Thursday, 30 November 2017

Why Gen. Muntu is not one of the moles in FDC - @MugishaMuntu @KizzaBesigye1 @FDCOfficial1 @AmamaMbabazi @sejudav @KagutaMuseveni

Why Gen. Muntu is not one of the moles in FDC
I have sufficiently discussed the so called 'moles' in FDC in the past and that is why I have been reluctant to comment on the ongoing debate about Gen. Mungu and the FDC 'moles'.
However, let me say this; it is a fact that the Museveni regime spies on opposition political parties using both human (moles) and technical means (hacking, electronic intercepts, etc.).  The regime's actions are driven by the urge to gather classified information pertaining to the opposition plans, source of financial and logistical resources, and how best the regime can undermine and foment divisionism thus cause internal disharmony. 
For human sources of intelligence, the regime uses the most active activists amongst MPs, party executives, district party leaders, the youth, clerks, drivers etc.  For the FDC, the regime’s major concern is the mobilisation of the population for mass action dubbed 'DEFIANCE'. 
It is what is giving the regime sleepless nights and having a big toll on its financial, logistical and human resources.  There fore, the regime gets timely and accurate intelligence on 'defiance' from reliable both human (moles) and technical sources. 
The human sources are so well placed within the FDC that it is not easy to detect them leave alone rising suspicion.  Some people who don't know how moles operate have also been referring to Betty Kamya and Maj. Rubaramira who left FDC to join Museveni as having been 'moles' in FDC.  My contention is that they had not been moles but opportunists who chose to join Museveni for selfish interests.  On the contrary, if they had been moles they would have remained in the party undetected; moreover no one had ever suspected them of being moles.
Similarly, if Gen. Mungu was one of such moles, he would be the most active advocate of the defiance campaign so that he is well positioned to gather and pass on information to Museveni.  The fact is that Gen. Muntu contested for the FDC flagbeareship in 2015 on the theme of structurally organising the party. 
Dr. Besigye who campaigned on the theme of 'winning by defiance' took the day.  In his concession speech, Gen. Muntu warned thus; “if defiance is not properly organised, it will be smashed in a day".  Dr. Besigye won the February 2016 presidential elections and indeed the defiance movement was smashed by the Museveni regime.  
Like anybody else, it is just natural that Gen. Muntu wished to see his prediction come true -  ' a disorganized defiance smashed within a day'.  He went ahead to controversially encourage opposition MPs to take up the role of Opposition in Parliament as opposed to the 'defiance camp' who had been in favor of a boycott.
Having been Museveni's spy and longest serving army chief, Gen. Muntu knows better than anybody else that no level of organization by political opposition can dislodge Museveni from power through an election. 
Gen. Muntu is systematically building his political profile.  He is Uganda's longest serving Army Commander, he has been President of the strongest opposition political party.  Since he is not the type of person who can accept any political appointment from Museveni, he is now eying his name appearing on the ballot paper for national presidential elections.  He would make history by being the first former army chief to contest against his former Commander in Chief. 
Therefore, Gen. Muntu cannot risk losing his hard-earned political reputation by emotionally and arbitrarily quitting the FDC.  He needs the FDC as much as it also needs him.  However, the opportunists are bent to pounce and lead him to the slaughter house thus the much anticipated 'big announcement by Gen. Muntu'. 

Unfortunately, he has never been an opportunist and that is why he can't be a mole.  If Gen. Muntu was to be tried for being a mole, Dr. Besigye would be the lead defence witness to exonerate the accused.  However, Gen. Muntu must be regretting his action of sending the opposition to Parliament instead of a boycott.  He can't afford another blunder in the form of what opportunists had wished; leaving the strongest opposition party (FDC) for which he has committed his energy and time.  It would be okay if he had been rigged out, mistreated or expelled from the party as was the case with Amama Mbabazi in the Museveni regime.
On the contrary, Gen. Muntu garnered 463 against POA's 641 in a free and fair electoral exercise.  Col. Besigye's backing of POA was justified and Gen. Muntu knows it was the determining factor and therefore does not underrate Col. Besigye's strength.  The allegation of being a 'mole' has for some good years been advanced by opportunists within the FDC and exploited by the enemies of FDC.  Generals don't spy but manage spy networks. 
The same fate befell Gen. Ssejusa when he fled to London in 2013 whereby he was labelled a spy in the diaspora.  He had to hastily return home for fear of being accused of war crimes in relation to the counter insurgency operations in Northern Uganda during the 1990s.  When Gen. Muntu went to join Museveni guerrillas in 1981, he was suspected to be a government spy and was first placed under close surveillance.
As Army Commander, Gen. Muntu was resented by some senior Hima senior army officers. On one occasion in the early 1990s, during the funeral vigil of Col. Kyatuuka at Old Kampala, he was verbally attacked and humiliated by junior Hima army officers.  Led by then Capt. Rwashande who is now a General, the junior army officers referred to Gen. Muntu as "a Mwiru who had caused the death of a number of Hima senior officers" through his Katebe (rendering redundant) syndrome. 
Museveni never took action against the said untouchable junior officers and several of them are not very senior in rank and manning vital positions in the army.  Many Ugandans have never known why Gen. Muntu and Gen. Ssejusa don't see eye to eye.
Gen. Muntu also frankly believes that Museveni can't be dislodged from power by structurally organising an opposition party. However, by advocating for organisation instead of defiance, he is trying to build his political profile while at the same time holding on to his 2015 internal party flagberership philosophy of 'organisation instead of defiance'.  Obviously losing party leadership to the likes of POA soils his political profile and naturally he had to initially react the way he did. Otherwise, the stage of organising the masses is past and what is at stake now is to rescue the country from the claws of a ruthless military dictator and this can't be through the ballot.


