declaring that he was to seek another term.

That is why during that attack, no foreign national from the Western countries was targeted. Most of the suspects in that attack were reportedly arrested and they easily confessed. However, it has taken five years until recently for the suspects who confessed to be tried. The trial coincided with the murder of Muslim clerics and the lead Prosecutor Joan Kagezi. Indeed, the on going trial proceedings are revealing a lot of anomalies by the security and law enforcement agencies. Whatever the case, Museveni will have to design a special response to President Obama's recent direct attack on his life presidency scheme.

Once the Papal visit is over and the world has turned its eyes off Uganda, hell will break out. The TDA will have not taken shape and some political parties will have opted out of the electoral process leaving Mao's DP and Akena's UPC in the race. The elections will be conducted in an atmosphere of fear and intimidation.  Gen Aronda the Minister of Internal Affairs will play a pivotal role in the electoral process to ensure Museveni's high score assisted by the Commission's Secretary Sam Rwakoojo.  Moreover, already Gen Aronda has been at the helm of preparing the voters register from the fraudulent National ID project. He will also coordinate the stifling of the media before, during and after the election in conjunction with the Media Center, Uganda Communication Commission (UCC), the Election Security Task Force under Gen Muhoozi's SFG and the regime Police in liaison with the Information Minister Gen Jim Muhoozi.

If Dr. Besigye will have been eliminated from the electoral process, the voter turn out will be very small and Museveni will be declared the winner. This will be after security forces will have been deployed at every corner of the country unlike in 2001 when concentration was in Kampala city. As usual,  opposition will cry foul backed by the West which will stop at only discrediting the exercise and calling upon the regime to form a government of national unity. Instead Museveni will appoint either DP's Nobert Mao or Deputy Speaker Jacob Oulanya as his Vice President.

The Prime Minister will come from the eastern region in the names of Mike Mukula. There will be some slight semblance of protests against the outcome of the elections but will be met with decisive brutality and persecution of opposition supporters more especially those of Mr. Mbabazi. In order to scare off those who may resort to take up arms, a real or stage managed attempt to form a political armed group will be made but either way it will be used to further purge political dissenters. Among the army representatives to parliament will be Museveni's son Gen Muhoozi who will have played a major role in identifying and facilitating the youth who will come to parliament on the party ticket. That way many old guards who are now dancing Museveni Pakalast will be surprised if they are undermined not to return to parliament.

As the new government will be settling down and consolidating its victory, the opposition pressure will lose momentum and civil society activities will be highly curtailed thus many will gradually join the oligarchy. Security services will be reorganised and restructured with many old guards either retired or depending on the situation relocated to other sectors. Towards 2021 almost all personnel in the security forces, public service personnel and parliamentarians will be loyal to Gen Muhoozi. Museveni will focus so much on East African Community political integration in the hope that he becomes its first President. That is why currently there is renewed vigor to sensitize Ugandans about the community.

Depending on how best he manages to manipulate the new President of Tanzania who will have been elected in October 2015, he already has the support of Kenya and Rwanda. He will work towards bringing on board South Sudan and Somalia in order to secure a military alliance under the guise of an economic block. The Nkurunziza regime in Burundi is likely to fall in the near future unless Nkurunziza kneels before Museveni and Kagame.

There will be a slight improvement in the health sector in terms of infrastructure and facilities in order to account for the oil but meaningful health care will be for the oligarchy in expensive private hospitals and abroad. The education sector will be further destroyed in order to breed ignorance which is a breeding ground for autocracy. Emphasis will be on vocational training which would not be a bad idea only that is brought in bad faith. Museveni's worry is that an enlightened and informed society is difficult to manipulate. That is why he is decampaigning the teaching of arts subjects and the English language while promoting the teaching of Kiswahili and Chinese languages.

He does not want the majority Ugandans to understand the dynamics of political and economic trends so that they don't make a comparison and criticism of his policies. To achieve this, he is already tampering with the education curriculum to suit his designs while emphasising political indoctrination through patriotism training in schools and among the youth.

Widespread ignorance will breed strong belief in myths about Museveni and reliance on superstition while at the same time driving a desperate and economically deprived population into unguided religious worshiping. Until recently when the government in Burundi slammed a stop of registering new religious denominations the figure had reached 680 different Christian religious groups in the country. Also, ignorance and hopelessness will breed a lot of attention on art like Music and entertainment just as was the way in Mobutu's Congo and Apartheid South Africa. National performance in sports will fall because of political interference as you saw the National netball team had to don party colors while heading to Australia. Selective quality education will be accorded to members of the oligarchy who can afford expensive schools in the country and abroad while the rest of the population swims in ignorance.

The economy will improve owing to oil flow and loans from China and Russia that will benefit only the oligarchy while poverty levels among Ugandans will worsen. A wealthy population gets quality education which brings about enlightenment thus quality education that arms citizens with knowledge about their rights - this is what Museveni fears. The gap between the poor and the rich will widen further thus the oligarchy will swim in wealth while the ignorant regime cadres will stop at singing praises of Pakalast as the majority of the population will just watch helplessly. With the oil cash, there will be increased involvement in the internal affairs of neighboring countries who don’t pay allegiance to Museveni and funding of fighting groups from the region. That way Uganda will find a lot of pride in hosting millions of refugees as is already the case now where it is hosting about 600,000 refugees.

