Saturday, 29 December 2018

UGANDA: What the anti-Museveni forces have failed to exploit (PHOTOS)


CHANGE OF GUARDS - On January 25, 1971 the Uganda Army overthrew President Obote.  It gave 18 valid reasons for the overthrow which were accepted nationwide and by the international community.  Here-below is a summary of the said 18 reasons;
1.  Institutionalized politically motivated detention without trial.
2.  Indefinite state of emergency.
3.  Suppression of freedom of assembly and speech.
4.  Rampant and unchecked serious crime dubbed Kondoism.
5.  Forced labour in the name of socialism.
6.  Institutionalized corruption by public servants.
7.  Lack of credible general elections since 1963.  Even within the ruling single party (UPC) internal elections were marred by bribery and intimidation.
8.  Economic decline.
9.  High and unfair tax burden on common people while top government and party officials were evading the same.
10.  Decline in price of agricultural produce against rising prices for essential commodities.
11.  Creation of disharmony amongst members states of East African Community.
12.  Creation of classes within society.
13.  Poor welfare of soldiers
14.  Creation of tribal forces like the Special Forces and GSU comprising of Langis.
15.  The 1968 Lango Master Plan that aimed at placing Langis at the helm of every public leadership position.
16.  Factionalism by Obote and Adoko that threatened to tear the army and country apart.
17.  Deliberate creation of antagonism within the security forces so as to justify the usurpation of power by the Special Forces and GSU.
18.  The military takeover was a preemptive move to avert a potential bloodbath owing to the above stated reasons.

Most oustanding is point No. 5 (stopping socialism) that saved Uganda from taking the destructive path.  It saved the economy, education, international standing, and self identity. Otherwise, it wouldn't be what it is now.  Museveni is trying to drive the country to that path.
Therefore, from the above 18 points, it can be authoritatively concluded that Museveni is a student of Obote.

Here-below we examine the situation pertaining to the 33 years of the current Museveni military dictatorship.

He took over power 33 years ago in a military coup.  He suspended political parties for ten years during which period he infused the state with his regime.  Since he allowed parties to operate in 1996, they have been competing against the state.  The sham elections are marred by bribery, gruesome violence by his security forces and intimidation.

Like had been the case in the previous elections, Museveni lost the 2016 presidential elections to Dr. Besigye.  Instead he as usual used the security forces to retain his hold on power after violently detaining the winner, Dr. Besigye and suppressing any form of dissent.  Ugandans failed to claim their victory.

The Supreme Court in 2016 made strong recommendations for electoral reforms for future credible, free and fair elections.  It is just two years to the next elections in 2021 and no single electoral reform has been made.  But you see some gullible Ugandans focusing on the 2021 elections as a way of dislodging Museveni from power.  Museveni will never implement any tangible electoral reforms as doing so would make it difficult for him to fraudulently retain power.

The situation has moved from poor to appalling.  In his deliberate move to impoverish the majority of citizens, Museveni has destroyed education and health services.  Quality education and health services are for the few rich.  Clean water is for cows.

Institutionalized corruption and abuse of office is irreversible because it is the lifeline of the regime.  Museveni who is the patron of corruption has often vigorously defended the corrupt.  Currently he has been implicated in a million dollar bribery cade by a Chinese company in a USA court. Patrick Ho who paid bribes to Museveni and Foreign Minister (former UN president) will serve 65 years in prison. The case details are here:

For the last 33 years Museveni has made it no secret for the western region, his Banyankole tribe, his Hima ethnic group, and his home of Kiruhura to dominate all key government political and economic sectors.

For the last 33 years, Museveni destroyed all institutions of government.  Actually even the so-called regime is nothing but Museveni as a person such that in case of us abrupt demise, the state collapses.

He has so much suppressed the judiciary and the legislatures to such an extent that they've totally lost their independence.  Parliamentarians are bribed, intimidated and beaten up by soldiers on the floor of parliament in the event he wants to ammend the constitution to suit his personal designs.  In that way he has scrapped presidential term limits, age limit and other self centered amendment's.

He has severally sent his security forces to raid the judiciary to reverse court decisions, intimidated and compromised judicial officers.

The military is taking a center stage in every aspect of public life.  It is in parliament, runs parallel courts that try civilians,  are seconded to public service positions,  involved in economic management (OWC), are managing local government, carry out civilian policing, invoved in diplomatic affairs and foreign policy formulation (some serving Amy officers are Ambassadors), it manages national elections and detains civilians on politically motivated concocted charges.

Ever since he assumed office, he has demonstrated a total disregard for human rights.  The situation pertaining is irreversibly appalling.  Arbitrary violent arrests by security forces and his other paramilitary groups.  Violent kidnaps, gruesome torture and detention without trial sometimes in ungazzetted places dubbed Safe Houses and military barracks is the order of the day.  Arbitrary killing of the so-called suspects is the order of the day.  Commando raid on courts to rearrest victims released by courts is a common occurrence.  Freedom of speech, assembly and association is fast disappearing.

The war crimes that started during the five years of his Bush War in central region, was extended to the northern and eastern regions giving rise to the 20 years of a bloody insurgency.  Later, he extended these war crimes to DRC, Rwanda, South Sudan, Somalia and CAR.  Of recent he has turned his war crimes on  citizens in Kasese, Arua, Rukungiri, Bugiri and Kampala.  His security forces just go on rampage indiscriminately killing unarmed civilians. In particular, the November 2016 coldblooded killing of more than 100 people and gruesome torture of hundreds others shocked the world.

The systematic and institutionalized land grabbing targeting certain sections of the population by the privileged regime cadres is aimed at economic deprivation.  The scheme is designed to make traditional feudal societies and the general population lose land to an upcoming regime oligarchy.  Eventually, big sections of the population will either be enslaved by the few landed regime oligarchy as serfs or move to urban centres to live a life of destitution.

Museveni's military expeditions in the region account for the huge influx of refugees.  His hypocritical liberal refugee policy attracts economic immigrants in the name of refugees.  That way he hoodwinks the international community into not only turning a blind eye to his military dictatorship but  extending huge donor funding which ends up in the regime coffers.  The recent scandal of inflating the refugee figures by 0.3m and outrighg theft with impunity of huge donor funds by government officials is testimony to this.  The kidnaps and forced return, the targeted  killings of individual high profile refugees and the rampant violent riots by refugees protesting appalling welfare contradicts the much hyped liberal refugee policy.