Monday, 27 November 2017

#Uganda #DoctorStrike - #Museveni does not have enough army doctors

On 16th November 2017, Medical Doctors in public hospitals went on strike demanding for favourable working conditions and better remuneration.  As usual the regime attempted to blackmail them with threats but to no avail.  Museveni met them at State House under their umbrella association, the Uganda Medical Association (UMA). 
According to the UMA Chairman, Dr. Obuku, during that meeting Museveni threatened them with arrest thus; “......the President threatened to call a state of emergency and arrest the Doctors to get them back to work".  The striking Doctors did not give in to blackmail and during a public rally at Karambi in Kabarole district, Museveni disclosed that he had been betrayed by the striking Doctors.  He said; ".... this is intolerable; shall fire Doctors who don't want to work and they will regret their actions".
Instead, Museveni ordered for the deployment of 'Ghost Doctors' (non-existent) medical Doctors from the army to public hospitals.  The army offered to deploy ten serving Doctors and the 14 recruit Doctors who have just embarked on military training at Kaweweta.  The Police promised to deploy 16 Doctors while the Prison services promised to deploy three Doctors.  At the end of the day, it’s only the five Doctors from the army led by a whole Director of Medical Services and three Doctors from the Prison services showed up at some public hospitals in Kampala.
As the medical situation ran out of hand, the regime swallowed its pride and pleaded with the striking medics to return to work. The medics suspended the strike two days ago giving the regime up to 26th December to have met their demands.  Obviously, the regime was trying to dupe the medics the same way it has always duped teachers, non-teaching staff at higher institutions of learning and the State Prosecutors.
Historically, Museveni's army enlisted only three Medical Doctors during the five years of the Bush War.  These were Dr. Kiiza Besigye, Dr. Ronald Bata and Dr. Beingana.  During the Bush War, Nursing Aides and Dispensers were locally given basic skills and deployed in different NRA units where they came to be known as 'Doctors'. 
Upon coming to power in 1986 the NRA attracted none qualified Medical Doctors but a barrage of Nurses, Nursing Aides, Dispensers, Laboratory Assistants and Medical Assistants. They were deployed in different units as Regimental Medical Officers (RMOs) where they masqueraded as Doctors.  The NRA Directorate of Medical Services (DMS) was next to the Directorates of Finance, Supplies and Transport in terms of theft of resources by personnel.  The major preoccupation of these RMOs was to collect medical supplies from the DMS at the army headquarters and sell them to private medical practitioners and the situation has remained so.
The UPDF has seven Division Hqs (including the SFC and Air force) that ought to be manned by at least two Doctors each.  There are sixteen Brigade headquarters which ought to be manned by at least two Doctors each. It has sixty battalions that ought to be manned by at least one Doctor each. One Motorized Infantry Brigade that ought to be manned by at best two Doctors.  It has one Tank Battalion that should at best be manned by one Doctor.  It has one Engineering Brigade that ought to be manned by one Doctor.  It has one Artillery Brigade that ought to be manned by two Doctors. It has two Air Defence Battalions that ought to be manned by two Doctors.  It has eighteen training schools for both infantry, specialized and staff and command courses.  It can be authoritatively stated that each of these establishments has a medical unit manned by a Regimental Medical Officer (RMO) who masquerades as a Doctor.  But in actual sense, the army has less than 20 Doctors while both the Prison and Police can’t be having more than ten Doctors.  Therefore, by ordering the deployment of military Doctors, Museveni was simply posturing.  They are just non-existent.  Even the eleven Doctors that the army threatened to pull from basic military training at Kaweweta have just been attracted into the army by the Somali Peace Keeping Mission (AMISOM).
In 2011 following a deadly Al-Shabaab attack on the Uganda contingent in Somalia where a number of soldiers lost lives, Museveni ordered for a probe into the possibility of "quack Doctors having infiltrated the army".  He instituted a six-man probe team headed by the then Army Commander, Gen. Aronda and comprised among other senior officers, Dr. Ochen, Katinda, Takirwa and others. 
As usual, that was the end of the story.  Six years later, last week when the public complained that the army Doctors deployed in public hospitals were unqualified, the Army Spokesman was quick to allay the fears saying that the army had the best medical personnel.  Like in the rest of the country, the general medical situation in the military has been and remains appalling due to lack of professional personnel and gross theft of resources.
The few so called Consultant Doctors in the military simply use the privilege to run their private hospitals and clinics.  In 2015, the army announced plans to construct a 100b national military hospital at Lower Mbuya using funds it had already secured from UN compensation for its equipment lost under AMISOM but to this date there is nothing to show. 
Instead, in 2016 Museveni commissioned a $23B newly renovated former Grade B hospital next to State House in Entebbe to cater for Presidential Guard Unit, the SFC.  Earlier this year he hatched plans to take over and incorporate the adjacent Grade A hospital into State House complex so that his State House and SFC can have a well-equipped hospital as the rest of the country bleeds.
Romeo Mike Oscar, do you hear me? Loud and clear, Send. Roger, out. 

Sunday, 26 November 2017

Of #Uganda’s #Museveni's 'uneducated soldiers' – Sgt. Kifulugunyu and Gen. Kazini

Last week social media was awash with discussions over the death of renown musician, Sgt. Kifulugunyu.  Most commentators were stunned by the fact that shortly before he met his death he was carried on a wooden wheelbarrow as he was being rushed to the hospital. Another source of controversy was Sgt. Kifulugunyu's lower rank despite his 43 years military service.  They even compared him to Museveni's son, Gen. Muhoozi who has attained the rank of General within a short time.  As usual, regime boot leakers argued that it’s because Sgt. Kifulugunyu has missed out on formal education.

He was born in 1937 and attended primary school up to Grade Four before dropping out of school.  In 1964, he joined the Uganda Army, trained as a commando in Libya and fought in the 1979 war against invaders who overthrew Iddi Amin.  Like other defeated soldiers, upon surrendering he was detained in Luzira prison from where he escaped.  In 1984, he was recruited from Mubende by a Rwandese, Kasinzi into the NRA.  In his interview with the New Vision shortly before his death, he disclosed that his role in the so-called Bush War was to "entertain the fighters" with his music. 

Upon coming to power in 1986, Sgt. Kifulugunyu continued with his music privately selling music tapes. He rose to prominence for his so called 'patriotic NRA songs' whose rap he used to sell to the public. For the city dwellers, he was a common sight, smartly donning army fatigue, dark glasses and carrying a heavy briefcase containing tapes for sale. One would also be right to say that he was a kind of nuisance on the city streets.  Other than that, there is nothing else that Kifulugunyu did in as far as military service is concerned until he was retired in 2008.

During the same interview, Sgt. Kifulugunyu decried his appalling welfare situation thus; "can you imagine at 80, a full ex commando has to earn a living by selling sachets of boiled drinking water at 200 each, popcorns and songs on CD and radio in Kampala."  A few months ago, Museveni awarded him the Luwero Triangle medal.  The army Deputy Spokesperson issued a statement expressing shock at the death of the 80 years old Sgt. Kifulugunyu.  Though he is applauded for the NRA morale boosting songs, it is a fact that most of the NRA bush war songs were copied from the Mozambique FRELIMO guerrilla fighters and fitted into the NRA war by the late Chef Ali. 

The defunct NRA choir was patronized by Poteri Kivuna and Sgt. Kifulugunyu was not among the members.  Sgt. Kifulugunyu only helped to spread these songs as he made a killng by selling the tapes. As for dying a pauper, it’s very common for soldiers who don't steal from the army or the population because the pay is very low.  Because Sgt. Kifulugunyu held no office and no gun, he had had no avenue to steal from.  For the low rank, he had attained the rank of WOI under the Iddi Amin army but the NRA reduced it to Sgt. 