Every aspect of public life will be militarised and members of the security forces will be sworn regime cadres who will be required to swear allegiance to the party and the founding Chairman (Museveni)'s ideology. In order to reinforce political indoctrination under the cover of promoting patriotism, compulsory national/military service will be promoted. Security services will be the biggest employer and most prestigious employment.

There is going to be created hereditary military families as fathers will be passing on the mantle to their sons and daughters and Museveni has already hinted on this when he ordered that children of army veterans should be afforded special slots in the recruitment into security services. Intelligence services will be restructured and accorded a priority as couples will spy on each other, students will spy on teachers, security guards will spy on their masters, drivers will spy on their masters, house girl/boys will spy on their masters, while neighbors will spy on each other.

Independent media houses will be history and there will be total control of information flow. Much of the local government and other government offices will be manned by military personnel and any semblance of political dissent will be brutally suffocated in its infancy. Gradually there will be some kind of false peace and stability that will last for decades in the same way it had been the case in Libya before it will explode out in a revolution. That revolution will be led by the grand children of Besigye, Lukwago, Ssejusa, Mao, etc. or the great grand children of Amama Mbabazi against Amos Museveni II - the 65 years old who will be the President of Uganda at the time and son of the late former President Gen Muhoozi Keinerugaba of the ruling Father of the Nation Yoweri Kaguta Museveni dynasty. That will be around 2070 which is over 50 years from now when Museveni's NRM will be dislodged from power. It is only then that the dates of Museveni's birth and death will be scrapped from the national holidays list.

There is no doubt Museveni will use the same means he has always used to come out of the forthcoming elections as the winner and will continue to rule Uganda. However, the current opposition leaders have the key to changing the trend of events only if they can switch to realistic approach to the task before them of leading oppressed Ugandans to reclaim their country lest history will judge them harshly.


Thursday, 28 September 2017

When #Uganda’s president, cabinet, security chiefs take to detective work - @KagutaMuseveni @RebeccaKadaga @IGPUganda @PoliceUG @aKasingye @Business @VOA @AlJazeera @Reuters @WSJ @DW @SputnikInt

Uganda's growing crime rate has now taken a different posture of unresolved rampant mysterious gruesome murders targeting women. The Museveni military regime has deliberately refused to put a stop on the
vice simply because it serves well the scene of keeping citizens in perpetual fear.

The Police Chief, Gen. Kalekyezi has on several occasions been cited at the crime scenes carrying out inquiries. In one of the series of a scene of crime visits, at Abayita Ababiri in Entebbe, he was seen interviewing local residents. He told the press thus; "Murder is the major point that has driven me here. I was shocked to read this in the media and therefore I came to see how the police has been handling these cases and surely I've got some information on my own." 
The Minister of Security, Gen. Henry Tumukunde (pictured) carried out a two days visit to the murder stricken Wakiso district. He interviewed different groups of local residents including traditional healers, Boda Boda cyclists, fishermen and prostitutes. At one of the scenes of crime, commenting on police efforts, he told the media thus; " for me I have come to find another angle to their investigations."

Museveni (pictured) also visited one of the scenes of crime and interviewed local residents as he personally took down notes. He later informed the press thus; .... the Wanainchi gave me valuable
information; we shall apprehend those behind these killings. I will fight Wakiso women killers using a pen and paper." He went on to blame the police thus; "But police have been using backward methods. We are going to solve this including new technology such as DNA to investigate. We shall also install CCTV cameras in major cities to ease police work."

Despite all that high level on spot intervention, the mysterious murders have continued unabated in the same areas. The Minister of Internal Affairs, Gen. Jeje Odong is busy bleaching his skin as he claims that the murders of women are orchestrated by witchcraft. The Minister of Security, Gen. Tumukunde the other day was crying like a baby after he was mysteriously shot in his leg. He therefore lacks the moral authority to handle the security of citizens.

In April 2017 Museveni deployed his bodyguards to arrest Labor Minister, Herbert Kabafunzaki as he allegedly took a bribe from an investor. The other day, the Minister of State for Health, Sarah Opendi had to dress in a Muslim Hijab and ride on a motorcycle to a health centre to net corrupt health workers. At Naguru government health facility in Nakawa, she netted two poorly paid and facilitated health workers.
Where is the police CID who are mandated to handle crime detection? No wonder? The development came at a time the Nakawa Region Internal Security Officer (RISO) for Nakawa, Nathan Agaba had been arrested over conning of 75M shillings. He had used questionable LPOs in fraudulently borrowing the said money on pretext of supplying murram to the UNRA.

Earlier, in August 2016 Museveni made an impromptu visit to Mpumudde Health Centre where he sacked on the spot a number of poorly paid health workers over absenteeism and poor service delivery. In August 2017, the State House Health Monitoring Unit arrested suspects involved in alleged theft of drugs from Amach Health Centre in Lira.