The refugees issue is also used the same way the 16 years old peace keeping mission in Somalia is used to blackmail the west and the international community in general.

Under the guise of fighting global terrorism, Muslims in Uganda are being systematically persecuted.  The problem emanates from their domination of private businesses and commerce, the vast property communially possessed by the Islamic faith, their links with the wealthy Arab world and the armed eastern DRC based rebel ADF group.

Museveni is obsessed with an East African Community political federation in the hope that he would become its first president.  His main stake is nothing but securing a military alliance that would avert a situation similar to the 1979 invasion and overthrow of Iddi Amin by Tanzania.  Consequently, he is the biggest stumbling block to the progress of the EAC.  He has been fueling intrigue amongst members.  First he isolated Tanzania and Burundi by forming the Coalition of the Willing (COWI).  To counter Rwanda's links with Tanzania, the following day he opportunistically grabbed the Oil Pipeline project from Kenya to Tanzania.  For the same reasons, the Mombasa - Kampala Standard Railway Gauge project has stalled because he is opportunistically eyeing the Dar Es Salaam Mwanza and Port Bell route.  He has now slowed down on Tanzania following its recent strong stand against dumping of smuggled sugar.

Recent times have witnessed a cold war between him and Rwanda's Kagame over the former's support for Rwandese armed dissidents.  In this regard he seemed to be in bed with Burundi's Nkurunziza but of late he is shifting away because the latter is pursuing past Tutsi killers who had been facilitated by Museveni.

In his effort to make it an enforcement arm of his regime, Museveni dismantled and destroyed the professionalism in the traditional police.  Eventually the police top command positions came to be dominated by his home boys.  This coupled by the mushrooming of different regime militia groups has led to the breakdown of traditional policing and a surge in violent crime.  Unfortunately, all such high profile crimes are linked to security agencies and that's why all investigations are not concluded.  One can authoritatively contend that there is no viable police in Uganda but a band of armed thugs whose sole mandate is to suppress the political opposition and the opposition in general.

The army is historically linked to the regime in that it was created as an armed wing of his Bush War.  For the last 30 years it has maintained the same status.  Its top command positions have persistently been and continue to be dominated by Museveni's home boys.  However, for the past one and a half decades he has been building a more loyal force out of the army.  The Special Forces Command (SFC) is an autonomous elite force under the command of his son.  Dominated by his home boys and his ethnic Hima in particular, the 10,000+ SFC is structurally comprised of all the vital components of the army - artillery and air defence, mechanised,  motorized, marine, military Intelligence, Military Police etc.  The SFC is better facilitated in terms of welfare and logistics to the detriment of the rest of the army.  As an elite force, its sole mandate is to ensure that Musevenism thrives against any threat that may be posed by the rest of the army.  The welfare of the army is only sustained by the Somalia peace keeping mission thus why 16 years down the road he doesn't wish to see an end to the Somalia occupation.

The Museveni regime's close links with repressive communist Russia, China and North Korea is a cause for concern.  China in particular is proving to be Uganda's new economic coloniser.  The unchecked corruption oriented borrowing from China is having a heavy toll on the country and future generations.

The above summary of the ugly situation pertaining to the Museveni regime is no doubt far worse than it was by the time the first Obote government was dislodged in 1971.  However, what is most intriguing is how Ugandans and more so those who are well positioned have failed to exploit the irreversible ugly situation to dislodge Museveni from power and rescue the country.  How does any right thinking person dream of  dislodging Museveni from power through the 2021 electoral process!!!  The 2021 agenda only serves to buy time for Musevenism to strengthen its repressive capacity.

Which government would intervene to reverse the overthrow of Museveni or condemn such a move???  It was for the same reasons that the international community kept a blind eye when Zimbabweans moved against Mugabe's dictatorship.  By comparison, Mugabe was not worse than Museveni because the latter is not only a threat to Uganda but the entire region.


Thursday, 27 December 2018

UGANDA: Why it is not right but it's ok for Museveni's regime to undermine Bobi Wine's music career


CHANGE OF GUARDS - The act of the Museveni regime blocking the musician cum politician, Hon. Bobi Wine from performing his music shows should be condemned by every right thinking member of society.  The systematic sabotage of his music career took another step ahead on Boxing Day when a concert he had organised at his One Love Beach was violently stopped by the police at the last minute.

The youthful Kyadondo East legislator has proven a threat to Museveni's scheme of having his son as the successor to the presidency.  Through his People Power brand name, he is swaying big proportions of the population more especially the youth.  To counter his growing influence, Museveni has initiated several intervention measures.  From personally dishing out billions of taxpayers' money to urban youth groups, funding rival musicians, bomb attacks on his residence, arrests and criminal charges of treason and terrorism before military courts, to using outright violence by security agencies to block his shows.

Though he has not outrightly declared his intention to contest for the presidency, Bobi has called upon his followers to DOUBLE THEIR EFFORTS IN REGISTERING FOR NATIONAL IDs.  A section of Ugandans has come out to cast doubt over his strategy.  Their uncertainty is based on the fact that MUSEVENI CAN"T ALLOW ANYONE TO BE DECLARED WINNER OF A PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION.

The positive side of the latest development is that it creates grounds for Bobi Wine and company to go back to the drawing board and redefine their strategy.  It has also helped exonerate those who are pursuing the Defiance strategy.  It has clearly demonstrated that violence is orchestrated by the regime thus in any serious struggle against Museveni violence is inevitable.  Acquisition of INDANGAMUNTU can't withstand MUSEVENI'S RESOLVE TO VIOLENTLY HOLD ONTO POWER.

Otherwise, the worst is in the offing.


Tuesday, 25 December 2018

UGANDA: Theft with impunity fueling refugee riots (PHOTOS)


CHANGE OF GUARDS - Last week Sudanese refugees at Bidi Bidi camp in Yumbe district rioted protesting over little food rations and delayed distribution of the same.  They vandalized office property, burnt vehicles, destroyed communication systems and other equipments.  It took the intervention of the military to contain the situation.  Minister for refugees, Musa Ecweru blamed the riots on WFP and camp government administratora for "taking drastic unilateral decisions." Bidi Bidi camp with an estimated over 250,000 refugees is the 2nd largest camp in the world.