He was just unlucky that he never became a General under the NRA because promotions in the NRA/UPDF depend on luck and patronage.  The other day the patron of the Jobless Brotherhood, Norman Tumuhimbise was lamenting over his father who had just been retired at the rank of Sgt. after serving for 35 years. Some commentators argued that it’s because he had joined the army in 1979 after dropping out of Form Three of secondary education.  Gen. Saleh and Gen. Rwigyema had also dropped out from Form Three but rose to become Generals and government ministers.  There are plenty of voiceless Sgt. Kifulugunyus in military attire out there.

If education is the yardstick, just look at this; Gen. James Kazini was born in 1957 and there is no record that he went to school. It is not even clear how he ended up joining the West Nile dominated rebels, UNRF of Moses Ali in the early 1980s.  Around 1984 he defected from UNRF and joined the NRA.  By the time NRA captured power in 1986, Kazini and Capt. Dan Byakutaaga were guarding Museveni's mother. 

Between 1986 and 2001, Museveni had propelled Kazini through several strategic command positions before becoming the Army Commander and a General. In 2003, he was charged with causing financial loss of an estimated 600bn shillings through the creation of 24,000 'ghost soldiers'.  In 2008, he was sentenced to three years, imprisonment and released on bail pending appeal before he was allegedly murdered by his girlfriend in 2009.

If education level was the yard stick, then Kazini should have at best been a Corporal and a Mortuary Attendant in a military hospital!  He had attended only one military course in Ghana which he miserably failed.


Thursday, 23 November 2017

Why #ZANU-PF's armed wing never overthrew #Mugabe - #Zimbabwe

"We (Joint Operation Command) wish to make it very clear to all Zimbabwean citizens that the security organisations will only stand in support of those political leaders that will pursue Zimbabwean values, traditions and beliefs for which thousands lost their lives in the pursuit of Zimbabwe's hard-won independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity and national interests.  To this end, let it be known that the highest office of the land is a straitjacket whose occupant is expected to observe the objectives of the liberation struggle.  We will therefore not accept, let alone support or salute anyone with a different agenda that threatens the very existence of our sovereignty."  Army chief, Gen. Vitalis Zvinavasha - 9/01/2002.
Present day Zimbabwe is comprised of two main ethnic groupings; the majority Shona (80%) who are the indigenous and the minority Ndebele (20%) who migrated from South Africa in 1837, fought, humiliated and displaced the Shona before settling in one part of the territory that became to be the present-day Zimbabwe.  Before opting for an armed struggle, the only black nationalist organisation in Southern Rhodesia (Zimbabwe) was Zimbabwe African Peoples Union (ZAPU).  In 1963 a split took place that gave rise to the Shona dominated Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU).  The original ZAPU comprising of mostly Ndebele ethnic group separately continued with the struggle under the leadership of Joshua Nkomo.
Several ZANU political leaders were detained by the colonial government while many others fled to exile.  Among those who were detained was Robert Mugabe who had joined nationalist politics in 1961 shortly before ZANU was born in 1963.  Mugabe became ZANU's Secretary General before he was arrested and detained.  In 1965 the detained political leaders made the infamous SIKOMBELA DECLARATION which authorised the launch of the armed struggle by its exiled supporters. 
The newly formed ZANU armed wing came to be known as Zimbabwe African National Liberation Army (ZANLA) with the charismatic Commander Joshia Tagongara as its first Army Commander.  He was captured and detained by the colonialists in 1964.  During the time Tagongara had been in detention, Commander Solomon Majuru had taken over as army commander.  Commander Tagongara’s release from detention in 1974 coincided with Robert Mugabe's release from detention too and they both headed for the bush. 
In 1975 Mozambique gained its independence and ZANLA guerrillas found safe haven there.  Also released together with Mugabe, were nationalistic political leaders like Sithole, Enos Nkela and Edgar Tekere. Mugabe became the leader of ZANU.  A power struggle between the soldiers and civilian leaders erupted but was resolved by the then Mozambique President, Samora.  The rebellious Marxist soldiers who were opposed to the 'bourgeois nationalistic political leadership' were isolated and incarcerated.
In 1976 Commander Solomon Majuru gave way to the restoration of Commander Tagongara as Army Commander.  The former settled for the position of ZANLA's Chief of Operations. With the help of the Army Commander Tagongara, the Marxist soldiers were neutralized and Mugabe's leadership established control of both the military and political wing. However, a new chapter of a competitive alliance between Mugabe and Tagongara was set in motion.
During the 1979 independence negotiations in London, Commander Tagongara who demonstrated great political skills that earned him the respect of both the British and Zimbabwean politicians, sat next to Mugabe. He proposed and pushed for ZANU and ZAPU to jointly contest the 1980 first independence elections as a united patriotic front but due to the longstanding animosity towards Joshua Nkomo and ZAPU, Mugabe was opposed to this idea. The following week, upon return to Mozambique Tagongera  died on 27/12/1979 in a road accident believed to have been planned by Robert Mugabe. 
Most Zimbabweans believe that "had Commander Tagongera returned from the war alive, Mugabe would not have become the first Prime Minister" of Zimbabwe.  At the time of Tagongara's death, a cease fire had been declared and ZANLA had assembled at the Assembly Point.  Commander Solomon Majuru took over as Army Commander and the following year, 1980, Zimbabwe gained independence. The 1980 Independence Agreement stipulated cessation of propagating of ZANU ideology in the army but the army was to support government policies.
The two black nationalist guerrilla armies of ZIPRA (ZAPU) and ZANLA (ZANU) who had assembled had to undergo an integration process in order to build a national army. The British government through its British Military Assistance Training Team (BMATT) facilitated the integration, professionalization, and offered technical advice to the new army. Key command positions went to Mugabe's former ZANLA fighters. The process did not go smoothly because of the historical drift between the two groups. 
In November 1980 and early 1981, ZIPRA launched attacks and the ZANLA responded with gross violence in ZAPU strongholds of Matabeleland. Many former members of ZIPRA defected from ZANLA to join the insurgents.  In 1983 several ZAPU leaders were arrested while those in cabinet were dropped. Some top ZAPU leaders were arrested, charged with treason and detained without trial. Many also fled into exile but this development further escalated the situation with thousands of former ZIPRA fighters deserting ZANLA. 