No wonder, the figurehead Director of Criminal Investigations Department, Grace Akullo, is "held hostage" by the regime. Where individuals replace institutions, anarchy reigns.

change of guards blog

Wednesday, 27 September 2017

Col. Abiriga disproves #Museveni on dangers of advanced age - #Uganda

Uganda's military dictator is obsessed with scrapping the constitutional age limit of 75 so that he will be eligible to contest in 2021 to renew his three and a half decades in power.  He recently told the country that "there is no scientific evidence showing that someone could not manage a country when they are above 75 years." Five years ago, the same military dictator in an interview with NTV had said that he would not seek to retain his job after hitting 75 years. He argued that " that old age, someone is not as physically strong and may not have the energy to fulfil the demanding tasks of running a country like Uganda."

Col. Abriga is the M.P for Arua whom Museveni helped by ordering the Electoral Commission to nominate Abiriga despite his lack of academic credentials. Once in parliament, Col. Abiriga opted to worship
Museveni by donning the yellow party throughout and even painting his car in yellow. He has been one of the leading proponents of Museveni's age limit scrapping bid. However, on Monday he was sighted urinating on the perimeter fence of the Ministry of Finance in the city centre and a stone throw from the parliamentary building. His yellow car is also seen parked by the roadside while his Counter Terrorism bodyguard stood on alert a few metres from the scene. The following day he confirmed to the press in full view of the cameras that he had been the one photographed urinating on the wall. He argued that he had been so badly off with the urge to urinate that he could not push on with his journey. He said; "I was badly off. Should I have kept urine on my self? What is the problem with that?"

Col. Abiriga committed the criminal offence of Being a Nuisance, punishable with either imprisonment or a short jail period. On May 2013, a city resident, Ronald Binjingo (41) was convicted of being a public Nuisance by the Grade One Magistrate at City Hall Court in Kampala. The convict had been arrested by the city's Law Enforcement Officers after they found him urinating around the Traffic Lights in Wandegeya. He pleaded guilty and prayed for a lenient sentence arguing that; "Your Worship, I pray for a lenient sentence because that day I was unwell and since there was no toilet in the proximity, I chose to urinate on the street." He was sentenced to two hours of community service or one month imprisonment. On the same day, the same court issued criminal summons for singers Robert Kyagulanyi and Eddie Kenzo after they failed to show up to answer charges of illegally pinning up their posters in the city advertising their music shows.
The offence of public nuisance is a common-law offence involving environmental danger or loss of amenity or offensive public behaviour. The offence entails outraging public decency, indecent actions or displays that may cause offence to members of the public. Its ingredients are simply that, (a) the defendant intended to cause, or was reckless about causing, a nuisance to the public, (b) the defendant knew that he or she was or might be in a public place and that the act or display was such as to cause outrage to ordinary people. Besides the criminal offence of public nuisance, in civil law, nuisance is a tort that means any thing brought on the land and causing damage, annoyance or discomfort. The grader that Brig. Kasirye Gwanga burnt after it trespassed on his land was a nuisance.  The law allows the owner of the land to remove such nuisance. Col. Abiriga may not be charged because his bodyguard Police Officer gave full protection and approval of the commission of the crime.

Health wise, the loss of the bladder's control resulting in accidental leakage of urine from the body is called Urinary Incontinence (UI). It is partly associated with old age when the bladder muscles weaken over
time leading to a decrease in the bladder's capacity to store urine. It is also as a result of a condition referred to as Overactive Bladder which occurs when abnormal nerves send signals to the bladder at the wrong time, causing its muscles to squeeze without enough warning time to get to the toilet.
Given Col. Abiriga's age, it is most likely that he has this condition. It is worse for Museveni because he is far older than Col Abiriga. In November 2011 Museveni made an official visit to Buhweju district to commission a hospital at Tunu. His convoy got stuck in the mud and he chose to walk the remaining five kms. His bodyguards struggled to carry the heavy mobile toilet which he used once to answer natures call during the walk. These days he has graduated to a fully fledged van that serves as his mobile toilet.
It also very common these days for Mjuseveni to briefly excuse himself from public functions to answer nature's call. What does any other scientific evidence does Museveni need when his close aide, Col. Abiriga has put it in black and white.  May be Ugandans should donate diapers to Col. Abiriga and all those others who are ashamed of old age.


Change of guards blog

#Museveni politically destroys speaker @RebeccaKadaga - #Uganda @IGPUganda @aKasingye @StateHouseUG @KagutaMuseveni @ObserverUG @DailyMonitor @UG_Edge

Today Uganda achieved another landmark historic event when the Speaker of Museveni's rubber stamp Parliament invited soldiers into the plenary session to forcefully evict opposition Members of Parliament.
A physical fight erupted between opposition MPs and military personnel that has left several injured and scores kidnapped and held in unknown places. This incident followed weeks of brewing tension between those in support of and those opposed to lifting of the constitutional presidential age limit of 75 years. For the past one week, the parliamentary building has been besieged by the elite presidential guard, Special Forces Command (SFC). The amendment is to allow Museveni who claims to be aged 73 years and has ruled Uganda since 1986 to contest in the next general elections in 2021 and subsequently his Life Presidency.