Museveni's military dictatorship adopted a seemingly liberal refugee policy on refugees in order to coverup, blackmail and attract huge donor funding.  His military interventions in the region accounts for the huge influx of refugees and economic immigrants.  Upon arrival in Uganda refugees are allocated 900 sq metres of land, work permit and permission to remain forever as per the Ration Card which reads expiry date of 2040.  Over 40 aid organizations are involved in provision of water, medical supplies and food.  A quarter of this international aid budget directly flows into state coffers.

In June 2017 with support of the UN, he hosted a two day global Refugee Solidarity Summit.  It aimed at rallying international support for refugees and host communities in form of donations, investment and Inovative programmes.  It target the attendance of 30 heads of state and to rise USD 2b for the next four years.  However, as it turned out the poorly attended summit managed to raise only USD 350m.

Several countries heeded the call with Equatorial Guinea kick-starting pledging USD100, 000, it was followed by several other countries such as the United Arab Emirates which pledged USD5m, China – USD500, 000, United Kingdom – USD50m, Japan – USD10m, Gabon – USD250,000, Kenya – USD200,000, Somalia – USD100,000, Germany - USD56m, Australia – USD5m, Italy USD 5.6m, Canada – USD11.5m, Sweden USD 27.1M, Norway – USD4m, Austria -USD2.2m, Netherlands USD6.2m, Republic of Korea - USD6.8m, Denmark – USD62m , Ireland – USD2.6m, Finland – USD2.4m.
Regional groupings such as the European Union pledged USD 96.3m while African Union pledged USD100, 000.
The private sector pledges were led by MTN Group Uganda who pledged USD1m and more pledges were made in kind on the first day of the summit.

In September 2017 Sudanese refugees at Nyumazi refugee camp in Adjuman district rioted protesting the slashing of their monthly food rations by half.  From 12kgs of maize flour they were now getting 6kgs and shillings 8,000 to buy more food items.  To supplement their needs, the refugees would end up selling their other non food items like blankets.

On December 4, 2017 UNHCR sent a report to the Minister of Internal Affairs over threats and harassment of its field staff by ministry officials. The Minister forwarded the report to the Police Chief for investigations.  As usual the police instead ignored the matter in order to protect the implicated regime sycophants.

In January 2018 the UN Resident Coordinator wrote to the Prime Minister over incidents of gross mismanagement, of fraud and corruption in Uganda refugee operations.  Consequently, the US, UK and the EU threatened to withdraw aid.  On January 30th, the a high powered government team held a joint meeting with donors who expressed grave concern and threatened to withdraw aid.  On February 5th, the EU delegation in Uganda issued a statement that it had forwarded the case to its Office of Anti-fraud for investigations.

The now panicky Museveni regime suspended the Commissioner of Refugees and three of his surbodinate staff members. They were accused of colluding with UNHCR and WFP staff in the creation of fake names for refugees, multiple registration, diversion and sale of supplies meant for refugees, granting of refugee scholarships to Ugandans etc. The UN agencies demanded from government the exact figure of refugees.

In March 2018 the government and UNHCR launched a massive biometric verification exercise. The UNHCR's Inspector General's office also launched an independent probe into allegations of fuel embezzlement, sexual exploitation and abuse, irregular tendering, fraud in procurement and food distribution.  On February 15, 2018 the government pretended to call for a speedy investigation into the matter by police.  However the Police never investigated.

According to the online of March 22, 2018 some refugees in Bidi Bidi were heard lamenting thus;
      "We are not receiving enough food because some officials are eating money meant for refugees,” said Charles Lujang, a refugee representative at the camp. “They are using our name to enrich themselves. They should be arrested and jailed.”

Sitting outside her tent, Martha Antong, 40, was angry that officials could steal money intended for refugees.
         "I’m suffering with my children because of them," said Antong, a mother of four who fled South Sudan in July. "Many of us will die of hunger due to lack of food as they enrich themselves using the money meant for us.”

The now desperate military dictator publicly shed crocodile tears;
     "The ones who are stealing refugee money will go to jail. Because to steal what is meant for refugees, what is meant for desperate people, so, these thieves they will pay. They bring shame to Uganda. Because these refugees, they are from other countries, the donors who are giving support to the refugees are from other countries.”
It is now over one year and no one has either been jailed or made to account.

In September 2018 the Sudanese refugees at Mvepi and Omugo camps protested over failure to get food rations for two months.  They blocked World Vision staff from accessing the food stores, beat up staff, ransacked stores.  During the same month the head count exercise was completed and the figure was found to have been inflated by over 300,000 refugees.  The total figure for refugees was found at 1.1m and not 1.4m as earlier claimed.

The UNHCR was found to have mispent millions of U.S dollars.  In one incident a total of USD 320,000 was spent on a parking lot at the office of the Prime Minister.  Another USD 7.9m was budgeted for the construction of more than 1,200km road by a construction company that lacked experience.  USD 1.5b for a project to build Eragi bridge in Adjuman district was all swindled.  Another USD $20m water trucking system was shoddly handled.  The list is endless.

In November 2018 Sudanese refugees at Omugo reception centre in Arua district violently protested over little food rations.  They rampaged, disarmed the Police Constable and held service providers hostage.  The fact that hardly a month later, last week refugees have violently rioted again over the same matter is proof that the problem still persists.  The regime is all out to shield whoever was responsible for the mess simply because they had been mere agents acting for and on behalf of the usual regime big shots.

Corruption, outright theft and abuse of office is the trademark of the Museveni military dictatorship.  The vice is the lifeline of the regime and the beneficiaries are the few privileged regime sycophants.  Donor money has been one of the top targets.  In 2005 the Global Fund on health services suspended the grant to Uganda owing to serious mismanagement.  The government set up an inquiry under Justice Ogola whose report in 2006 confirmed theft of USD 1.6m.  It went further to identify a total of 373 suspects including three cabinet Ministers.  During the inquiry in March 2006 then Minister of Health Gen. Muhweezi told off justice Ogola;
       " are one of those people who were hiding under your beds when the rest were fighting."
The regime simply kept mum and two years later Global Fund complained that government was not taking action against the culprits.  The government set up the Anti-corruption Court as a new division if the High Court.  A mock trial netted a few insignificant individuals leaving the big fish to enjoy their loot to this day. 

If they could steal donor funds for Ugandans with TB and AIDS, what about money for refugees!!!!


