Sunday, 29 October 2017

Irregularities in #Museveni's army recruitment is a tradition - #Uganda

"If you are desperate for a job and you give Col. Nambale Shs 500,000, 200,000, 100,000 you are killing the army, you are killing the country.  You are not coming to do anything.  I can't take that money. If you can give me shs 100,000, shs 500,000 to recruit you because you are brother, one will give me shs 1bn and I will kill my President.  So here, its about commitment to your country, its about guarding others as they sleep. I am telling you, the money you are looking for is not in the army, you can go to Parliament, you will get the money, but here its about working, its about commitment to your country."

    Col. James Nambale - the head of the Army Recruitment Team addressing candidates at Kololo on 17th October 2017.

Video clips from major media houses clearly showed 'agents' of army recruitment candidates negotiating deals, sneaking disqualified candidates back into the queues, money exchanging hands and chest stamping after succeeding.  Despite the overwhelming evidence, the army spokesman dismissed the open secret irregularities. He assured the country that they had put in place enough "safeguards against infiltration" by incorporating army Political Commissars (PCs) and Intelligence Officers (I.Os) on the team.  However, the following day it was reported that the army had arrested its own, Col. Sam Mboona who had been captured live on camera receiving bribes during the recruitment exercise.

PCs and I.Os are military cadres presumed to be the incorruptible vanguards of the revolution. Unfortunately gone are the days when the two were regarded as the eyes and ears of the revolution.  The good old days when they were respected and feared by ordinary soldiers and commanders alike. When these I.Os and PCs joined in the theft, robberies, corruption and abuse of office in the army, they lost the trust. Therefore, their presence on the recruitment team is not meant to deter but to facilitate and legitimize the irregularities.  Both the army Spokesman and Col. Nambale are fully aware of this historical fact. 

Col. Nambale is among the few army officers who joined the NRA from other armies after capture of power and picked the courage to steal army resources as early as the late 1980s.  Initially, non-original NRA army officers used to fear getting involved in stealing and abuse of office. As a Captain under the Resistance Air force (RAF) in the late 1980s, Nambale embezzled hundreds of millions of cash meant for fuel. He was investigated by DMI but was let of the hook after he bribed Col. Charles Tusiime who had been heading the Criminal Investigations Department. He is among the earliest army officers to accumulate a lot of wealth. Therefore, Col. Nambale is not being sincere when he says that there is no money in the army. He also lacks the moral authority to condemn corruption in the recruitment exercise.

Irregularities in the army recruitment are as old as Museveni's struggle to acquire and retain the presidency. The vice is responsible for much of the political trouble that have characterised the post Iddi Amin Uganda.  During the armed struggle against the Iddi Amin regime in the 1970s, Museveni frustrated and disbanded the pioneer majority recruits from eastern Uganda who had been mostly recruited from Nairobi and taken to Tanzania.  That is how at the time of the invasion from Tanzania in late 1978, his FRONASA was only comprised of a few boys from his home area like Koreta, Saleh, Chef Ali and Rwigyema. It was not until the invading force had crossed the border that Museveni embarked on boosting his FRONASA with recruits from Rwandese refugee camps. He systematically rejected specific classes of Banyankole Bairu in preference for the Hima and Banyarwanda Tutsi.  That is how he personally turned away Maj. John Kazoora when he presented himself for recruitment at Kamukuzi in Mbarara in 1979.  Two years later the same John Kazoora successfully joined Museveni's bush war because he had gone in the company of the likes of Aronda, Biraro and a few others.

During the formation of the post Iddi Amin national army, Museveni initiated the practice of tribal rising armies by rising turning his FRONASA faction into a Bantu army against what he termed as "northern dominated army".  Consequently, this is what prompted the mainstream UNLA to make counter moves by indiscriminately recruiting substandard personnel from mainly Acholiland and Teso.  Museveni retained some of the identifiable Rwandese refugees who had been eliminated from the UNLA and a year later, they were to form the nucleus of his Bush War.

During his Bush War (1981 - 1986), he systematically ensured the qualitative numerical domination by his " home boys" through controlled recruitment.  He repeatedly shifted goal posts in as far as recruitment in the bush was concerned. He would repeatedly use flimsy security excuses to order his recruiting agents to halt bringing in of fresh recruits. He would at the same time send the same agents to pick some recruits from his preferred areas like Ntungamo, Kebisoni, Nyabushozi and Kazo.  That is how these areas came to dominate his Bush War top brass.

He initially opposed suggestions of opening up a western front away from the Luwero Triangle for fear that it would open the floodgates for recruits from the undesirable regions.  When in his absence in 1985 the NRA set up bases in the Rwenzori Mountains and established an interim government in western Uganda, he rushed back from Sweden only to find the Bakonjo, Bamba, Banyankole Bairu and Bakiga massively joining the NRA.  The Chief of Training and Recruitment, Tadeo Kanyankole was accused of rejecting Hima and Tutsi recruits in preference for the Bairu and working for the Democratic Party by recruiting predominantly Catholics.  Tadeo Kanyankole was condemned to a disgraceful end of life.

Upon taking over power he embarked on a more personal army out of the NRA.  He set out to create the elite Presidential Protection Unit (PPU) that has evolved into the PGB, SFC, and now the 10,000+ strong SFG. It is comprised of the predominantly home boys and at one time the then Army Commander, Gen. Kaziini exclusively recruited Hima and Basongora for BGP.  He is on record for at one time thanking the people of Nyabushozi for "providing a whole Division of soldiers."  What about the 2001 Officer Cadet intake that was accused of having been infiltrated by Rwanda and the opposition?  What about the then Vice President, Gilbert Bukenya whose son mysteriously died shortly before completing the Officer Cadet training? Recently Museveni declared that a special slot in the recruitment of soldiers was to be reserved for children of fallen Bush War combatants.