Speaker, Kadaga who subscribes to the Museveni military regime has been giving Museveni sleepless nights over her presumed political ambitions. She had to some extent exercised independence and preserved the sanctity of the legislature. Museveni who does not allow anyone from his ruling junta to contest for the presidency, saw Kadaga's independent mindedness as a threat. Following the February 2016 rigged elections and the subsequent palace military coup d’état, Museveni moved to get rid of Kadaga. However, with the backing of the opposition MPs and a section of junta MPs, her team put up a spirited fight and Museveni had to back off. He made sure that he went against the rules to preside over the election of the Speaker on the floor of parliament in May 2016. However, coupled by the past incidents of Kadaga's show of political strength, that particular victory sent more serious warning bells in the minds of Museveni.

Since then, Museveni has been plotting for Speaker Kadaga's political downfall. As usual, his main weapon was morally corrupting her. A move was hatched to procure her a helicopter but due to overwhelming public outcry, it has had to be slowed down. In July 2017 Speaker Kadaga was given a military fighter helicopter to take her for less than three kilometres to a rugby ground where she was the guest of honour during a match between Uganda and Namibia. She did not only enjoy the five minute ride but realised that it’s the military that reigns. Last week the Minister of Investment, Evelyn Anitte told Ugandans that with the help of the army, the pro-amendment group would have the motion moved and passed. Gullible Ugandans condemned her statement but thanks to God, today's incident has erased any iota of doubt that Museveni is reigning over a military dictatorship. He has succeeded in subduing the Judiciary through similar armed commando raids on courts of law to reverse and influence court decisions. It’s only Parliament that has been giving him trouble but now the deal is sealed.

Following his February 2016 palace military coup d’état, sections of Ugandans suggested that opposition MPs should not take up their seats. Museveni who at the time was in a panicky mood owing to guilty consciousness, sweet talked them into taking their seats. Museveni’s only interest in the opposition MPs was to legitimize his palace military coup d’état. Just like any other office equipment that has deprecated, today he disposed of the "rubber stamps" that have jammed his control. Once again, the worst of Museveni is yet to be seen, just watch the space. For many years now, the army and guns have always been in Parliament and CMI's Herbert Kijara (pictured) who hails from Busoga is the parliamentary Intelligence Officer.

change of guards blog

Monday, 25 September 2017

Taste the fruits of #Museveni's "police clean up" - #Uganda

Around March 2017, Uganda's military dictator Museveni publicly stated that his police "has been infiltrated by criminals", before he ordered the Police chief, Gen. Kalekyezi " to clean the police of these infiltrators". This was during the mourning of AIGP Felix Kaweesi who had just been shot dead by his colleagues over power and resources. Museveni very well knew that in the public image, the police force is damaged beyond repair but at the same it fits well into the regime’s requirement of a brutal force that spreads terror among the population.  He was simply duping the unsuspecting public while commending the police force’s whole major role is to crush political opposition and general dissent. Since then the Police has continued with their crusade of meting out brutality against Ugandans.
While the repeated gruesome brutality against the opposition personalities like Dr. Besigye, Lord Mayor, Erias Lukwago and others "is okay" because they are "enemies", have a close look at the following incidents:
1.       Last week some police officers led by Superintendent of Police (SP) Richard Edyegu who is the In-charge of Nsambya Police Barracks and the Zonal Security manager of Jinja Road Zone, plotted and kidnapped a one Gerald Yashaba for a ransom.  Yashaba was kidnapped the Iddi Amin regime style immediately after dropping his children at school and bundled in a civilian registered waiting car.
As usual, to break the spirits of their victim and to wade off the onlookers, they immediately accused him of having killed AIGP Kaweesi.  He was driven straight to Nsambya barracks from where he was taken to a hideout shortly after. They demanded a ransom of US $100,000 or else he would be killed.  It was in the process of negotiations that his brother contacted Flying Squad who set a trap and netted the culprits. Though it looks like it was the victim’s wife was the one who initiated the kidnap, Flying Squad's immediate response was because the victim is from the Western region. Also, much as the setting of the kidnap was the work of an immature, if SP Edyagu had been a Mwesigye, Baguma, Niyonsaba or Tumusiime, the Flying Squad would have let him off the hook.
Even though, as usual, you will hear of the suspects in such a heinous crime appearing before the Police Professional Standard Unit (PFSU) on charges of professional misconduct instead of kidnap under the normal courts of Judicature.  Being Edyegu, he has no god fathers in the force and may also end up in civilian courts just as was the case with the other officers, Maxwell Ogwal in Masaka and another Ogwal in a Kabaale court. 
What about the likes of Kataratambi, Kato, Komurubuga, Gilbert Arinaitwe, Joel Agume, and others who have committed grave criminal offences??? The victim in this incident was just lucky, he would have easily been killed and branded an armed robber or terrorist.  His luck also arises from the fact that the "Edyegus" have limited access to using the notorious torture chambers.
2.       Local residents of Namamve are bitter with the police over the death of their colleague in police custody.  Salongo Mohammed (43) was violently arrested by the police and detained at the Independence Park Police post in Namamve on charges of simple assault of his wife. The police later reported that he had hanged himself using his trousers belt. Locals are reasonably arguing that the belt suicide version does not hold because it has always been a practice for detainees to be stripped off belts, shoes, watches, jewelry, caps etc. Salongo Mohammed is not the first such victim and won't be the last.
The truth is that in its efforts to spread terror and acquire money, the police is at the disposal of whoever seeks to avenge another.  At a small fee, the wife must have asked the police to humiliate Ssalongo Mohammed who in turn may have refused to yield a counter offer. That is the situation, every simple matter ends up at the police station. A stubborn baby who refuses to eat food, bathe or sleep must be threatened with calling the police.  The country is steadily but surely sliding into a police state where citizens worship the police.
Of course, as usual someone will argue that these are isolated incidents.