Sunday, 23 December 2018

UGANDA: Behind Museveni's militarisation of Immigration services


Museveni has deployed Brig Gowa Kasita as Director of Immigration and Citizenship, Col Geoffrey Kambare as Commissioner of Immigration and Col Johnson Namanya as Commissioner of Citizenship and Passport.  Like is the case with other government agencies, the militarisation of the immigration services has always been ongoing.  What has only changed is the the speed at which it has been fast tracked culminating in a total takeover by the military.  The major incidents below account for this development.

In April 2016 the then Minister of Internal Affairs, Rose Akol decried the rate at which Rwandese were acquiring Uganda's National IDs.  She innocently issued the following directive;
         "May be Rwandese do not know the implications of having two national identity cards and need to be sensitized by the immigration officers here at the border post so that they can easily surrender one of the cards because it is not proper to have two like what they do. You find a person having Endangamuntu from Rwanda and a Uganda national identity,”.

No wonder, shortly after she was sacked and the practice continued unabetted.  The development confirmed opposition fears during the sham February 2016 elections that Rwandese were deliberately being registered as voters.

Recently in August 2018 NRM's Dr. Tanga Odoi was lamenting over refugees voting for the regime thus;
      “You can’t imagine, they have forged our party cards and have been taking part in the elections. This is abusing the hospitality they have been accorded."

In October 2016 a neatly choreographed ploy by the usual regime mafias duped a Polish company, BMP Poland Z.o.o and stole from them huge amounts of money. The company was duped by a one Capt Muhoozi, a Mr Simbwa and others acting for the big regime mafia bosses by passing themselves off as contacts to the Ministry of Defence’s procurement unit and held meetings with the company’s officials inside the Bombo army barracks.  The details were made public by the immigration services.

In December 2017, a group of  young Rwandese men were intercepted by the immigration services at the Uganda Tanzania border.  They were travelling on forged Ugandan temporary travel documents that had been given to them by Uganda’s Chieftaincy of Military Intelligence (CMI) to enable the group cross into Tanzania, then Burundi, and to eventually reach their final destination in Minebwe, South Kivu, DRC.  The group was suspected to be recruits of the dissident Rwandan RNC.  It was a big embarrassment to the Museveni regime which has always denied links with the dissident group.

In April 2017, the International Organisation for Immigration    (IOM) formally handed over a facility for training immigration officers, to the Government of Uganda. The Immigration Training Academy in the central district of Nakasongola was built by IOM, as part of the USD 1.8 million project, Strengthening Border Security in Uganda, funded by the Government of Japan.  As has been the case with all agencies that attract huge donor funding,  the funding for the immigration project proved so attractive that the regime has to place it under its armpits.  Consequently, in August 2018, the institute passed out of 20 immigration officers after undergoing paramilitary and intelligence training.

Around February 2018, a Finnish national who is said to have owned a security company back home arrived at Entebbe Airport from Finland.  Upon arrival at the airport, he told immigration authorities that he was an investor and was in Uganda to meet the head of the ISO, Col Frank Kaka.  Peterri then handed a letter purportedly signed by a State House official to authorities at the airport after which immigration contacted the ISO boss, Kaka to confirm whether he expected a visitor but he (Kaka) denied having any knowledge of the visitor.

The agents of the usual regime Mafia bosses who were waiting at the airport escorted Paterri to Pearl of Africa Hotel in Kampala from where he was found dead the following day. The deal had gone bad and the details were made public by the immigration officials.

Reception and management of refugees has been another source of foreign exchange for the regime.  Naturally, refugees ought to structurally fall under the immigration services but for obvious reasons the Museveni regime placed it under the Office of the Prime Minister.

The audit report released last month unearthed ghost refugees and alleged that there was corruption, misconduct and sexual abuse in their management.  The release of the preliminary results of the audit last month left the government and the UNHCR struggling to explain a 24 per cent drop in the number of refugees from the earlier indicated 1.44 million, a difference of 350,000 people.  Therefore, don't be surprised if the department is placed under immigration so that the army can effectively conceal the inflated refugee figures the same way it has always done with ghost soldiers.

Museveni's $500,000 bribe from a Chinese construction company termed as "campaign donation" that was delivered in May 2016 followed Mr. Ho first asking Kutesa for help with the customs officials in regards to the bribe that was delivered in gift boxes.  Ho stated in an email also copied Kutesa's wife Edith,
      "As we are about to board the plane to Uganda, we are preparing to bring with us some very 'nice' gifts to your President and to the Ugandan Foreign minister to celebrate the occasion. We shall require special assistance with your customs procedure. Please assist in whatever way you can otherwise we will have to make other plans."

Dr. Besigye recently made it more clearer thus;   
       "There are emails when Mr Ho raised fears of passing at the immigration and Mrs Kutesa said 'don’t worry, we shall get you from the tarmac [airport].' We now have evidence of thieving in State House…There exists a report of Mr Ho to those who sent the money [bribe] saying it was successfully delivered. It is there."

The FBI which commenced investigations into the matter in November 2017 must have been assisted by some sources within Uganda's immigration services thus the need to place it under the tight watch of the military.

Rwandese have been flocking into Uganda unabetted and just recently, authorities in Masaka expressed alarm that buses were dumping Rwandans and Congolese in Buganda region.

The National Land Policy Chapter 7.4 advocates for the encouragement of cross border population movement thus;
    ".............are frequent as a result of conflict, ecological or environmental stress, or interactive accommodation among cross border communities sharing common heritage and culture.  A significant proportion of these people sometimes end up being classed as either refugees or internally displaced persons..................a framework for the management of these movements will need to be developed.  Among the strategies is the negotiation if protocols for the reciprocal treatment and settlement of mass cross border movements."

Such a provision in the land policy does not target Dinkas from Sudan, Luos from Kenya or Lendus from Congo but Museveni's preferred Banyarwanda and Banyamulenge.  Indeed, a few years back Rwandese expelled from Tanzania were given free land and citizenship.  Therefore, the ongoing militarisation of the immigration services in this regard.

Therefore, from the a foregoing it can be concluded that Museveni's action has been driven by selfish interests other than state security interests.  Moreover, for the last 33 years he has held power, it is the Security services that have been playing a behind the scenes role at all the immigration facilities and installations.

From the Airport to all border points, it is the security services that have been abetting heinous crimes like smuggling of contraband, drug and human trafficking, issuing of passports to non citizens etc.