Therefore, recruitment is a crucial stage in building a personal army that is the custodian of Museveni's life presidency.  It is not every Tom and Dick in the army that can poke his nose in the pushing for preferential consideration of particular candidates or else he/she risks being branded as having subversive plans. Its only the trusted ones who are assigned to ensure that specific people are recruited.  May be Col. Nambale ought to get time and visit a fellow Mugisu at Bugema in Mbale, Col. Lawrence Kitts as ask him what befell him when he pushed his son through back doors into the Officer Cadet at Jinja in the late 1980s.  Can the army Spokesman tell Ugandans how recruitment into the SFG is carried out?

change of guards blog

Friday, 27 October 2017

Go slow!  Gen. Kalekyezi will remain in office #Uganda - @IGPUganda @KagutaMuseveni @aKasingye

There is a lot of excitement among Ugandans following the arrest of some of Gen. Kalekyezi's top confidants in the piece force.  Many citizens are speculating that Museveni is finally reigning on Gen. Kalekyezi 's excessive powers. They ought to prepare for a mega disappointment owing to the following reasons:

1.  Museveni's hold on power is based on the influential, dominant and preferential positions held by his ethnic Hima and Tutsi.  The Hima are dominant in the strategically powerful 10,000+ strong Special Forces Group. The Tutsi are dominant in the economic and political of the regime and its police force.  The regime police under the command of Gen. Kalekyezi has and continues to play a key role in keeping Museveni in power.  Gen. Kalekyezi is the defacto Vice President, regime Secretary General and Ideologist, custodian of Internal security, and King of the Banyarwanda in Uganda. Museveni can't afford to lose him at a time he needs him most.

2.  The alleged excesses by his top police commanders have been ongoing for quite some time and Museveni has been superintending over the same. They have been torturing, maiming, kidnapping, killing, robbing, stealing and extorting unabetted. The kidnapping and forceful return of Rwandese refugees to Rwanda by the Museveni regime agents is a practice that is as old as the Kigali regime (24 years).  Why question it now!!!!!

3.  Gen. Kalekyezi is viewed by the Kigali regime as the head of their own agents in and outside the Kampala regime security circles.  Rwanda has strategic interest in the social, political and economic life of the Kampala regime. While the Hima clique of the likes of the CMI, Col. Kandiho, Gen. Saleh and Gen. Tumukunde would wish to side with Rwandese dissidents opposed to Kagame, the presence of Gen. Kalekyezi at the helm of Internal security proves a big stumbling block. For Museveni, as usual he prefers to remotely play double standard - one leg with Kagame and the other with the dissidents. While Gen. Kalekyezi remains at the helm of Internal security in Uganda, there won't be any breeding ground for the anti- Kigali dissidents in Uganda.  He has put in place such a superb monitor's infrastructure that even if he was relieved from office, it would not be easily dismantled.  That way, the Kigali regime would even wish to have Gen. Kalekyezi as the president in Uganda. A few days ago, the Rwandese Ambassador to Uganda was busy publicly refuting claims that his country was grooming Gen. Kalekyezi to take over from Museveni.  This must have troubled Museveni so much.

4.  To consolidate his position, Gen. Kalekyezi has been aggressively undermining any potential replacement both in the police and other security agencies. He has made sure that he remains the only bull in the kraal.  Early this year, he killed the youthful AIGP Felix Kaweesi for the same reasons. He used his position to destroy all the incriminating evidence.  He systematically and skillfully diverted any parallel investigations by sister security agencies that would have unearthed his role.  He skillfully planted the so called "Kaweesi girlfriend" before the ISO thus bogging down their efforts by falsely believing that they had landed a big catch. The controversial Rwandese lady's much hyped evidence has turned out to be a hoax in favor of Gen. Kalekyezi. The lady is now claiming that ISO was forcing her to implicate Gen. Kalekyezi in the murder. This is what has annoyed Museveni most. That is why arrested officers can not be charged with the murder of Kaweesi.

5.  The arrested police officers have been charged before the military court martial with kidnap and forced return to Rwanda in 2013 of a former Kagame body guard who had sought asylum in Uganda. Why has it taken four years for the Museveni regime to take action against the perpetrators???  Since then many more Rwandese refugees have been killed in Uganda while others are kidnapped and forcefully returned.  Why has the regime ignored the exclusive report by a self-confessed security operative, Ali Kabanda that detailed the most shocking incidents of kidnap and forceful return of Rwandese refugees to Rwanda that involved top regime cadres from both regimes???  Are we about to see the army officers like Gen. Kainerugaba, Col. Kandiho, Col. Geoffrey Buryo and Col. Phenekas Mugyenyi who have in the past also been implicated in the kidnap and forced return of refugees???

The truth if the matter is that Museveni is simply trying to dupe Ugandans and the donor community who are generously giving him forex in the name of refugees protection in Uganda. He is simply trying to subdue these few Gen. Kalekyezi's police officers who in his estimates are growing dangerously stronger. He fears they can be used to carry out any mischief to pay or patronage. The choice of charging them before the military courts is precipitated by the need to cover up thus Ugandans may never see the conclusion of the so-called kidnap trial.