In 1980 Prime Minister Mugabe had engaged North Korea to train for him a 3,500-strong special unit that he named 5th Brigade.  It finished its training in 1982 and it was unleashed on Matabeleland. The 5th Brigade was not part of the national army command structures but fell under the Prime Minister's office. It had its own distinct uniform, communication equipment, logistical backup, and remuneration structure.  It unleashed terror in Matabeleland targeting local ZAPU leaders, war veterans, and able-bodied men who fell victim to summary executions, torture, detentions, destruction of property and encampment in appalling conditions.  The December 1987 Unity Accord between Mugabe and ZAPU'S Joshua Nkomo dissolved ZAPU into ZANU-PF.  An amnesty was extended to the insurgents and Joshua Nkomo appealed to his fighters to lay down their arms.  Mugabe extended the same amnesty to his army (ZANLA and 5th Brigade) over atrocities committed in Matabeleland.
Mugabe had successfully brought the control of the army as the coercive arm of his ZANU-PF under his feet. He purged his historical colleagues in the ZANU leadership. Tekere was expelled from ZANU and he formed his own party, ZUM which contested against Mugabe in the 1990 elections. Nkala got frustrated and resigned from cabinet and ZANU in 1990. Nyamgumbo committed suicide. The rival ZAPU political and military leaders had been purged. At this stage Mugabe stood alone with no peers in ZANU.  To consolidate his grip on the security forces, he put in place a Joint Operations Command (JOC) comprised of the chiefs of the Army, Police, Air Wing, Prisons Service and the intelligence services (CIO).  In 1992 the army chief, Gen. Solomon Majuru retired from the army and was succeeded by Gen. Zvinavashe who had been ZANLA's Chief of Security and intelligence.
During the Bush War, ZANU and ZANLA had been supported by China in terms of logistics, training and funding. Though the British took up the role of helping Zimbabwe to build the post-independence army, it remained traditionally and ideologically shaped on the China model of a kind of a production-oriented army.  The political - military partnership forged during the liberation struggle between nationalistic political leaders and military commanders endures to this day. 
Since independence senior military commanders held top jobs in civilian structures.  As Mugabe embarked on the Africanization of the economy, retired and serving military officers took up managerial positions in state enterprises and parastatals and received much of the land seized from White farmers during the Land Reformation Programme.  Since the 1990s, the number of both retired and serving military officers serving in civilian state institutions such as the electoral bodies, parliament, judiciary, state enterprises and parastatals has been increasing.  They took up positions as managers, directors, CEOs, shareholders and labourers in such state enterprises and parastatals.  The argument was that military officership is endowed with vigour, order, discipline, loyalty and patriotism as crucial ingredients of effective administration of state institutions.  The truth is that the Mugabe ZANU-PF government was providing predatory opportunities for these military officers in order for them to increase their personal wealth as a reward for loyalty in ensuring regime survival amidst growing opposition since the end of the 1990s.
Also, with the collapse of the economy that witnessed a major exodus of skilled labour, the regime responded with military secondment to state enterprises and parastatals. The military was also hit hard by mass desertions of rank and file due to poor conditions and being forced to support ZANU-PF.  Many fled to South Africa where they mostly serve as security guards, USA, and Europe.  For fear of a mutiny, many low-ranking soldiers were seconded to the collapsing state enterprises and parastatals as labourers so that they could earn extra pay.
The Constitution of 2013 prohibits members of the security forces from being employed or engaged in civilian institutions except during public emergencies. While private business tycoons, top security and Ministry of Defence officials form the nucleus of the business-political-military oligarchy, the low-ranking security personnel remain low paid and poorly facilitated. Just a few weeks ago, the army chief of staff complained to a parliamentary committee that the soldiers were putting on tattered uniforms and field military equipments were in a sorry stare.
In 1984 the government had established the Zimbabwe Defence Industries as a business wing of the ZANLA.  It was supposed to manufacture clothing for the army, small arms and ammunitions, small bombs, and vehicle repair components.  In 1998 another commercial arm of the ZANLA, OSLEG entered into joint venture with Congolese companies for minerals.  At one time, the Legal Representative of OSLEG had been the retired army chief, Gen. Vitalis Zvinavasha. 
SICEBO is another military affiliated company that entered into joint venture with the Congolese government for lucrative logging concessions in DRC's Katanga region.  SINO Zimbabwe that was set up by members of the military together with a Hong Kong, San Pa dealt in cotton, diamond and property sectors. Because of its secretive nature the number of military business ventures are not known. The Defence industries (ZDI) and Zimbabwe Mining Development Corporation have since the mid 2000s dominated mining of diamond in Marange.  In the 1990s while ZNLA was active in the Congo it was mining diamond, coltan and cobalt.  Senior military officers formed joint ventures in lucrative mineral mining, agro-based industries, hunting, conservancies, transport and farming.  Most of the initially privately owned businesses were forced into joint venture with the ruling elite in which the latter holds majority stakes. The list is endless.
In return, the military interferes with political processes including elections in favour of ZANU-PF.  The military became the core element of state-party-alliance that constituted the regime thus a stumbling block against democratic transition. With approval of ZANU-PF, the military controls and manages a business empire that runs large chunks of land and mining complexes.  Most of the state enterprises and parastatals had been set up during colonial era mainly for extraction of natural resources, transport, telecommunications, energy, water, mining and financial services. They accounted for a big chunk of GDP and a large share of domestic capital generation, investment and employment creation. 