You may also recall that when Gen. Aronda was posted to the Ministry of Internal Affairs, he arbitrarily sacked most of the staff members and replaced them with the home boys.

Linda Nyakarima , the widow to the deceased revealed what she thought could have triggered her husband’s death.  She told mourners that her husband was never welcomed by staff at the ministry of internal affairs due to the highly entrenched corruption that was in the ministry particularly the immigration department.


Saturday, 22 December 2018

UGANDA: How "occupational hazard" claimed Gen. Tumwine's eye


CHANGE OF GUARDS - On December 18, 2018  Museveni's one eyed General who also doubles as his Security Minister spoke on allegations that Police is frustrating Kyadondo East Member of Parliament Robert Kyagulanyi aka Bobi Wine’s music concerts.

Gen Tumwine told Parliament that what Bobi Wine is going through are simply “occupational hazards” which he must learn to deal with.  This was after Bobi Wine took to the floor of Parliament where he complained of Police harassment saying that the state has on five occasions stopped him from holding his music concerts with the latest being one in Jinja district over the weekend.

“Hon Sentamu will be my witness, when he came to Parliament as a musician I had a discussion with him in the lobby and I asked him a question how he will balance music from the politics? So these are occupational hazards,” Gen Tuwmine said.

Speaker Kadaga however, ruled Gen Tuwmine out of order in what the Banyankole would call "Kugamba busha" (talking nonsense).

Gen. Tumwine who is a graduate of Fine Art has never stopped practicing his fine art alongside being a Member of Parliament for the last 32 years and a senior army officer in active service.  He is currently embroiled in a multi billion tax default over his illegal occupation of a government facility, Nomo Gallery where he practices his fine art.  Around May 2018 the Speaker of Parliament ruled that;
    “If we don’t treat this impunity, one day, someone will come and take over Parliament and claim that it is his house claiming that he fought in the bush; so this House directs Hon. Tumwiine to pay off the rent but also to vacate because it is a public facility.”

In response, Gen. Tumwine said the Speaker was ignorant.
While appearing on CBS radio station, Tumwine said the Speaker “doesn’t know what she is talking about.”  Time has indeed proven that the Speaker was ignorant about the Bush War agenda of grabbing national property.

Gen. Tumwine joined Museveni's Bush War in 1981 and was injured leading to loss of one eye.  The loss of his eye amounts to occupational hazard because he came to power.  Had he not succeeded in capturing power, he would be a subject of public ridicule for losing an eye in a banditry mission.  He would have earned himself the common reference of Kafaliso (one eyed).

Since the reknown hypocrite General claims to be a Born Again, the following Bible verses can help him.

Luke 6:42
How can you say to your brother, ‘Brother, let me take out the speck that is in your eye,’ when you yourself do not see the log that is in your own eye? You hypocrite, first take the log out of your own eye, and then you will see clearly to take out the speck that is in your brother's eye.

Romans 2:1
You therefore have no excuse, you who pass judgment on another. For on whatever grounds you judge the other, you are condemning yourself, because you who pass judgment do the same things.

Romans 14:13
Therefore let us stop judging one another. Instead, make up your mind not to put any stumbling block or obstacle in your brother's way.

The psychological torture that Gen. Tumwine subjected to civilians before the parallel court martial that he was chairing a decade ago will not only haunt him but his descendants.  Let alone the blood of the innocent Tanzanian soldier that he shot at Kabamba Barracks gate during the launch of Museveni's selfish Bush War in 1981.


Thursday, 20 December 2018

AFRICA: Burundi blocked entry of Museveni's armed SFC, not the scouts


CHANGE OF GUARDS - On 11th December 2017 a Ugandan registered bus carrying 40 Rwandese youths was intercepted at Kikagati border with Tanzania.  It had shortly been cleared by the immigration officials of both sides before they were intercepted from the Tanzania side.

The youths who were in posession of forged Uganda travel documents claimed to have been refugees heading for a Christian Crushade in Burundi.  It is alleged that they were recruits heading for Rwanda's dissident RNC camps in South Kivu via Tanzania and Burundi.  It was further alleged that they had been mobilised from different parts of Uganda with the facilitation of Museveni's CMI.

Further that it was the Uganda Police under Gen. Kalekyezi who acting for Rwanda intercepted the group.  In particular, Gen. Kalekyezi is reported to have remotely used the then Director of Crime Intelligence, Col. Ndahura Atwooki to intercept the group.  Immediately after, police investigations lead to the arrest of another five of the group's so-called coordinators. 

From Kikagati, the group is said to have been detained at Isingiro Police station before being ferried to the infamous Nalufenya detention facility in Jinja.  On 30th December 2017 the group was charged with terrorism and forgery in Mbarara.  The charges cited prividing of funds for travelling outside Uganda for the purpose of planning, perpetuating ir prepariation or carrying out a terrorist act or receiving terrorist training.  The incident is reported to have so much embarrassed and infuriated the Museveni regime and CMI in particular that it sparked off the crackdown on police.  No wonder, Gen. Kalekyezi and the entire team were not only sacked but charged before the military court.

On March 25, 2018 during a joint press conference between President Museveni and President Kagame, the Ugandan president acknowledged that, “When I met president Kagame in Addis Ababa he gave me some facts which I followed up. A group of Banyarwanda was being recruited through Tanzania and Burundi to go to Congo. They said they were going for church work but when they were interrogated it was found the work was not exactly religious. It was something else.”

On 25th June 2018 court in Mbarara released 39 members of the group's and the case was closed.  Obviously, the incident was an eye opener to the entire regional security and diplomatic infrastructure.  Rwanda must have stepped up its observation post along the Uganda/Tanzania border while Tanzania must have lost trust in Uganda's security apparatus.

Hardly a year has passed, out of shear arrogancy Museveni sends his armed SFC to travel by road through Tanzania to Burundi.  On 14th December 2018 a group of 309 mostly teenage scouts were scheduled to travel to Burundi for this years Africa Zonal Competition.  Uganda as the chair was supposed to judges, band and the guest of honour.  After being flagged off from the National Scouts Camp Site at Kaazi, the group delayed to leave after it emerged at the last minute that armed security operatives were being organised to escort the group to Burundi.