Therefore, Gen. Kalekyezi will remain in the same position for some time because Museveni prefers security heads who are having poor working relations.

change of guards blog

Saturday, 21 October 2017

Gen. Kalekyezi beats both #Museveni and Kaka at their own game #Uganda

The ongoing bad blood between the police and ISO chiefs, Gen. Kalekyezi and Col. Kaka respectively has sent mixed feelings among Bugandans. Since the Museveni regime has not come out to clear the air, all that the public has known about the saga is from social media sources.
The 34 years old Christine Mbabazi Umuhoza claims to be a Congolese born at Bunagana near the Uganda border and grew up in Goma. That she is a widow and mother of three having lost her Congolese husband. That she started trading in Bitenge fabrics between Kampala and Goma before finally establishing residence in Uganda. That she took to Gospel singing at Christian Church in Entebbe and other churches in Entebbe. Other social media sources claim that she studied in from both Uganda and Kenya though it is reported that her English language fluency is poor and is only good at Kinyarwanda and Kiswahili. She is reported to have met AIGP Kaweesi in 2012 when she had gone to socialize at the Sheraton Hotel. ".... reaching there, I found this tall man. I later learnt he was called Kaweesi. He could speak Kiswahili and Kinyarwanda. So, I asked him to tell me his birth place. Somehow we connected because we could hear each other's languages."
Other social media sources suggested that she came to know AIGP Kaweesi in 2011 when he was the Commander Kampala Metropolitan area. That she had been a close friend for over seven years to a one Annet who was a Secretary to AIGP Kaweesi. Annet is said to have introduced Mbabazi to Kaweesi when she (Mbabazi) has a problem that required police help. That from there on, Mbabazi and Kaweesi continued communicating directly before falling in love. That two years later Kaweesi assigned Mbabazi to spying on members of the opposition and government officials who spoke ill of the regime. That around 2014/2015 Kaweesi also introduced her to Gen. Kalekyezi who also assigned her spy missions in Rwanda.
That Kaweesi used to pump money into her Bitenge fabric business. That they became deeply engaged to the extent of introducing him as her husband to her blood relations in Kampala. That they would even take trips abroad. That a day before Kaweesi was shot dead in March 2017, he summoned Mbabazi for an urgent meeting. That during the meeting he confided in her how he was worried of being killed by some people who were sending him death threats. That he handed to her his voice tape recording detailing the said threat with instructions that he should only hand it over to Museveni. That that very evening she even accompanied him to Rubaga Cathedral where he received special prayers from the Priests. That that was the last time they met when he was still alive. She attended both the requiem mass at Rubaga where she publicly pecked Kaweesi's dead body (see photo) and the burial in Kyazanga.
That around April 2017 she was attacked at her home in Kyaliwajala by four assailants who after failing to get the Kaweesi tape recording they gang rapped her for six hours. That they took off with her gospel music CDs and cell phones before she reported the incident to the police at Kyaliwajala police post. That Museveni got to know about her rape and sent a businessman, James Kibuuka a.k.a Mulowooza to ISO chief Col. Kaka with instructions to ensure Mbabazi's security. That she was taken to Mulowooza's countryside home from where she was sneaked back to town to meet Museveni to whom she handed the Kaweesi voice tape recording. That from there on she was placed under the protection of ISO.

Disgruntled former Museveni Press Secretary, Tamale Mirundi is reported to be claiming that he is the one whom Mbabazi entrusted with the Kaweesi tape recording for safe custody before she finally took her to meet Museveni. Tamale goes ahead to claim that he listened to the same tape and did not find anywhere Gen. Kalekyezi is implicated in the murder of Kaweesi but instead its other people who are implicated. Tamale goes ahead to claim that the four assailants who allegedly attacked and rapped Mbabazi in April were soldiers. Mbabazi's own alleged version contends that on 15th September 2015 Mbabazi while at her home was asked by an unidentified person to meet at Tal Cottages in Rubaga. That she rushed there only to meet the ISO boss, Col. Kaka who introduced himself to her. That Kaka put it to her that she had been paid 200M shillings by Gen. Kalekyezi to coordinate the murder of Kaweesi. That she vehemently denied that assertion before Kaka introduced before her a handcuffed man who claimed to have been one of the motorcycle raiders who killed Kaweesi. That the same suspect confirmed that he had been one of the four thugs who had gang rapped Mbabazi. That suspect went ahead to tell Mbabazi that he (suspect) had attended a meeting together with her at Katikati Restaurant with Gen. Kalekyezi and ten of his top lieutenants.
That Kaka further asked her as to why she had gone to Kaweesi's tomb to perform rituals. That after 30 minutes interrogation, Col. Kaka decreed that she was to be detained at the same hotel. That Kaka took away her cell phone sets only to return them two weeks later. That a room and armed guards were arranged and she stayed there for two weeks. That at the same hotel were staying the Boda Boda cyclist and a one Lt. Juuko of ISO. That one night Lt. Juuko attempted to access her room but was repulsed by the guard. That the following day Lt. Juuko came to her room and accused her of getting money from the President and refusing to share it. That he went ahead to warn her of dire consequences because she had refused his sexual advances yet she was sleeping around with big men. That Kaka had earlier warned her against Lt. Juuko and group who could harm her.  That later Kaka sent a car to pick Mbabazi (it’s not clear to where) for further interrogation where he attempted to force her into confessing that she was paid 200M shillings by Gen. Kalekyezi to kill Kaweesi. That she refused and boldly told Kaka that she would rather die than making falsehoods. Kaka offered soldiers under ISO to guard her at her residence.
Gen. Kalekyezi tasked the Flying Squad to "rescue" Mbabazi from her Lungujja residence but were blocked by the ISO armed guards. A standoff between the two security agencies ensued and Museveni had to send his body guards to take over Mbabazi's security. In the meantime, Mbabazi who was presumed to be a hostage embarked on a social media campaign appealing to the public. According to the Police Spokesman, Assan Kasingye said that the police had responded to a distress call by the "so called Kaweesi girlfriend" who had been held incommunicado by armed people. That a complaint of a missing person had been reported by Mbabazi's relatives at Nateete and Old Kampala police stations. That technical intelligence means had traced the victim to a house in Lungujja. The police is now rounding up all those ISO operatives who had resisted the police assault on Mbabazi's residence at Lungujja. Already, Ramadhan Bukenya, Mugerwa and Lt. Juuko are in the custody of the police.
If Mbabazi had been Kaweesi's girlfriend, her telephone communication must have been one of the dominant in his call log before, during and immediately after his killing. If so, during the early stages of investigations, why didn’t the police subject her to interrogation? Why is police pretending that Mbabazi is a stranger to them yet she seems to be well acquainted with the police top structures. Remember immediately after Kaweesi's murder the police seized his cell phones and refused to have them accessed by other security agencies. Gen. Kalekyezi is suspected to have killed Kaweesi and it’s only the other security agencies that could unearth his involvement. It is most likely that he designed the Mbabazi saga to divert the attention of these other security agencies. 
That way they wasted a lot of time on the Mbabazi line of investigations thinking that they had made a big catch. Now that it is turning out to be a hoax, Gen. Kalekyezi is playing victim of intrigue. Mbabazi is one of the several Rwandese who are operating in the region to further the Tutsi cause. They are available to take on any political assignment within the region and even overseas. For those old enough to remember, these Tutsi sustained the dreaded Iddi Amin intelligence agencies, SRB and PSU. Gen. Kalekyezi has once again dupped Ugandans, Col. Kaka, and Museveni. He is gaining upper hand in his battle with security Minister, Gen. Tumukunde.  For Col. Kaka, you are reeping from your choice to return from your two decades of retirement and serve Museveni. For Museveni, he has never been good at intelligence collection and analysis but only pays special attention to the intelligence agencies by manipulating and facilitating them for regime survival. In return, they feed him with any junk intelligence which he simply swallows without chewing.