Behind #Museveni's early push for age limit amendment - #Uganda

Uganda's military dictator last week deployed security forces who laid siege to Parliament as it was scheduled to handle the constitutional amendment scrapping the presidential age limit. Article 102 (b) of the constitution provides for a maximum age limit of 75 for the President of Uganda.  Museveni who now claims to be aged 73 won't qualify to contest in the next elections in 2021 unless the article is amended. In July 2005, he amended the same constitution to remove the two-term presidential limit. The following month he was nominated to contest in the February 2006 general elections. Museveni is renown for enjoying keeping people guessing before he makes last hour decisions on controversial issues. Therefore, the big question now is why has he chosen to come out so early when we still have over three years to the general elections in 2021?????

Unfortunately, Museveni's 31 years’ dictatorship has thrived on the incapacity of the majority Ugandans to understand him and his ways. He has systematically been destroying whoever understands him either by isolating them as enemies or compromising their independent mindedness and credibility. It takes a lot of courage and sacrifice to resist and survive Museveni's blackmail, manipulation, bribery, intimidation and actual threats. Very few have consistently stood out to courageously oppose Museveni and in most cases, they have been misunderstood by Ugandans. LRA's Joseph Kong is one such example but unfortunately his LRA rebellion lost direction. Museveni very well knows that Ugandans are fed up with his reign as demonstrated more clearly during the last general elections. Immediately after the February 2016 military coup d’état he publicly declared that he was to completely destroy political opposition. He is perturbed by the growing opposition capacity to rally a majority of Ugandans by unmasking the mastery of deceit in him. He fears that unless he acts faster, the opposition may rally the masses for an "Arab Spring" kind of situation.

He is therefore under pressure to act fast and decisively. He has all along been restrained by the fear of Donald Trump's threats of "sending him to jail" but now that he has registered his (Trump) approval, Ugandans should prepare for the worst. Museveni's early push for the age limit amendment is designed to provoke resentment from the opposition, the general population and from within its own ranks. In his estimates, amidst the widespread resentment, he can carry out a grand purge that will guarantee him a fresh start. The wild allegation by the regime that some people had planned to burn the parliamentary building alludes to this sinister scheme.
The fresh stories of emergence of new rebel groups is not a coincidence.  Many Ugandans will be picked up, charged with treason and incarcerated.  Unfortunately, for Museveni, it’s not the burning of the parliamentary building, the street protests, strikes, or international embargos that can pose a threat to his hold on power. Neither the civil society initiated dialogue, nor Gen. Muntu's so called 'building of organisational capacity' can end Museveni's dictatorship. Even a resort to armed opposition will only serve to provide him with an opportunity to carry out his brutal purge. It worked in Turkey recently. The pro-change leaders and Ugandans in general have a noble cause to move the struggle forward. They only need to realise that there is an easy, simple and less costly way of saving the country from the Museveni carnage, and that is, "prayer".  Don't fall into Museveni's trap.


Friday, 22 September 2017

PICTURES: #Uganda's "serial political rapist munches" the legislature - #Museveni

Uganda's military dictator, Museveni has this week sent his security forces to lay siege on the parliament in his desperate effort to lift the constitutional age limit. The Uganda Constitution stipulates that the President's maximum age limit shall be 75 and Museveni now claims to be 73. He fears that at the time of the next general election in 2021, he will not be eligible to stand if the age limit is not lifted. In 2005, he fraudulently scrapped the two-five-year term limit and extended his reign. The deployment of security forces and heavy military equipment around the parliamentary building as parliament was scheduled to debate the lifting of age limit created serious tension that prompted parliament to cancel its proceedings and adjourn.