The group left the following day on Saturday at 4.00 a.m and reached the Tanzania border of Mutukula at 9.00 a.m.  They were held there for the next 10 hours while the authorities of the two countries resolved the question of the SFC armed escorts entry into Tanzania.  At 7.30 p.m the group was allowed entry together with its SFC armed escorts but provided with its own exra armed escort.  The Tanzania security machinery diverted the convoy from the earlier main route to another remote murram road through game and forest reserves.  The convoy of four buses and two minibuses got stuck in the mud compelling the group to spend a night in the cold wilderness.

They eventually made it to the Burundi border on Sunday at 9.00 a.m where the Tanzanian armed escorts handed over the group to  Burundi's immigration officials. They were cleared by the Burund side but not allowed to proceed owing to the presence of armed security personnel from the SFC.  One eye witness tweeted;

See Pablo Bashir's other Tweets Pablo Bashir @bashirpablo
        "SOS Media Burundi reports that these Scouts were escorted by a dozen men armed with pistols. “They had weapons to guard a convoy in another country, which is unacceptable,” another officer in Kobero said.
Were they Ugandan soldiers? The agents in Kobero declare only to have noticed the weapons."

Despite frantic efforts by the Uganda authorities to manipulate Burundi through Uganda's Ambassador, Burundi stuck to its guns and gave one clear and simple condition;  THE SCOUTS ENTER WITHOUT SECURITY PERSONNEL OR THEY FORFEIT ENTRY.  Back in Uganda, the Uganda Scouts Association (USA) chief commissioner, Gen. Katumba Wamala,  was reported by the Nile Post to have maintained contact with the group and sent a message to one of the coordinators indicating that he had talked to Captain (SFC officer in charge of security for the scouts) on Sunday and told him to bring the kids back if the Burundian authorities had become ‘so inhuman'.  The Burundian authorities are reported to have escorted the rejected group to the Tanzanian side and off it headed for Uganda following the same route. The National Executive Commissioner for Uganda Scouts Association, a one Okello who was with the group throughout the ordeal claimed that the group avoided going through Rwanda in order to shorten the distance.

1.  No country would allow armed army officers not only into but through its territory unless they are guarding a Head of State.  In some countries, such arms, if any, remain at the entry point; one time Rwanda disarmed the visiting Museveni at the border.  Moreover this is not the first time Ugandan scouts were attending events in Burundi.
2.  By diverting the convoy from the earlier mapped route in Tanzania, its security apparatus was trying to keep roving eyes of Museveni's SFC from strategic terrain and infrastructure.  Even the military has scouts who carry out reconnaissance (spying) in a combat field.

3.  Museveni's militarisation scheme must have limits or else one day he will deploy sildiers to escort the River Nile through Sudan and Egypt or the sun at the equator.

4.  Gullible Ugandans are only condemning Burundi but don't want to discuss the main issue, THE SO-CALLED SFC ARMED ESCORTS.  The so-called EAC protocol on free movement of nationals does not apply to free movement of armed soldiers.

5.  If Museveni does not trust Burundi's security, he should issue a travel advisory for Ugandan citizens not to travel to Burundi and even evacuate its nationals from Burundi.

6.  Its not that they avoided Rwanda because of distance but were being haunted by the December 2017 embarrassing incident of intercepted suspected RNC dissidents.  Rwanda wouldn't have tolerated such nonsense.

7.  Museveni feels he is the Head of the East African Community hence does not recignise the sovereignty of other Member states.  However, other than his arrogance,  you can't rule out another sinister motive.

8.  Parliament should put the regime to task to fully explain this nasty incident that put the lives of Ugandan teenagers some as young as 11 year at risk.

9. The events of December 2017 mentioned above greatly influenced the proper conduct of Tanzania and Burundi.  Moreover the two states are bilaterally closer than any other actor in the regions.


Wednesday, 19 December 2018

UGANDA: Reporting a corruption incident involving 2 top public servants

Lt.Col. Edith Nakalema
Head of Anti-Corruption Unit
President's Office


May I congratulate you upon you recent appointment as Head of the Anti-corruption Unit under the President's office.  As a good citizen I wish to draw your attention to a corruption incident involving two Ugandans.

A federal court in USA has found guilty a Chinese national, a one Patrick Ho Chi-ping for offering a $1,000,000 bribe to two Ugandan public servants namely Yoweri Museveni (Exhibit 1510) and Sam Kutesa (Exhibit 1504).

The two are holding the offices of the Head of State and the Minister of Foreign Affairs respectively. The said bribe was in a bid to secure business dealings in railway services, infrastructure construction, fishing, hydro-energy, banking and finance as well as tourism for the Chinese conglomerate CEFC China Energy Co. CEFC also offered profit-sharing through a partnership with the Museveni and Kutesa family businesses.

Kutesa’s $500,000 bribe was paid via a wire transfer from HSBC bank in Hong Kong (China) through an intermediary HSBC bank (USA) to Stannic bank in Uganda on May 6, 2016.

Museveni's $500,000 bribe termed as "campaign donation" was delivered in May 2016 ahead of Museveni's swearing in for his current term of office.

Before leaving for Uganda and delivering Museveni's bribe, Ho asked Kutesa for help with the customs officials in regards to Museveni's bribe that was delivered in gift boxes, court heard.

Ho stated in an email also copied Kutesa's wife Edith, "As we are about to board the plan[e] to Uganda, we are preparing to bring with us some very 'nice' gifts to your President and to [the Ugandan Foreign minister] to celebrate the occasion. We shall require special assistance with your customs procedure. Please assist in whatever way you can otherwise we will have to make other plans."

Indeed, Ho did come to Kampala and met Museveni (see the attached group photo that he took with Museveni and Kutesa).

During the trial, court also heard that so successful was Ho’s meeting with Museveni, that he wrote to CEFC chairman Ye (who also worked as a special advisor to Kutesa during his time as President of UN General Assembly) that Museveni was willing to undo already completed bids in oil blocks in order to award the concessions to CEFC.

Since the matter falls under your mandate, I strongly believe that you will make a thorough followup.  As a Born Again Christian, you can neither be compromised nor intimidated unless you are the Allen Kagina type of hypocrite Born Agains.  Ugandans are anxiously waiting to see your office meet their expectations with regard to this incident.