For example, the National Railway of Zimbabwe was put under the management of retired former Airforce Commander, Gen. Mike Tichafa.  The military commanders were rewarded financially and politically appeased thus teamed up with leading businessmen and patriotism politicians to form political and economic groups.  They ventured into lucrative business ventures across the whole spectrum of the economy inside Zimbabwe, DRC, China, and India to mention but a few where Zimbabwean military business complexes had taken root. 
The financial transactions of such ventures are not recorded as part of the defence budget nor open to scrutiny by state accountability procedures.  Instead the proceeds are take care of by a 'secret budget' that is used for hidden and extra legal activities under the guise of national security.  Consequently, the military is involved in unabetted social economic criminal activities and abuses such as smuggling, extortion, land grabbing, human rights abuses, confiscation of private goods and property.
The top military Generals see themselves as the guardians of Zimbabwe's sovereignty. They have a strong feeling of entitlement due to the 'sacrifices' they made during the liberation war.  Zimbabwe's politics and spoils of independence were a preserve of the nationalist leaders who had participated in the war of independence.  The emergence of the opposition MDC had forced Mugabe to open the state doors to military elites for their 'turn to eat' in return for defending their new entitlement from opposition party takeover. 
It was against this background that during the 2002 general elections the then Army Commander, Gen. Zvinavashe made the statement quoted at the beginning of this article.  By 2005 he had retired and become a member of ZANU-PF top organ, the Politburo.  During the 2008 general elections the military's Joint Operations Command intervened by ordering the delay of announcement of results.  The opposition MDC had won the polls by a majority lead of over 50% but was instead given 47.9% against Mugabe's 43.3% prompting a re-run. It also won the majority in parliament.  Instead the military unleashed a nationwide campaign of violence against MDC prompting it to withdraw from the race.  A power sharing deal brokered by SADC saw the opposition leader, Morgan Tsvangirai become the figurehead Prime Minister.
The deal had required the police to be under the control of the opposition MDC while ZANU-PF remained in charge of the army.  A parallel government in the security sector undermined the power sharing deal thus the army took a more central stage in the political life of Zimbabwe.  In 2011 another top General, Douglas Nyikayaramba made another controversial statement thus; "Morgan Tsvangirai is not a political threat in any way to Zimbabwe, but is a major national security threat. He takes instructions from foreigners to effect illegal regime change in Zimbabwe. Day dreamers who want to reverse the gains of our liberation struggle will continue day dreaming.  They can go to hell. .... President Mugabe will only leave office when he sees fit or dies.  He sacrificed a lot for this country......  we die for him to make sure he stays in power. We are prepared to stand by our Commander In Chief."
By that time Mugabe faced no political challenge from any top historical liberation figure in both the political and military hierarchy.  The remaining top military Generals like Zvnavashe and Solomon Majuru had retired. Leading nationalist politicians were in disarray. Generals Tugamrai and Zvinavashe died in 2005 and 2009 respectively.  Gen. Solomon Majuru died in a mysterious fire at his house in 2011.  His wife Joice Majuru rose to become the Vice President but was undermined by Mnangagwa and sacked in 2014 before Emerson Mnangagwa was made the Vice President.  Gen. Constantine Chiwenga became the army chief in 2003.  Retired senior security chiefs found their way into the strategic ZANU-PF Commissariat Department.  Retired Air Force Martial, Henry Machema and former CIO Director, Sidney Nyamhungo are such examples.  
Therefore, the so called military coup against Mugabe was a hoax because there has never been a national army in Zimbabwe but an armed wing of the ZANU- PF called ZANLA/ZDF.  The two entities owe each other a historical obligation to protect each other against 'strangers' to the liberation war oligarchy.  What happened was just an internal arrangement by the Liberation War icons to re-energize the ZANU - PF's hold on power.  Not much may change in Zimbabwe unless the men in uniform are detached from ZANU-PF.
For those who have been following the political machinations of another military dictator, Museveni, I beg that you concur with me that he is reading from Mugabe's script.  He has for the last four decades been doing exactly what Mugabe did to retain power. Give him time by letting the constitutional provision on age limit be removed and he will perfect the script.  Some of the credits to Mugabe are that he did not destroy education and did not build a personal army under the command of his son. He should therefore be pardoned for whatever mistakes he made. It’s because he is a Zimbabwean who somehow cared for the future generation.


Saturday, 18 November 2017

More citizenship and free land for another round of #Rwandese expelled from #Tanzania – Cry #Uganda

On 23/7/2016 this site ran an article titled; "MUSEVENI AWARDS UGANDAN CITIZENSHISHIP AND FREE LAND TO RWANDESE EXPELLED FROM TANZANIA".  That was the time when the Museveni regime stealthy moved thousands of Rwandese immigrants from a makeshift immigrants camp at Sango Bay in Rakai to Kyaka in Tooro and given citizenship and free land. The matter had become public following the bitter protest by the locals and leadership of Kyaka area who had not been accorded prior consultation. These Rwandese immigrants had been expelled from Tanzania's Kagera region in 2013 back to Rwanda of which about five thousand opted to enter Uganda. 

Between 2013 and 2016, the Sango Bay camp had been used as an assembly area from marauding Rwandese immigrants before they were eventually settled in Kyaka. The 700 Rwandese illegal immigrants expelled from Tanzania in 2007 who had been camping in Isingiro were joined to the Sango Bay group.  The over 200 so called Balalo immigrants from Bukoloto in Rakai were systematically moved to Rakai and joined to the Sango Bay group.  Another 70 Rwandese immigrants of the controversial Pastor Bushara religious cult from Nakaseke were also systematically moved Rakai and joined to the Sango Bay group.  Much earlier thousands of Rwandese immigrants also expelled from Tanzania had been settled in Rwamwanja.

A few days a go the President of Tanzania while on a visit to Kagera region warned against pastoralists from neighboring countries who illegally enter his countries territory with their livestock in search of pasture.  He asserted thus; "Tanzania is not a grazing land for livestock from neighboring countries and that is why we have stated that we are going to take action as per the law."  The following week the government of Tanzania announced that it had already seized s total of 10,000 heads of cattle from Rwanda and Uganda who had illegally entered its territory.  It went ahead to declare that the seized cattle would be auctioned before warning the other pastoralists to voluntarily return to where they came from.  It is more probable that Tanzania may not rescind its decision because already it had shortly before seized and auctioned 1,035 heads of cattle who had entered its territory from Kenya.  Around the same time, it has also zeized and burnt 6,000 chicks illegally imported from Kenya for fear of spread of Bird Flue.

Historically the pastoralists who flock Kagera region from Uganda and Rwanda are Banyarwanda Tutsi.  They claim that that territory is part of the Cattle Corridor for which they are entitled to move, graze and settle without any hindrance. Similarly, inside Uganda they forcefully move and settle in distant areas of Teso and Lango and of recent they are exploring Acholiland and West Nile up to the border with Sudan.  Uganda should obviously expect another batch of the so-called expellees from Tanzania who need free land and citizenship.  Illegal immigration to Kagera from "anywhere" has also been used as a means of getting easy access to Ugandan citizenship and land after expulsion. How come these illegal immigrant pastoralists keep mushrooming in Kagere a few years after every round of expulsion by Tanzania????  How come whenever they are expelled they don't have land to return to in Rwanda????


Tuesday, 14 November 2017

The #Museveni regime engages Bryan White to neutralize @HEBobiWine

On 10th October 2017, we ran an article titled WHY HON. KYAGULANYI IS A TARGET OF MUSEVENI'S SECURITY SERVICES.  We highlighted that the youthful city legislator's attraction to the youth was threatening Museveni's scheme to have his son inherit the presidency.

Among other measures designed to counter Hon. Kyagulanyi's influence is the bringing on board of "genetically modified" 33 years old city tycoon and socialite, Bryan Kirumira a.k.a White.  He is close to Gen. Saleh and also claims to be the CEO of an Italy based real estate business. 