change of guards blog

Friday, 20 October 2017

Why Col. Abiriga's village house is AIGP #Kaweesi's pigpen

Col. Ibrahim Abiriga is the M.P for Arua Municipality. He was born in 1956 and joined the army in 1971. He was at one time the Manager of Pakuba Lodge owned by the government. He has served in different military and civil service positions including Resident District Commissioner. He is now regarded as a top Museveni life Presidency scheme promoter.
The recent stage-managed arson attempt on his village home brought to the public eye his dilapidated village house that is located within Arua Municipality. The dilapidated structure looks like the old colonial public servants’ quarters that Museveni sold off to his cohorts.
Many Ugandans have expressed dismay at Col. Abiriga’s poor housing condition in an era of "Tuli Mukintu" (we are in-charge). It has become fashionable for display of pomp and wealth during burial of regime cohorts which are in most cases graced by the presence of Museveni as the chief mourner. It is such show of wealth that justifies the eulogies of the deceased having been a hardworking and developmental citizen. One wonders if such Col. Abiriga's dilapidated house will be convenient to host Museveni in case, God forbid, Col. Abiriga dies!!!
AIGP Felix Kaweesi on the other hand was born in 1974 and joined the police force in 2000. By the time he died in early 2017 he had served the police for 17 years at the rank of AIGP and the defacto number two in the force. He was so patriotic and developmental that he had not only accumulated huge unexplained personal wealth but generously supported developmental activities in his home area.

Deep in his Kyazanga home village his palatial upcountry 8 self-contained room house sits on a 320 acre of land. Its paved compound is one and a half acre. By comparison, if Col. Abiriga's dilapidated house was to be moved onto Kaweesi's land, it would be located at the far end of his land and used as an enclosure for pigs. In the city, his residential bungalow is equally amazing and it hosted Museveni during the funeral. He was applauded as having been very patriotic and developmental.
May be if Col. Abiriga held a Bachelor’s degree and spoke Kinyarwanda, his house would match that of Kaweesi.
Col. Abiriga's dilapidated house is a wakeup call for all those who are blindly in bed with the Museveni regime.

change of guards blog

Thursday, 19 October 2017

Why Gen. Kyaligonza's son cannot marry #Museveni's daughter - #Uganda

   "You have never really chaired L.C1 and you want to become Vice Chairman Western region? Your father in law is the Chairman of NRM, your mother in law sometimes attends CEC as an invited guest. Rwabwogo is like any other human being who marries from the first family. Maybe if Museveni was still producing, my son would marry a daughter from his family."

   The Observer - interview with Gen. Kyaligonza in Jan 2016.

Museveni's "permanent" Ambassador to Burundi, Maj. Gen. (Rtd) Matayo Kyaligonza who also doubles as a member of the regime's Central Executive Committee (CEC) has added his voice on the list of eminent people who are opposed to Museveni's life Presidency scheme.

While appearing on the CBS FM Radio talk show last week, Kyaligonza called on Museveni to "stop pretending to be very busy and should listen to what people are saying.  He went ahead and said Museveni should use this chance to (to retire) now when we still love him and not to give a chance to everyone to say he is tired." He cautioned that the "age limit removal is taking the country down a road which spells doom." He blamed the parliamentarians for "bringing and forcing a bad bill on people".  He criticized the Speaker for the violence that ensued on the floor of parliament.

As a member of topmost regime organ, CEC, Vice Chairman for the Western Region, and member of the army High Command, his position reflects the views held by other members of CEC and other regime organs. This explains why Museveni feared subjecting the age limit motion to discussion by the top regime organs but instead hired a private member to move the bill. That way he hopes to get any easy sail using his hostage regime caucus and rubber stamp Parliament. It is for the same reason that he fears to subject the bill to the scrutiny of the general population and instead gives it to only sycophant regime cadres.

Gen. Kyaligonza belonged to the Save Uganda Movement (SUM) under Eteker Ejalu during the struggle against the Iddi Amin regime in the 1970s, linked with Museveni during his Bush War of 1981 - 1986. He became one of the few topmost commanders by taking charge of the urban terrorist squad dubbed Black Bombers that was responsible for much of the mayhem in the city that was blamed on the Obote regime. At Kisementi in Kampala he personally shot dead Hon. Bamuturaki, the D.P M. P for Mwenge after he mistook him for a UNLA senior officer.