Thank you.


c.c:    Speaker of Parliament
c.c:    Chief Justice
c.c:    Inspector General of
c.c:    Inspector General of
c.c:    Director of Public
c.c:    Head of Financial
          Intelligence Authority

Monday, 17 December 2018

UGANDA: Understanding the direction of Museveni's agenda on land


CHANGE OF GUARDS - Uganda's military dictator has repeatedly made no secret about his displeasure with the current land tenure system in Uganda.  He has made all efforts to enfranchise some specific sections of the Ugandan society of their valuable land.  The scheme has given rise to the current scourge of institutionalized land grabbing by some privilleged regime agents and functionaries.

Museveni has repeatedly made it clear that he admires Tanzania's former president Julius Nyerere ideas on governance.  His latest assertion was during yesterday's IPOD summit;
           "...................That’s why I became his follower. He had the right idea."

Therefore, in order to understand the direction of Museveni's hidden agenda on land, one needs to examine HOW ALL LAND IN TANZANIA BECAME PUBLIC LAND VESTED IN THE PRESIDENT.

(Extracted from:  Theoretical Foundations of Land Law in Tanzania - Prof. Tenga WR and Dr. Mramba S.J.  Published by Law Africa Publishing (U) Ltd in 2014).

Before the advent of colonialism land was owned by family, clan and tribe.  It was owned communally amongst Tanzania's 120 different tribes as guided by their respective customary laws.  Chiefs, Headman and elders had the powers of land administration in trust for the community.  In some communities access to land was controlled by an oligarchy vested with political power.  Payment of tribute in form of produce and gifts was usual and a requirement for loyalty.  In the feudal societies like the Chaga of Kilimanjaro and the Haya of Kagera, the Kihamba and Nyarubanja had a form of payment tribute.  In the non-feudal communities, land was vested in the community as a corporate entity.

In 1884 a German Karl Peters made concessions with some chiefs whereby all rights to alienated lands were transferred to the German East Africa Company (GEACo).  In 1891 a German Protectorate was declared over Tanganyika and it took over from GEACo.  The adoption of plantation agriculture raised the demand for land.  Consequently, the Imperial Decree of November 11, 1895  and its 1896 circular/rules to implement the decree were enacted.  All land was deemed unowned, regarded as Crown Land and ownership vested in the empire.  Exception was made of all land in private ownership or in possession by Chiefs or African communities.

All land grants had to be made by the Governor and land transfer from an African to a non African was not valid without the consent of the Governor.  Government institutions were given powers to grant land to planters and settlers who were exclusively non Africans.  The 1996 circular distinguished ownership claims and mere right of occupancy.  The former was proven by documents (certificates) and the natives occupying a particular piece of land.  This meant that the settlers who had certificates occupied "owned land" while the natives who had no documentary proof of ownership occupied "unowned land."

The Land Registration Ordinance Decree of 1903 introduced the land registry system that allowed registration of indigenous lands located within the boundaries of the communities or villages.  Therefore, four types of land tenures were introduced:
1.  Freehold for settlers through purchase or sale.
2.   leasehold granted by the Governor.
3.   Crown Land as determined by the Land Commission
4.   Customary Land tenure for the native communities.

The Governor had powers to acquire any freehold land for public use at original price and after compensation for any improvements made on it.  Leasehold was for 21 years or perpetual though the government could terminate it after 21 years with compensation.  Customary and native tenure could be purchased if occupier could prove private ownership but subject to the Governor's consent to the transfer to non native for more than 15 years. Therefore, under the Germans, the African natives' right to own land was guaranteed to some extent.

After World War 1, Tanganyika became a mandated territory under the League of Nations entrusted to Great Britain.  The British policy on land was guided by Article 6&7 of the Mandate Agreement which respected native laws and customs with regard to holding and transfer of land and natural resources.  Through the Enemy Property (Disposal) Proclamation of 1920, all land that had been alienated by the defeated Germans was sold as enemy property to the British and a few Indians.  German freeholds and leaseholds were retained as British freeholds with the previous conditions formulated under the previous German administration.

The British enacted the Land Tenure Ordinance (1923) that declared all the land in Tanganyika occupied or unoccupied to be public land.  It also placed all public lands and interests over them under the control and direction of the Governor for the common benefit of all.  They also introduced a dual policy of land tenure - the native or demand rights and the granted rights.

In 1955, the British commissioned a Royal Commission to study the promotion of economic development in East African countries.  It found that customary land tenure was one of the constraints to development.  It recommended the individualization of land as opposed to communism ownership.  The report formed the basis of the Tanganyika Government Paper No. 6 of 1958 that proposed a shift towards freehold system and abolishment of customary tenure.  The report was criticized by the then leading independence struggle activist, Julius Nyerere under TANU in his paper titled MALI YA TAIFA (Property/Wealth of the Nation).

At independence in 1961, the Land Tenure Ordinance (1923) was retained with only the word Governor being replaced by President.  All land continued to be public land with the President as its custodian on behalf of the citizens.  The President retained powers to allocate and designate use of land.  The governing TANU under the leadership of Nyerere declared its scheme of building a socialist state.  It presupposed that all people had equal access to resources and exploitation of one man by another was unacceptable.  TANU's guiding principle was that landlords were exploiters. At independence some communities like the Haya of Kagera, the Chaga of Kilimanjaro and the Nyakyusa of Mbeya had attained some advanced stage of development and accumulation of private property in particular.

In his 1962 speech, Julius Nyerere, while opening the Parliament made it clear that the country was to pursue UJAMAA  (socialism) where national wealth was shared equally.  He said he wanted to make the Masai and Gogo attain the same level of development with the Chaga, Haya and the Nyakyusa.  He identified agriculture as the backbone of the economy before  announcing plans of moving rural people to live in communal villages where provision of education, mechanized agriculture, health, clean water, electrification,  small scale industries services,  etc would be easy.

In the pursuit of building a socialist state, land as a factor of production took a center stage.  The struggle against feudalism targeting customary landlords started in 1962 to discourage customary landlords.  It culminated into the enactment of the African Chiefs Ordinance Act No. 3 of 1963 that abolished the institution of chiefdoms.

A Freehold Title (Conversion) and Government Lease Act of 1963 aimed at converting estates of Fee Simple into government leases for 99 years effective July 1, 1964 was enacted.  The Land Registry Ordinance of 1923 was renamed the Land Registration Ordinance with provisions for the government as the landlord to collect rent from former freeholders.  Also, any government lease had to seek the consent of the Commissioner for Lands before any disposition could be made.  Failure to abide by the development conditions, would lead to the lease being forfeited.