In July 2016, the rogue regime organised goons who attacked parliament and disrupted its business. They were protesting against the summoning of the Police chief by the parliamentary committee on Defence and Internal Affairs over rampant torture of innocent citizens. The police chief snubbed the committee summons and the following day he sent another squad of goons to attack the Chief Magistrate's Court at Makindye where he was also required to appear over torture of citizens. He snubbed the court summons and instead the goons over the court threatening to lynch the Advocates who had taken refuge in the Magistrate's chambers.  The police commended the goons for having complied with the draconian Public Order Management Act (POMA) by notifying and obtaining police guidance and security during the demonstration. The Chief Justice warned the organisers of such goons to stop while the Uganda Law Society promised to compile a list of torturers into a book of shame.  This website ran an analysis of the incident under the title; MUSEVENI RAIDS COURT AGAIN - FROM BLACK MAMBAS TO KIFEESI, on 16th August 2016.

In November 2005, Museveni deployed Military Intelligence hooded commandos armed with Israel-made Macro Garill machine guns who raided the High Court to reverse a court order. They terrorised judicial officers before rearresting the 14 treason suspects whom court had just granted bail. The suspects were instead detained in Safe Houses and arraigned before the Military Court Martial. In March 2007, Museveni again deployed 50 plain clothed security operatives who raided the High Court to rearrest five suspects who had just been granted bail. The suspects who had been shielded by the Judges were eventually kidnapped at 8.30 p.m. as the Judges were leaving.   During the scuffle, Advocate Kiyemba Mutale was fatally injured. The suspects were detained in upcountry stations in Bushenyi and Arua. The entire judiciary and Advocates went on a one week strike in protest. The then Minister of Internal Affairs, Ruhakana Rugunda described the strike as an "unwarranted decision" before promising that government was investigating the matter and that appropriate action was to be taken. That was the end of the story and instead the security personnel have continued to arbitrarily interfere with judicial processes.

The above incidents flagged off a series of unwarranted incidents of security forces wantonly raiding offices of civil society organisations (CSOs), media houses, opposition party offices and institutions of traditional leaders. Repeated covert and overt raids have left immense physical and psychological damage. In the last three years, over 25 incidents of break-ins into offices of human rights and anti corruption NGOs have gone unexplained. The attackers target laptop and desktop computers, office mobile phones, office documents, cameras, hard drives, cameras etc. In some instances, guards have been killed. Even where the security cameras clearly captured the images of the attackers, still the police have never come up with any positive finding. Instead, yesterday they overtly took siege and ransacked two more CSOs, Action Aid and GLCSS whom they accuse of treason.

The "terrorism hub" mosques have not been spared. On December 27th, 2016, security forces raided Nakasero Mosque in the middle of the night before ransacking and carrying away the usual items. Two days earlier they had raided Kiwatule Mosque for the same purpose. The police chief apologized before blaming poor intelligence for the incidents. The opposition party headquarters of FDC and UPC have been repeatedly raided, besieged and ransacked.

In November 2016, Museveni sent security forces to attack the Bakonjo traditional leaders’ palace in Kasese. Over one hundred people were killed before setting the palace on fire and brutally arresting the king and hundreds of his subjects.

Now that Museveni is done with humiliatingly "raping" the citizens, the Judiciary, the CSOs, the Media Houses, traditional institutions, mosques, and most recently the legislature, the church is next. The fact that its leaders have opted to keep silent, is not a guarantee of their safety. The "serial political rapist" is operating under the influence of political perversion.