At the fall of Kampala, Kyaligonza commanded 7th Battalion that overran Makindye Barracks before proceeding to the eastern region. His 151 Brigade set base at Mbale from where he was involved in ferrying to his home in Hoima truckloads of cattle looted from Teso.  Like Gen. Ssejusa and others who were humiliated by Museveni awarding them with lower ranks of Brigadiers as compared to the likes of Tumwine, Saleh and Rwigyema whom he made Maj. Generals, Kyaligonza was rated "disgruntled". Around late 1990s Museveni nabbed in the bud Kyaligonza's alleged treasonous plans by purging him from the army. He went into politics by representing the people of Buhaguzi.

When he lost the constituency, Kyaligonza's economic wellbeing became worse. Through the then CMI, Brig. Mayombo, Kyaligonza appealed for Museveni's intervention. In his letter to Museveni, he clearly wrote that his situation was so bad that he could not even afford to pay school fees for his children. Since it was at a time when senior army officers were fleeing to Rwanda, Museveni acted very fast by deploying Kyaligonza as Ambassador to Kenya. Later he moved him to the insignificant Burundi where he has become Uganda's " permanent " Ambassador. Museveni further went ahead to award him the rank of Maj. General in retirement after holding the rank of Brigadier for 26 years. He now has to humiliatingly salute among others, Gen. Mbadi who was completing his basic training at Kabamba when the former became a Brigadier in 1987.

Gen. Kyaligonza had anticipated much better from Museveni. During a CEC meeting in October 2014 to sort out Museveni's Sole Candidature scheme, Gen. Kyaligonza aggressively attacked Hassan Basajjabalaba who was in support of Amama Mbabazi by abusing him Kumanyoko. He went ahead to call Mbabazi's wife stupid. He told Mbabazi thus; "You are lucky that I am not the President; otherwise by now you and your wife would be in Luzira Prison."

Mbabazi was purged by removing him from the position of the regime Secretary Generalship on charges of vying to contest against Museveni. Shortly after it was Kyaligonza's turn to be purged from the influential CEC. Museveni sent his son-in-law, Odrek Rwabwogo to vie for the position of Vice Chairman Western Region against the incumbent, Gen. Kyaligonza. Treating it as a second betrayal by Museveni, Gen. Kyaligonza furiously protested forcing Museveni to rescind his decision.

In an interview with The Observer in September 2015, Gen. Kyaligonza had this to say; "But there is one thing which he (Museveni) might not be able to defeat, is age because time will come; age will catch up with him, with me; the young man (Rwabwogo) whom you call the Young Turk, will also join the old people; they will also go."  Hopping that Museveni would respect the age limit of 75 years, in another interview with The Observer in October 2014, Kyaligonza stated thus; "Museveni will step down, one, naturally; two, by law; three, by depreciation. In any case, he has declared his age."  

From the above, you can imagine the level of disappointment and frustration that drove Gen. Kyaligonza into his recent outburst against Museveni's manoeuvres to lift the constitutional age limit. Viva Gen, better late than never. However, as for intermarriage with the Museveni family, it’s impossible because your son is neither Tutsi nor Hima but more so you may end up feeding his daughter on beans because you are not Balalo. Equally important, the First Lady last week revealed that her daughters maintained their virginity till marriage.


Wednesday, 18 October 2017

The 1.8 billion shillings compensation for #torture victims is a hoax - #Uganda #Kaweesi

Last week the High Court in Uganda awarded a shillings 1.8bn compensation to 22 victims of torture by Museveni's security forces. The 22 had been arrested in connection with the murder of AIGP Felix Kaweesi and gruesomely tortured by security operatives to extract confessions. Torture is a criminal offence under the Prohibition and Prevention of Torture Act 2012 and carried a maximum sentence of 15 years imprisonment. Torture in all its forms has been the trademark of the Museveni regime for the last 31 years. It is a tool for suppressing political dissent through the spread of fear amongst the population.
This is not the first-time courts of law have awarded compensation to victims of torture by security operatives. The regime does not honour such awards and both the courts and victims have no powers of enforcing such orders. Year after year, security agencies have been competing in scoring the highest incidents of torture with the police consistently trouncing other agencies in recent years. To escape criminal responsibility, in 2016 the police issued a circular to the effect that individual police officers were to pay any court fines awarded for torture by security operatives. As if that was not enough, the police set up a professional standard unit (PSU) and the police disciplinary tribunals as a cover-up for culprits of serious crimes against the population. That way the regime guarantees the immunity and protection of its officers in as far as torture is concerned.

Therefore, in the instant case the regime will not honour the 1.8b shillings compensation to the victims. Instead the ruling worsens the already bad situation for the said 22 victims of torture. As usual the will instead tighten its grip by continuously holding their victims in detention. Even when the Courts of law sets them free for one reason or the other, the regime will re-arrest them on fresh trumped up changes.  That way, behind the curtains the regime will instead initiate negotiations with the victims to give up their push for compensation in return for their freedom.  On the other hand, this ruling will drive the regime into influencing court decision so that the victims are unfairly either kept in detention or get convicted. The regime has scored through publicity by being portrayed as upholding the rule of law where courts award compensation to victims of torture. That is why it has not only kept silent but have not bothered to lodge an appeal against the court order.
This is not to discourage Ugandans from suing for damages in cases of torture at least for record purposes.