He is being used by the regime to venture into youth "economic empowerment" and is more often seen splashing around money to the urban youth.  He is guarded by three heavily armed commandos from the elite VIPPU. 

In an interview with The Observer, he clearly put it thus; "plans to transform Ugandan youths, giving them - not loaning - a percentage of their budgets if they have well thought out project proposals."  He adds; "I want to change the youths’ perception that the government is bad and that it’s the reason they are broke. No government can put money in your pockets if you are not hustling."

The use of deceit, manipulation and bribery has a limit and this time around the Brown White scheme is a failure right from the start.


Monday, 13 November 2017

#Uganda Land Probe Committee crosses the redline into the restricted #Banyarwanda zone

Museveni instituted a Land Probe Committee with the sole purpose of hoodwinking Ugandans over his grand scheme to alienate citizens from their land.  However, the same committee is now overstepping its mandate by poking its nose into the matters of land for the Banyarwanda who are the main beneficiaries of the land alienation.  On 2nd July 2015, this website ran a story titled:  WHY WOULD A UGANDAN STAY IN A REFUGEE CAMP? in which we highlighted the plight of one family of Banyarwanda from Mbarara who had sought refuge in a refugee camp at Rwamwanja after another Rwandese, Isaac Ndahiro had used the top police leadership to violently evict them from the land they claim to own.  On 26th July 2017, we wrote another piece titled:  WHY THE BANYARWANDA QUESTION AND LAND ISSUES ARE INSEPARABLE in which we highlighted the systematic targeting of land by Banyarwanda taking advantage of their preferential treatment by Museveni.

Last week the committee hosted the same Rwandese national, Isaac Ndahiro who has evicted families from 562 hectares of land at Kyeera in Mbarara district.  The 47 years old is a Rwandese national but claims to also be a Ugandan "by natural descent".  He claims to have studied at Makerere University and upon graduation he worked with the defunct Uganda Railways Corporation (URC) as the Operations Officer.  When URC collapsed, he went to Rwanda and acquired its citizenship in 1988 before getting UK Scholarship to further his studies at Birmingham University and later a job at the UN in Hungary.  He claims to have acquired the said land from his late father under a customary arrangement.  The committee Chairperson remarked thus; " I don't know your customs you will tell us a bit about it.". She also asked him to declare her relationship to the former Solicitor General, Peter Kabatsi.   The simple answer is that they are both Banyarwanda who execute their schemes in a well-connected syndicate.

The level of confidence and arrogance exhibited by Isaac Ndahiro is derived from the fact that he enjoys the full blessing of Museveni.  During his radio mobilisation for land alienation on the Mbarara based Radio West around September, a caller told him about the land dispute in question and Museveni reluctantly acknowledged that he knew about it.  The part to this particular land conflict are all "both Ugandans and Rwandese by choice" and not legally.  The committee ought to tread carefully because it is now treading into the territory of the Wenyeinchi (owners of the country) unlike the ordinary Wanainchi (citizens).  In 2016 the then Minister of Internal Affairs, Rose Akol ventured into the dangerous waters by questioning Rwandese who were holding both Ugandan and Rwandese National IDs and she was immediately fired.


Are the spines and skulls of other #Ugandans made of steel???

The Museveni military regime is reputed for brutally arresting, kidnapping, torturing and maiming citizens in its efforts to suppress dissent.  Ugly scenes of brutality by members of the security forces against citizens are a common scenery in all corners of the country.  Year after year, the police and the army have excelled in torture and other forms of human rights abuses.  The regime has not bothered to address the issue but instead the situation continues to worsen.  In a few instances where courts of law have issued orders of pecuniary compensation to victims and other restraining orders, the regime has simply ignored them.

Apart from a few individuals and NGOs who have taken the trouble to help some few victims of state violence and brutality, the majority of victims have been left on their own with no trace, leave alone any form of help.  The main opposition leader, Dr. Besigye has, to some extent, made efforts to financially help, visit and highlight the plight of victims.  Currently two Members of Parliament, Hon. Nambooze Bakireke and Hon. Zaake are overseas undergoing specialized medical attention. They sustained physical injuries by the Special Forces during the September 2017 fracas on the floor of parliament. 

Hon. Namboze was diagnosed with a spine injury while Hon. Zaake sustained an injury on the skull by Gen. Katumba's punch.  The tax payer has had to carry the burden of footing the medical bills of the two MPs expected to cost about 500M shillings.  Members of Parliament are entitled to a 24M monthly pay, 200M for buying a car and 67.7M for burial expenses. The other day the Mayor of Kamwenge was tortured to the marrow by the police who footed his medical bills to the tune of 160M of tax payers' money at a private medical facility in Kampala. 

While the MPs are entitled to having their medical bills footed by the government, the question Ugandans should ask is:  WHAT HAPPENS TO THE BROKEN SKULLS, ARMS, LIMBS, TEETH, ETC OF OTHER ORDINARY UGANDANS?????? CAN’T SOMEONE PUT A STOP TO THIS MENACE ONCE AND FOR ALL?????


Friday, 10 November 2017

Poor memory is to blame for fury over kidnaps and excitement over "cleaning of police" by CMI #Uganda