#Museveni has duped everyone except #LRA's Joseph #Kony

First published by Change of Guards Blog on December 22, 2014 and shared widely at that time.  It is a long read but all the signs were in front of us many years ago.  We were just too blind to see.
Uganda's Gen Yoweri Museveni has proven to be a master of deceit by all standards. In order to gain power and retain it for the last 28 years, he has had to lie, deceive, manipulate, blackmail, hoodwink, dupe etc. The list of his victims is vast as it comprises of friends, relatives, peasants, elite, intellectuals, academicians, diplomats, religious leaders, cultural leaders, and heads of state.
In 1970 he duped the first UPC government that he was a loyal party cadre so as to be recruited into its intelligence services from where he embarked on the long journey to pursue his childhood dream of becoming President of Uganda. In 1972 he deceived the government of Tanzania into supporting an aborted invasion through Mutukula after he convinced them that he had established a formidable internal resistance network within the Iddi Amin government such that in case of an external invasion, the government would simply crumble.
In exile, he would deceive the mainly UPC dissidents that he was part of their joint efforts yet he was undermining them for his selfish interests. He duped the government of Tanzania into supporting his parallel organisation (FRONASA) yet there was a formidable organisation under the deposed former president Milton Obote. In Tanzania, he orchestrated the abandonment of the majority FRONASA recruits just because they were from the eastern region. His hit squads inside Uganda committed heinous crimes that were attributed to the Iddi Amin regime. In 1978 he deceived the Tanzanian government into allowing him to recruit from western Uganda only to end up swelling his FRONASA with ethnic westerners and Rwandese refugees. In 1979, he manipulated the Moshi conference into assigning him the Defence portfolio - a position he used to divide the new post Iddi Amin army (UNLA) while he promoted his own FRONASA faction.
He manipulated the UNLF government AND the NCC into overthrowing the post Amin governments of Prof. Yusuf Lule and Godfrey Binaisa respectively. That way he was made the Vice Chairman of the ruling Military Commission hence became the 2nd most powerful man in the land. He duped the military leadership at the time when he retained a personal army composed of the Rwandese refugee soldiers who had been genuinely eliminated from the new post Amin army on grounds of non-citizenship. It is this group that he had to use a few months later to launch his guerrilla war.
In 1980 he deceived veteran politicians to unsuspectingly elect him as the UPM party presidential candidate yet he only wanted to use the new and inconsequential party just as a launch pad for his bush war. That is why UPM was unceremoniously disbanded. In 1981 he manipulated soldiers, peasants, and some intellectuals into joining his bush war by exploiting the situation of insecurity that he had created and would continue to create. During the same year, he moved very fast to neutralise the Prof. Lule group (UFF) by duping them into merging with his PRA to form NRM/A. To further dupe the group and win the total support of the Baganda, he made Prof. Lule the Chairman of the NRM while he chaired the strategic NRA high command.
He duped the Gen Moses Ali group into signing an alliance so as to win Libya's support for his group. He moved to destroy the UFM group of Andrew Kayira by spying on their operations and indirectly leaking it to government. The final blow came when he deceived the UFM that he would show up for a joint attack on the government forces in Lubiri, Kampala but did not show up at the eleventh hour only for his NRA to ambush the retreating UFMs and take all the arms that the UFM had acquired from the daring attack.
His urban terrorist squad (Black Bomber) under Matayo Kyaligonza orchestrated insecurity in Kampala and parts of the central region that was blamed on government so as to manipulate the population into supporting his bush war. The young post Amin government army was too weak to deal with the insurgents since he had undermined it during the time he was Minister of Defence and Vice Chairman of the military Commission. During the recruitment race (Museveni Vs Obote, Bantu Vs Nilotics, South Vs North etc.) UNLF officers had enlisted half baked, rogue and vagabond young men into the national army in order to swell their numbers and outsmart Museveni's FRONASA faction. He fought the bush war along the sectarian doctrine of dislodging the northern region's dominance of government and security services.
His ten-point program was a mere propaganda paper for he had his tightly kept secret agenda of life presidency. Through deception, he enlisted the support of some few peasants, intellectuals and even lumpen and criminals. In 1985 he replaced Prof Lule with then Prince Mutebi in order to neutralise the support of the DP in Buganda. The DP had been behind the Okello coup and junta. He deceived the Okello military junta into the Nairobi peace talks by accepting a ceasefire as he strengthened his position. By the time, he captured power, he had about 20,000 fighters mostly mobilised during the Nairobi peace talk that he treacherously used to kick them out of power.
Upon taking over power in 1986, he deceived Ugandans into cheering that he was ushering in a fundamental change yet he meant that he was to rule for life thus No Change of guards. He deceived Ugandans that he was forming a four-year interim broad-based government in order to entrap the DP and use it to isolate and destroy the UPC. He had fought the bush war on claims that the elections had been rigged against the DP. The DP had aligned with the UFM fighting group which he had undermined. At the end of the interim period, he dropped the broad-based idea and extended his reign for another five years by deceiving Ugandans that the five years were for a new constitution making process. Instead he was buying time for his life presidency project.
Around the late 80s, he opportunistically abandoned Marxist ideals for IMF/WB SAPs prompting the west to describe him as a beacon of hope. He kind of abandoned his Marxist allies in North Korea, Russia, Cuba etc. Since then he has duped the West into supporting him but currently he is back in bed with the communist/socialist block seeking alliances for his life presidency scheme. He abandoned the broad-based government after using the DP to consolidate his power. To further consolidate Buganda's support, he introduced cultural institutions with cosmetic powers though he hates them and has always been undermining their cohesion. To be able to ride on Buganda's back, he fueled hatred for former President Milton Obote whom he threatened with sending six feet deep if he dared return to Uganda but when Obote died he was the chief mourner while flags were flown at half mask.
In 1988, he deceived the UPDA rebel group into signing the peace deal at Pecce stadium but soon after one of the former UPDA officers Major Kilama was killed in cold blood at Jinja port giving rise to a surge in the northern region insurgency. As a way of containing the northern insurgency, he pressurised the SPLA into rushing for independence before resolving their internal contradictions hence giving rise to the current embarrassing security situation in Southern Sudan. In the same regard, SPLM leader John Garang had to die in a suspicious Uganda plane crash.