change of guards blog

#Ugandans should take Gen. #Kalekyezi's alleged links with #Rwanda

Gen. Kalekyezi is a serving military officer who for over a decade has been irregularly doubling as Museveni's police chief.  His sole responsibility has been to build an ethnically imbalanced repressive police force whose sole duty is to brutally suppress political dissent. With full blessing of Museveni, he has accomplished this task. Museveni has repeatedly praised his performance as being a good regime cadre. The most recent compliments came at a recent public function in Kisoro district where Gen. Kalekyezi renewed his oath of loyalty thus; "I thank you for the opportunity you gave me to serve and I promise that for the remaining time of my life to work even more not to disappoint you."  He went ahead to offer Museveni some gifts among them a framed photo of the regime symbol of the bus. In response, Museveni thanked Gen. Kalekyezi "for being a good cadre of the NRM, he has worked hard."
Without doubt Museveni's preferential treatment of Gen. Kalekyezi is premised on the latter's Rwandese ethnic connection. He is a son to the pre-independence Rwandese immigrant political activist, John Kalekyezi. His father stole guns from the missionaries at Kisubi that he intended to use in attacking the colonialists and in particular to sabotage the Queen's visit in the late 1950s to open the Owen Falls Dam. Consequently, the colonial administration did not only terminate John Kalekyezi's studies at Makerere but he was deported back to then Belgium Rwanda-Burundi. The Catholic Church also excommunicated him owing to his strong communist stances.
While Museveni has over the years systematically purged almost all his Bush War Generals and top cadres, it’s only Gen. Kalekyezi who has remained his close confidant. Using his strong Rwandese blood links, he played a key role in diffusing the Museveni - Kagame tensions that had arisen out of the armed clashes during the Congo military expedition. His blood brother, Gen. Jack Nziiza who left the Museveni's army for Rwanda in 1990 at the rank of Sgt has been a top security manager in the Kigali regime. In Uganda, Gen. Kalekyezi has aggressively positioned himself as the second topmost powerful person in the land. His ongoing bad blood with the powerful Security Minister, Gen. Henry Tumukunde is having devastating effects on the country's security management. Its bickering accounts for the accusations and counter accusations aimed at catching Museveni's attention. Some of the allegations are too bad to be ignored by any functioning state.

Recently it had to take the Rwandese Ambassador to Uganda to refute allegations that the Rwanda government was working closely with Gen. Kalekyezi to take power when Museveni retires. Earlier on it was reliably disclosed that Gen. Kalekyezi working with the Rwandese Embassy in Uganda and the Police chief of Rwanda, were behind the repeated kidnappings of Rwandese refugees and sneaking them back to the Rwanda government. Unfortunately, the Kampala regime has not come out to clear the air on such grave allegations. The other day it was alleged that Uganda was rendering military training to Rwandese dissidents and most recently the dissidents are linked to Gen. Saleh.
Much as his arch-rival, Gen. Tumukunde is another wolf in a sheep's skin, Gen. Kalekyezi's conduct needs to be checked by a neutral body at least for record purposes since Museveni is just playing survival games.

change of guards blog

Friday, 13 October 2017

Gen. Kalekyezi and Mirundi ploy against Gen. Tumukunde halts serial Murder of women - #Uganda

By end of September, a total of 23 women had been gruesomely murdered in different parts of Kampala. The police and other security agencies failed to come out with a satisfactory explanation over the unresolved murders.
The relief came when the police chief, Gen. Kalekyezi conspired with the disgruntled former Museveni Press Secretary, Tamale Mirundi to link the kisoon killings with the Minister of Security, Gen. Henry Tumukunde.  The two Generals have had bad blood over control of the huge security budget, influence, political ambitions and catching Museveni's attention.
Tamale Mirundi was sacked by Museveni in July 2015 over allegations that he was supporting Museveni's political rivals. Since then, he has aggressively been attacking whoever he believes was behind his woes. However, aware of the potential danger, he has hypocritically maintained a public defence of a support for Museveni. It is the hope that one day he would resigned be reassigned by Museveni that made him fall in Gen. Kelekyezi's trap.
A ploy was hacked whereby at the end of last month Tamale Mirundi went public claiming that one of his wives had narrowly survived a kidnap and murder plot by those who had been killing women around Kampala. He deliberately made no formal complaint with the police but bragged that he had foiled the ploy. He went ahead to brag that he was to personally investigate the incident and burst the racket. Shortly after he came out with public statements to the effect that he had identified the serial killers, their modus operandi (MO) and their entire criminal racket.
He said; "I cannot trust anyone with my info be it the police chief, the Army chief or Minister of Security. The only person I share information with is President Museveni. I don't die for nothing. I need a Presidential Handshake because I've been making my own research on this. The information I have about murders I can only tell the President."
Museveni simply ignored Tamale Mirundi’s blackmail prompting the latter to panic. He opted to don the Museveni party uniform in all his public appearances in the hope that he would attract Museveni's attention. The humiliated and frustrated Tamale Mirundi opted to publicly disclose some details of his so called private investigations.
He revealed from the mobile phone printouts of his so-called murderers, their connections. He claimed that they were using cheep mobile phones that can not be easily tracked by security and moreover the ones that had been deactivated by security agencies/UCC. He went ahead to claim that it was only with assistance of those with strong security connections that their phone sets were deactivated and able to use unregistered SIM cards.
Strangely, the police picked no interest in his assertions. Having realised that Museveni had opted to ignore him, he initially claimed that the murderers had been using their victims in recording sexual films before killing them to erase evidence. Later he claimed that an Australia based Ugandan (most likely Dr. Kiyingi) was behind the murders. He confidently declared that because of his efforts, there will be no more murder of women in Kampala. Indeed, the serial murders have ceased but instead, it is the machete wielding men in areas of Masaka that have resumes.
Had Museveni accepted to meet Tamale Mirundi for the "highly classified intelligence", Gen. Tumukunde was to have been the culprit. The motive would have been that "he is doing it to undermine the police and Police chief, Gen. Kalekyezi. The battle between the two Generals has now taken a new bloody twist involving a Rwandese lady who claims to be in possession of information pertaining to the murder of Felix Kaweesi by Gen. Kalekyezi. This time around Museveni has deployed his Special Forces to disentangle the belligerent Tumukunde's ISO forces and Gen. Kalekyezi's Special Police squads. This new development provides the humiliated Tamale Mirundi with smokescreen under which to withdraw his murder hoax.