".........I do not agree with Rwakasisi that NASA was filled with learned men/graduates as he wants this court to believe. On the contrary, it was staffed with UPC functionaries who went and tortured the public as they wished.  I take judicial notice of the fact that during the Obote II regime the UPC supporters and functionaries including the army were almost above the law.  They committed atrocities against the population with impunity.  And no wonder, that seven people instead of being taken to the police and face some charges in court, they ended up in military barracks which was a place notorious for torturing people."
Page 68 of the court judgement by Justice Mukanza during the trial of Obote II Minister of Security, Chris Rwakasisi over kidnapping of the Mbarara famous seven who were killed at Kireka barracks in 1981.  Rwakasisi was convicted and sentenced to suffer death but Museveni pardoned him in 2009 and is not his Senior Presidential Advisor.
Gullible Ugandans are furious over the recent incident where plain clothed men brandishing pistols brutally kidnapped a citizen who had just been set free by a competent court of law.  Amidst helpless yelling for help from the equally helpless members of the public, the victim was bundled into a civilian registered saloon car and driven off. 
Despite video footages clearly showing a uniformed Traffic Police officer helping the thugs execute the kidnap, the police denied knowledge of the kidnappers.  The truth is that in such kidnappings the responsible agency formally notifies the friendly forces in the area of operation to avoid a clash. The army later claimed responsibility for the kidnap by asserting that it had been the work of its Joint Antiterrorism Taste Force (JATT). Therefore, the police was fully aware and that is why the Traffic Officer was duty bound to render a helping hand.
Therefore, the shameless denial by the police was simply because of the current bad blood between CMI and Police. A few days earlier, a similar ugly incident was witnessed in Mbarara town when pistol wielding plain clothed men kidnapped local members of the opposition in broad daylight before bundling them in the boot of a waiting civilian registered car and driving off.
When Museveni took over power in 1986 he adopted a northern Uganda dominated police force that he considered was hostile to his regime.  He relied on the army's Military Intelligence (DMI) for civilian policing.  Because at the time the top command and control of DMI was manned by sober minded individuals, the excesses were minimised.
When the DMI transformed into CMI in the late 1990s coupled by the loss of pretense over Museveni's life presidency scheme, under the cover of global fight against terrorism CMI proved to be the worst monster against political dissent.  Local and international human rights organisation clearly documented and highlighted CMI's excessive heinous crimes for over a decade.  It is only that Ugandans are either naturally forgetful or gullible. 
What about the hooded commando raid on the High Court in 2005 and 2007 to kidnap citizens who had been set free?  What about thousands who were kidnapped and killed in cold blood during Operation Wembley, northern and eastern Uganda insurgency and recently in the Rwenzori to mention but a few????
Like any other educated dictator, at the turn of the century Museveni moved to transform the once "hostile" police force into a regime enforcement branch against political dissent.  Thanks to his top regime cadre and political ideologist, Gen. Kalekyezi who has successfully accomplished this mission.  For successive years now, the police has excelled as the leading agency in human rights violation and will continue to do so with or without Gen. Kalekyezi at the top because the mission remains the same.  The only difference now is that kidnappings by unidentifiable armed thugs is re-emerging just because CMI is posturing to be carrying out civilian policing.  Unfortunately, gullible Ugandans are cheering on.
It is 36 years since the UPC II government allegedly went on rampage to terrorize Ugandans and 29 years since Justice Mukanza made the above remarks in a landmark trial over kidnapping by the then state agents.  Museveni and his NRA claimed to have been fighting against such excesses but 31 years now what has changed!!!!!!!!!!
There is no need for fury; kidnapping is as old as Museveni's search for the presidency 1971 - 1986 and retention of the same 1986 - 2017.  Most of the heinous crimes including kidnappings that were attributed to both the Iddi Amin and the Obote II regimes were to a big extent the work of the forces that were fighting them.  Museveni took a centre stage in such struggles. 
The other day while in Tanga at the launch of the Oil Pipeline project he boosted of having smuggled six guns through one of the border posts from Tanzania during his struggle against the Iddi Amin regime.  It is a fact that before the Tanzania led external armed attack of 1972 and late 1978, there had never been any combat engagements by any armed dissident group against the Iddi Amin security forces on the Uganda soil.
However, acts of mysterious kidnappings, forced disappearances and killings designed to tarnish the image of the Iddi Amin regime were rampant.  During his Bush War (1981 - 1986), it is not in dispute that his specialized squads would dress in government soldiers' uniform before committing heinous crimes against the unsuspecting public in order to tarnish the image of the Obote II regime. 
Actually, the star state witness in the above cited trial of Rwakasisi, a one Cpl. Katabazi who had been a soldier under the UNLA, was actively involved in the same kidnap and torture of the seven victims told court (page 205) that he had been secretly working for the guerrilla NRA.  The then District Commissioner of the insurgency infested Luwero Triangle, Nathan Karemanzira was kidnapped from his office in Luwero by the guerilla NRA and held hostage for almost a year.  He survived being killed simply because he was a Munyarwanda.  The unlucky local UPC functionaries and youth wingers in the Luwero Triangle just perished without trace.
The only new phenomena is the fact that the current kidnappers don't bother to hide their faces.  This could be because there is a high likelihood of hired foreigners or refugees being used by the regime.  That is why the Daily Monitor public appeal for anyone to identify these thugs is not yielding results.

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Wednesday, 8 November 2017

#Congolese residents in #Uganda should deliver #Mugumya's message to #Kabila

Sam Mugumya is a Ugandan who has been in DRC's military detention without trial since late 2014.  Recently he desperately protested his illegal detention by writing to the DRC Minister of Justice where he suggested that he should be killed instead if he can't be subjected to the due process of the law.  Some Ugandans have reacted by blaming the Museveni regime for not doing enough to address the plight of Mugumya.  Others have initiated a fundraising drive for Lawyers to advocate for Sam Mugumya.   With due respect, we beg to submit that both moves won't help in the circumstances.
Having been an aide to the Ugandan opposition leader, Dr. Kizza Besigye, the Museveni regime considers Sam Mugumya as an enemy who deserved no justice and state protection.  The Uganda Embassy in Kinshasha is manned by the regime military cadres in Maj. James Kinobe and Brig. Dick Olum.  Since the latter hails from Nebbi in West Nile, his deployment to Kinshasa was a strategic move to monitor events in the neighbouring DRC’s Ituri region from where Sam Mugumya was allegedly arrested from.  Therefore, on top of former M.P Nsubuga Kipoi, Sam Mugumya and group are considered a bunch of "enemies who are well contained" by the Kinshasha regime.  Just is the case with the Museveni regime, private Lawyers can't do much in regard to the circumstances of Mugumya's illegal detention.
When he had just mysteriously disappeared and allegedly resurfaced in the custody of the Congolese army in the eastern DRC around late 2014, we wrote a piece titled; "RESOLVING THE MYSTERY OF SAM MUGUMYA - 19th November 2014."  We rightly argued that the Museveni regime embassy in Kinshasha would not be of help to Mugumya.  We instead suggested that engaging the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) would not only ensure that Mugumya and group would not fall victim of forced disappearance but would also maintain a sure line of communication.  It is now three years and the good news is that at least information about Mugumya is able to filter out of Ndolo Military detention to the outside world.  The link for that for our first suggestion of how to help Mugumya is at the bottom of this article. 
The money being fundraised could be put to better use if it was used to facilitate a small delegation of visitors from Uganda to Kinshasa to visit Mugumya and group.  Such a delegation could be comprised by a family member, an activist and a human rights Lawyer.  Such a visit would give Mugumya a lasting memory and the moral boost to endure the detention hardships in a foreign land.  Ugandans are more than willing to generously contribute towards this noble cause.
Mugumya and group will obviously get out not through diplomatic channels but political pressure on Kinshasha not by the Museveni regime but by Ugandans.  Just send a message directly to DRC's Joseph Kabila through the tens of thousands of Congolese who are residing in Uganda.  The Congolese Embassy in Kampala and the Consulate in Kasese, the refugees, the immigrants, the business community who transact business between Uganda and Congo through the border posts of Entebbe Airport, Bunagana, Lake Albert, Arua, and Ishasha which is even a stone throw from Mugumya's home, are all well suited to deliver such a message to President Kabila.  If well drafted, such Congolese are in a better position to directly, reliably and timely deliver the message to the Kinshasha regime.  Who has the organizational capacity to deliver such a message????