In 1988 he duped the Rwandese President Habyarimana to attend the army commissioning ceremony in Kampala where he had to decorate a Rwandese refugee Fred Rwigyema to the rank of Maj Gen. Shortly after in 1990 the same Rwigyema led an invasion against Rwanda. Museveni deceived the world when he stated that he was not aware of the invasion. The consequences were dire during the 1994 genocide. In 1998 he deceived Ugandans that he was sending his troops to DRC to fight the Uganda rebels in eastern DRC but his forces ended up penetrating over 6000 km into DRC and subsequently into CAR.  His troops were involved in plunder of resources, creation of warlords, rising and arming of militia groups. His self created warlords have been indicted by the ICC but he went scot free. In 2005 he managed to dupe the ICC into indicting top commanders of the LRA but currently he is mobilising African states to withdraw from ICC.
When he took over power, he banned political party activities on the grounds that they were divisive whereas the truth is that he feared their strong influence against his weak NRM. During the constituent assembly elections and the 1996 elections, he advocated for individual merit yet some individuals more aligned to his NRM were receiving state funding to facilitate their election. In 2000 he organised a sham referendum over return to multiparty democracy to extend his one-party rule but a few years later he organised another sham referendum because he wanted to turn his one party NRM into NRMO. Since then the "O" has been removed and the party reverted to NRM. He had influenced the Constituent Assembly into renaming his personal army NRA as UPDF but in actual fact it remains NRA and a branch of his NRM. In 2005 he bribed parliament to amend the constitution by removing the presidential term limits thus allowing him to contest in sham elections since then.
In 2006 he sought reelection on pretext that he wanted to proffessionalise the army but instead he was buying time to personalise the army under the command of his son for his life presidency project. He had earlier deceived Ugandans by informing them that his son was not a member of the army but a member of the militia Local Defence Unit. He rigged the 2006 elections through intimidation and ballot stuffing by members of security forces. In 2007 he blackmailed the West into silence by initiating deployment of his army to Somalia and has been bent on prolonging the peace mission as long as he rules. In 2011 he sought re-election on pretext that he wanted another term to fight corruption yet the vice is a tool of winning loyalty from his party cadres.
The list of Museveni’s deceit and trickery is endless. He has almost duped each and every Ugandan such that even the current top brass of opposition is composed of individuals who have at one time been his victims. However, among the few individual Ugandans that have not fallen prey to Museveni's deceit is LRA's JOSEPH KONY. Though he had led over two decades of a brutal campaign of armed rebellion against the Museveni government, he has persistently evaded all the treachery by Museveni. His brutality against civilians is condemned but as an individual Joseph Kony is applauded for not falling prey to Museveni's treachery.

#Museveni never deviated from the 'bush war agenda' - #Uganda

First published by Change of Guards Blog on November 20, 2015

Bush War in Uganda refers to the five years’ guerrilla war that culminated into a military take over in 1986 that brought Museveni to power.  Since then he has been and is still in power with his military regime characterised by rampant corruption, abuse of human rights, patronage, tribalism, outright theft of public resources, abuse of office, regional military aggression s etc.  His critics more especially his former comrades who have fallen out of his favour continue to repeatedly argue that Museveni deviated from the Bush War agenda, that he lost track; that he lost focus; that he departed from the original mission, that he abandoned the bush war agenda and much more of such.

During the bush war, Museveni had a ten-point program as the mission statement of his war against the UPC government at the time.  Among the ten points were: democracy, security, economy, fighting sectarianism, elimination of corruption etc. There is no doubt for the last 30 years Museveni had completely done the opposite.  He has instead continued to practice and thrive on the same vices that he had earlier on claimed to fight against.  In fact, vices like corruption, sectarianism, and nepotism have been institutionalised by his regime at a scale never witnessed before. His critics further claim that the so called Ten Point Program was a brainchild of their collective efforts with Museveni as their executive leader charged with implementing the same.

Recently Museveni publicly dismissed Dr. Kiiza Besigye's repeated assertion that Museveni had deviated from the bush war principles thus: "Besigye joined in August 1982 and three years later we came to government.  He did not know the internal working of NRM."  Am tempted to agree with Museveni because he had a hidden agenda for the Bush War which was kept secret from the likes of Dr. Besigye and many others who are now lamenting that Museveni deviated from 5he bush war agenda.  He so skillfully concealed that secret agenda from many of his comrades that they mistakenly believed him as a God sent rescuer of Uganda yet he had an agenda different from what he pretended to pursue. In order to fully appreciate this argument, you need to examine the categories of Ugandans who joined hands with him during the Bush War.

These are:
-- The ambitious and self seeking individuals who were looking for a way of getting into power.

-  The Rwandese Tutsi refugees who were looking for an opportunity to militarily invade and reclaim Rwanda.

-  Criminals who were escaping justice and sought refuge in the bush.

-  Unsuspecting civilian hostages and internally displaced who were turned into fighters.

-  Unsuspecting Ugandans who genuinely believed that the security situation was so grave that it deserved changing through personal sacrifice but unknown to them its Museveni who had orchestrated that situation so that he could turn around and pretentious to rectify it in pursuit of his hidden agenda.

Therefore, it is the last two categories that are lamenting about Museveni having deviated from the bush war mission.  They did not know then but they now know that Museveni had a hidden agenda but they are only shy to admit that they had been duped. This is because some of them derive their much-cherished heroism from their having participated in the Bush War. However, some few individuals like Dr. Besigye have at least come out to publicly express regret for having brought Museveni to power and even promised to take personal responsibility in removing him from power.