 change of guards blog

From managing a CMI safe house to real estate tycoon - #Uganda

Dr. Anatoli Kamugisha is the proprietor and CEO of Akright Projects Empire Ltd (APEL) - a leading real estate business empire in Uganda. The estimated value is US $ 15M worth of investment which has properties in Kirinya, Bweyogerere and the magnificent satellite city at Kakungulu Estates along Entebbe Road that sits on a 2 sq. kms piece of land.   The 54 years old CEO, Kamugisha’s echo hails from Ibanda in Ankole sub region and claims to have earlier owned the little known, KANOBLIC GROUP, a real estate and construction company that he closed in 1999 for undisclosed reasons.
He further claims to have founded APEL in the same year for real estate development business. He claims to have started from scratch with no financial capital but only had a business idea. He further claims that his good business idea attracted some small financial support from undisclosed financial institutions and friends. Museveni blessed the launch of the mega Akright business empire.
Kamugisha and his company were embroiled in the infamous multi-billion Temangalo NSSF land scandal that involved former Prime Minister, Amama Mbabazi and tycoon Amos Nizey'imana. Kamugisha is currently facing a number of land fraud related cases some of which have even landed him in the Luzira maximum prison last year.
Ugandans always suspected that Dr. Anatoli Kamugisha is just a front of some big shot in the Museveni regime. At the time, he claims to have founded APEL in the late 1990s, Anatoli Kamugisha who has never been a soldier was manning the chieftaincy of Military Intelligence (CMI) "Safe House" in the city centre.

The said Safe House was located along Siad Barre Avenue opposite La Bella Restaurant on Dewinton in a building housing the Uganda Land Commission. The two spacious rooms on the ground floor could be accessed from both Siad Barre Street and Parliamentary Avenue through the Prison Services parking lot.
The entrance from Siad Barre Avenue was always closed leaving the Prisons Service parking lot as the main access point. As the head of the squad, Anatoli Kamugisha worked with other staff members of CMI among them, a one Herbert Kijara (pictured) who is currently stationed at the Parliamentary Building.
Though the safe house was also a contact point for the Congolese Banyamulenge fighters, CMI used it as a torture chamber.  Later, the same facility was rebranded as a Civil-Military Relations office headed by CMI's Chris Bagamba.
That is the background of the now leading local investor and miraculous real estate tycoon, Dr. Anatoli Kamugisha.

change of guards blog

Tuesday, 10 October 2017

Why Jackson Kafuuzi is a lead proponent of the #AgeLimit removal - #Uganda

Hon. Jackson Karugaba Kafuuzi is the M.P for Kyaka South Constituency in Kyegegwa District. A young brother to the opposition leaning Human Rights Lawyer, Ladislaus Rwakafuuzi. He recently opportunistically converted to the Museveni regime's NRM. He dislodged the former area M.P, Mr. Kwemera.
Having been one of the counties of the Tooro Kingdom, Kyegegwa District is traditionally known as Kyaka. Kyegegwa was the location of the county headquarters where the current district is located. Its original people are Batooro of the Banyakyaaka sub-ethnic group. It is comprised of the semi-arid southern and the forested northern part. The semi-arid southern part which is Hon. Jackson Kafuuzi's constituency which is comprised of the sub-counties of Mpara, Kayonza and Rwentuha is also home to the infamous vast Kyaka I and II Refugee Settlements. It is also home to the Savanna Katonga Wildlife Reserve. This same semi-arid southern part borders with Kiruhuura District and Sembabule district along the Katonga river. On the south-eastern part, it borders with the infamous semi-arid Rukoba/Kabamba in Mubende district.
This semi-arid southern park of Kyegegwa district has the climatic conditions like the infamous Cattle Corridor. Owing to its favourable cattle breeding climatic conditions, Museveni at one time described it as being part of Ankole because he presumed that the Batooro are not cattle keepers. Since then armed pastoralists commonly known as Balaalo have been crossing from Kiruhura to the Southern Kyegegwa. As has been the case elsewhere in the country, the Museveni regime has been facilitating the land grabbing by the pastoralists. In the late 1990s, Museveni's the then Private Secretary and now Gen. Kalekyezi wrote to the Uganda Wildlife Authority that Museveni had directed that pastoralists be left to occupy Katongo Wildlife Reserve "owing to intelligence reports that armed rebels were plotting to establish bases in the reserve."  Internal Security Organisation's Maj. Charles Bukondo has for years been the Commander of the armed invasion of Kyegegwa by armed pastoralists.
To further ease the land grabbing, Museveni used his usual divide and rule policy. He initially curved Kyenjojo district out of the original Kabarole District. As if that was not enough he went further to curve the current Kyegegwa District out of Kyenjojo District. That way the Batooro could not have a united voice over land in Kyaka/Kyegegwa. Both private and public land has been targeted. He gave the 38 sq. kms former Kyaka I Refugee Settlement to Nasser Basajjabalaba who displaced 36,000 people who had settled on the same land. Recently Museveni settled in Kyaka 5,000 Rwandese who had been expelled from Tanzania in 2013.