Sam Mugumya is a young man who has been an active opposition activist and who also doubles as an aide to leading opposition politician Col (rtd) Dr.Kiiza Besigye. Early this month the Uganda army spokesman broke the news of his mysterious disappearance when he stated that "Finally we have him."

Monday, 6 November 2017

Did #Uganda's colonial boundaries affect only the #Banyarwanda????

The Tuareg are a nomadic pastoralist tribe of the Sahara Desert who are found around the border between Libya, Mali, Niger and Aligeria. They live a life of pastoralism, moving with their camels and goats across the far depth of the Sahara Desert while others live settled lives as part of the nation states and national politics. They comprise  Ten percent of the population of any nation where they find themselves.  There are one million Tuaregs in Niger, 900,000 in Mali, small numbers in Aligeria and Burkina Faso while there is also a small population in Libya.
Since time immemorial, the Tuaregs have pushed for an independent state.  They have formed independence movements in Niger and Mali to emancipate themselves from oppressive, subordinate relationships that took shape in the Sahara. In the 1980s, Libyan Tuareg were involved in armed liberation movements and in the 1990s Gaddafi supported the Tuareg independence movements in Niger and Mali. 
The same Gaddafi regime facilitated and mediated efforts for an agreement and a temporary peace deal between the Tuaregs of Libya and those of Niger.  By the beginning of the new century the Tuareg were a tribal group with many national identities, at risk in some areas, suffering the impacts of draught and political oppression, and in the remote parts of the Sahara along the Libya-Niger border having a degree of autonomy.  They thrived on their strong links with the Gaddafi regime's oil money.
Following 9/11 and the coming into force of the Global War on Terror, the Tuareg territories in the Sahara were labeled beds of terrorism and key supporters of AL Qaeda.  Consequently, their dependant tourism economy collapsed and they were isolated and lost the dream of autonomy or redress to wrongs suffered in Mali, Aligeria and Niger.  Hundreds were arbitrarily killed and a large number of their animals were destroyed by the Niger military.  The Gaddafi regime extended to them cash aid, some appealing ideological and political rhetoric against the USA and its allies.
In 2005 the Gaddafi regime offered residency to Tuareg who were refugees from wars in Mali and Niger. Thousands relocated to Libya, finding work in the oil and gas sector.  A year later, Gaddafi invited Tuareg to be an important part of an antiterrorism and anti-drug smuggling coalition in the Sahara.  The Gaddafi regime offered US$ 1,000 per month to Tuareg young men to join the Libyan army in its fight against the NATO backed revolutionary fighters.  The turn up to help their long-time ally and benefactor was overwhelming.  The Tuareg became so powerful and influential that they warned Mali thus; ".... if you interfere with Gaddafi, we will overthrow your government."  They made a declaration that "we are the lords of the desert".  The Tuaregs were marginalized and ignored by their governments and exploited and manipulated to serve Gaddafi's interests.  They found themselves at the centre of Libya's political events in the belief that they were closer to Gaddafi's heart.  They and their Gaddafi paid the dreadful price when Libyans reclaimed their country.
It is an open secret that for the last 40 years, Banyarwanda have been and continue to be the topmost players in social, economic and political life of Uganda.  When Museveni took over power in 1986, he immediately enacted an Anti sectarianism law designed to contain the agitation by Ugandans over his preferential treatment of Banyarwanda.  In 1995, he granted them citizenship through a constitutional provision that made them one of the indigenous tribes of Uganda.
The Museveni regime cohorts have vehemently argued that it is the " insensitive and divisive colonial demarcation that divided some communities along the national boundaries. Uganda is bordered by Congo in the western and West Nile regions; Tanzania in the southern region; Kenya in the eastern region; Rwanda in the south-western region; and Sudan in the northern region.  The Alur of Uganda's Nebbi district are related to the Alur and Lundu of Ituri in eastern DRC. 
Some tribes of West Nile region are related to communities across in Congo and South Sudan.  The Madi and Acholi of northern Uganda are related to the Kuku, Nuer and Shiluk of South Sudan.  The Banyoro, Batooro, Vamba and Bakonjo tribes of western Uganda are related to the Leega, Hema and Nandi tribes of eastern Congo respectively. The Bafumbira of South Western Uganda are related to the Banyarwanda of Rwanda and Rutshuru in Congo. The Samia, Iteso and Japadhola of Uganda’s Busia and Tororo are related to the Jaluo, Samia and Iteso of western Kenya.  The Bagisu and Sabiny of eastern Uganda are related to the Luya and Kalenjin of western Kenya.  The Karimojong of North eastern Uganda are related to the Topotha and Turkana of South Sudan and north-western Kenya respectively. The same applies to the Baganda and Banyankole of central, mid southern and western regions of Uganda and their relatives in Tanzania, the Haya, the Baziba and the Baganda Kyaka of Tanzania's Kagera region.
In Kenya, Modi Awori was the Vice President while his blood brother, Aggrey Awori was contesting for the presidency in Uganda.  What about Uganda's Charles Onyango Obbos, Opondos, Wafula Ogutus and Kenya's IBEC Chairman, Wafula Chebukati??????  How come in Uganda we only see the Nkurunzizas, the Ngengiumvas, the Kalekyezi's, the Kalisas, the Mbonyes etc. at the centre of social, economic and political life of the country???? How come of all the 50+ tribes of Uganda it’s only the Banyarwanda who have a legally registered tribal association, the Association of Banyarwanda in Uganda (UMUBANO)???? 
The other day Kagame and Museveni convened a meeting at State House to iron out leadership wrangles of the UMUBANO.  Two days ago, the Chairman of the Banyarwanda Association at KI University perished in a motor accident together with six other association members. Look at how the Banyarwanda Association threatened to storm Gen. Kalekyezi's home if Frank Gashumba was not to be released from detention.  What if Gashumba had chosen to call himself Frank Tumwebaze???
Gashumba was jointly accused with his younger brother who simply opted to drop 'G' and call himself (K)asumba.  Is it a coincidence that even Journalist Stanley Ndaula was jointly charged with Robert Ndaula???  I bet if any other indigenous community of Uganda like the Acholi attempted to form an Association of Acholi in Uganda they would be accused of sectarianism and high treason.  One of the crimes leveled against Iddi Amin was that he illegally recruited and relied on the Congolese and Sudanese in the civil, public and security services of his regime.  Over to you.

change of guards blog