In May 2017, a group of elders from Tooro led by the patriotic M.P for Fort Portal Municipality, Alex Ruhundwa petitioned the Land Probe Committee over forceful land occupation by powerful people having government and military support who claim endorsement by State House. They decried the armed immigrant cattle keepers and the general militarisation of land management. They pointed out that the so called "resettled landless" as not being refugees as claimed but Ugandans from Ankole and South-Western Uganda.
Therefore, the Kafuuziz have used their marriage links with the land grabbers from Kiruhura and, the neighbouring Buremba Sub-county where his elder brother marries, by acting as agents in the take-over of Kyaka/Kyegegwa. There is no doubt that Museveni's Balaalo have over the years established themselves and have become the most powerful in Hon. Kafuuzi's constituency of Kyaka South. Since, it’s a taboo for any Mulaalo to disagree with any of Museveni's dirty schemes, it is most likely that Hon. Kafuuzi presenting the wishes of his people. It is against that background that the once Honourable Jackson Kafuuzi is seeking to have Museveni as a life President.

change of guards blog

Speaker #Kadaga and Gen. Katumba are part of the idiots serving #Museveni - #Uganda

There is a misdirected public rage against the Speaker of Museveni's rubber stamp Parliament, Rebecca Kadaga and cabinet Minister, Gen. Katumba Wamala following last week's military invasion of Parliament. Military dictator, Museveni is currently preoccupied with the removal if the constitutional 75 years presidential age limit to allow his life presidency scheme.
When the opposition legislators attempted to block the tabling of the same motion, the Speaker invited the army on the floor of parliament who violently evicted them. The move prompted a physical fight that drew in Gen. Katumba Wamala who is one of the ten army representatives in parliament. The 60 years old General was caught on camera throwing punches at his fellow M.P, the 24 years old, Hon. Zaake.  The punches sent Hon. Zaake into a comma and he has been hospitalized with a serious health condition that is being referred to India for further management.
Despite the overwhelming evidence, Gen. Katumba vehemently denied ever punching Hon. Zaake but acknowledged that he only threatened to do so. He has visited Hon. Zaake at his hospital bed where the latter publicly declared that he had forgiven him. On her part, Speaker Kadaga has arrogantly denied that she invited soldiers on the floor of parliament. Public anger against her actions has gone to the extent of some people attacking her private life. They are attributing her heartless conduct to her being childless.
The 61 years old, Kadaga has never been married and is childless. Her situation and conduct invokes the Biblical Fig Tree as in Mark 11: 12 - 24. As Jesus was coming back from Bethany, he was hungry and approached a big Fig tree in the hope of getting fruits to eat.  Disappointed by the absence of any fruits, Jesus condemned it thus; "No one shall ever get fruits from you again." The following day the same fig tree was dead all the way to its roots.
Similarly, Ugandans craving for change have been disappointed by the big Fig tree in the Speaker, Rebecca Kadaga. They are now condemning her to a childless death. Motivated by Presidential ambitions, Kadaga had initially masqueraded as someone who stood firmly in defence of the independence of the legislature. After realising that owing to several factors, her chances of pursuing that dream were very slim, she has opted to worship dictator Museveni by playing survival games.

As for Gen. Katumba Wamala, he has always been a hypocrite. His military career has been characterized by survival games. As a figurehead army chief, he played survival games when Museveni was curving out a family army from the national army. He has always conducted himself and acted in a partisan manner in handling public affairs. When he was relieved as Army chief and appointed to the cabinet, he willingly accepted well knowing that it was unconstitutional. In 2013, Museveni's appointment of Gen. Aronda to a cabinet position was challenged in the Constitutional Court and the matter has never been determined. Instead, Museveni is planning to appoint more serving army officers to public service positions.
Right from the time Museveni embarked on his journey to the presidency, he has hoodwinked many Ugandans into supporting him. Initially, unsuspecting Ugandans did not understand his dictatorial schemes. Since 2005 when his true colours came to light, whoever has continued to work for him is an idiot.

change of guards blog

Why Hon Kyagulanyi is a top target of #Museveni's security services - #Uganda

"The security services have shown me a statement ascribed to Hon. Bibi Wine when the age limit debate started recently. .... we shall confront and defeat anybody who intimidates or threaten our peace."
Museveni's response to Hon. Bobi wine.
The youthful Hon. Kyagulanyi a.k.a Bobi Wine is the Member of Parliament for Kyadondo. Since his election about three months ago, he has demonstrated a strong appeal to the urban underprivileged more especially the youth who are craving for change of leadership. He has been the focus of local, regional, and international major media outlets. His unweathering stand against Museveni's political machinations and manipulation has earned him frequent arrests, violent confrontation and grenade terror attacks by the security forces.
Museveni has been grooming his son, Gen. Muhoozi to inherit his Kingdom of Uganda. To create a constituency for him, he has done away with all the old Turks in both the public service and the security services, save for Gen. Kalekyezi, for obvious reasons. He has replaced them with sycophants who are being initiated into adoring Gen. Muhoozi. The appointment of the likes of the disgraceful Evelyn Anitte and Kibuule to cabinet positions was meant to serve this purpose. Depending on the situation that will be pertaining at the next sham elections in 2021, it is most likely that it will be Gen. Muhoozi who will be on the ballot paper. It will also depend in if
Museveni will have succeeded in becoming the Head if the East African Community (EAC) political federation. However, he is not taking chances and may be back on the ballot paper cone 2021 if the situation will not be favourable for his son. That is why he is Fisher with the scrapping if the constitutional age limit to allow him run beyond 75 years.

The coming of the more youthful, charismatic, opposition leaning, ethnic Muganda, resolute and financially stable Hon. Kyagulanyi on the political scene undermines Museveni’s succession agenda against his son.  For that reason, Hon. Kyagulanyi’s political rise is being rated by Museveni's security services as treasonous. That is why in his missive, Museveni cites the security services as having been the ones who gave him the report on Hon. Kyagulanyi's public statements. Under normal circumstances it should have been the regime (NRM) Secretariat to have responded to Hon. Kyagulanyi or at best prepared a brief to Museveni as the party chairman. No wonder, Museveni's response serves to confirm that for him those with divergent political views are enemies of the state who are subjected to scrutiny by the security services.
To Hon. Kyagulanyi, don't get excited with public debates with Museveni but as you extend your arm to him for a handshake be mindful of his other arm folded at his back that is holding a sword and ready to strike. You either dance to his tunes or else you will be sorted out. Watch the space.

change of guards blog