In 1964 the TANU government launched the Five Year Development Plan (1964 - 1969) which adopted the conversion of the customary tenure  using two approaches - the improvement and transformation approach.  The government embraced an agricultural development within the existing framework.  Through agriculture extension services, manipulation of administered (government set) prices and government monopoly in the provision of farm inputs like fertilizers and improved seed varieties, the farmers had to submit to government.

The Five year Plan affected the pastoralist areas through the enactment of the Range Developement and Management Act No. 51 of 1964 aimed at conservation and management of pastoral or range areas.  On top of the establishment of government ranches, the Minister responsible appointed for each range area a Range Development Commission and a corporate Ranching Association.  Targeting areas formerly held under customary rights, the President could allocate land or grant right of occupancy to a ranching association.  Consequently, all customary titles to land including such rights as grazing and water were extinguished.

Immediately after the Arusha Declaration in 1967, government took over private commercial banks, insurance companies, taken over shares ranging from 51 to 100% in industries, export and import trade placed in national hands. In 1971 the government passed a law that nationalized privately owned buildings in urban areas.  The ideas was to end exploitation by landlords who would collect rent from tenants.

The law allowed the seizure of building worth more than shillings 100,000.  An exemption was made for owner occupied buildings.  The move affected urban office buildings, shops, apartments, and middle class houses.  Compensation was only to be paid for buildings that  were less than 10 years old.  The presumption was that after ten years the owner of such a building has recovered the cost of construction.

From the published list of the seized buildings it was clear that it was the Asians (Indians and Pakistans) who had been affected.  Tenants were required to pay the next rent to government.  The loss of income from rent, exclusion from wholesale and import trade hit the Asian community.  Public servants, party leaders and other government employees were prohibited from owning remunerative property.

The Nyarubanja Tenure (Enfranchisement) Act No. 1 of 1965 ended the feudal system of land holding in the Kagera region, the former Kingdom of Karagwe.  The Land Tenure (Village Settlement) Act No. 27 of 1965 empowered the President to grant a right of occupancy called a settlement right to the Commissioner for Village Settlement who would also in turn assign the settlement right to the Village Settlement Cooperative Society  who in turn granted derivative rights to (leases, licences) to its members. That way, freeholders were made more submissive to government.  The Rural Farmlands (Acquisition and Regrant) Act of 1966 granted leases to tenants of labdlords belonging to absolute lease owners.

In February 1967 the government launched the Arusha Declaration that spelt out the policy of socialism and self reliance.  The policy evolved around public control of the economy with emphasis on rural development.  The socialist outlook was required and had the rejection of capitalism and all its attributes. The Land Acquisition Act No. 47 of 1967 was enacted allowing government to acquire land at will.  The Customary Leaseholds (Enfranchisement) Act No. 44 of 1968 was enacted to apply selectively on customary tenants of agricultural lands in some parts of Tanzania.  It was a struggle against customary landlords in favour of customary tenants.

Next in target was the urban lands whereby the Urban Leaseholds (Acquisition and Regrant) Act of 1968 was enacted and it granted leases to tenants of land belonging to absentee lease owners for tenants of urban land.  The Coffee Estate (Acquisition and Regrant) Act of 1973 and the Sisal Estates (Acquisition and Regrant) Act of 1974 were enacted with the sole purpose of either passing land to those who were tilling it or to enable the government to take over such land.

The Rural Land Planning and Utilisation Act No. 14 of 1973 was enacted giving the President powers to declare any area Tanganyika to be a Specified Area.  It empowered the Minister of Regional Administration to make regulations pertaining to farming operations in area,  reserving the area or any part of it for the establishment of Ujamaa Villages (communal settlements) by extinguishing, cancelling and modification of the rights, titles and interests in or over percels.

Initially, relocation of rural populations to communal settlements was by persuasion and inducement.  Actually the core of Ujamaa had been to move people out of urban cities into newly created villages.  However, by 1970 only 531,000 people had voluntarily relocated and were living in 1956 villages.  Other sources put the figure at 800 or so settlements that comprised 2500 villages. Each village was supposed to have a minimum of 250 families (1,250 people).

Around 1972 it was resolved to use force to relocate people into these ujamaa villages.  Members of the security forces swung into action forcing people to relocate.  Homesteads and crops were destroyed in order to discourage families from resisting.  In some instances, people were blocked from returning to their former villages to tend to or harvest their crops.  By 1974 about 2.1m people lived in 5,628 villages throughout the country.

The exercise had been undertaken with no regard for the existing land tenure system and without any legal instrument. It was only until 1975 that the government enacted the Ujamaa Villages (Regulation, Designation and Administration) Act No. 21 of 1975.  It was followed by the General Notice No. 168 of 1975 in form of directives.  The task of allocating land to villages and Ujamaa villages in particular was vested in the District Development Council (DDC).

The Village Council would in turn allocate farmland to households according to need and ability to develop it.  The Village Council of Ujamaa Village acquired right of occupancy in respect of land within such limits thus extinguished customary tenure.  The bulk of land in Ujamaa villages was utilised commune all, plots were small and no one could boast of holding a title of customary nature in any village thus ending the customary tenure. By the time  the operation was abandoned in 1977, more than 79% (10m) of the total population was living in 7,300 villages.

Because the relocation had been hastily carried out,  in some cases villages which were not well cited, poor soils and unfavourable climate, the settlers spent much time in construction of new homesteads, others had to relocate more than once and other factors, food production fell far below 50%.

While some people were unable to engage in production, others were simply unwilling in protest against any resentment of the relocation policy. Consequently, in 1980 a countrywide famine struck and government had to seek food aid and importation of maize flour that was distributed in small rations. The last import of food had been during the 1973-74 draught.

Julius Nyerere left power after holding it for 23 years.  He left at a time when the country was one of the poorest in the world and with much reliance on food and economic aid from foreign donors.

The new government discarded the Arusha Declaration by adopting a free market economy, opened doors for foreign investment and encouraged/supported the flourishment of the private sector.

Pressure in different sectors of the economy owing to liberalization increased the demand for land.  Modern farming methods, investment, urbanisation, growth of livestock and human populations coupled by land speculation by the rich and powerful called for the need to protect individual land rights.

People attempted to leave the communal settlements and return to their ancestry lands but only to find in some instances their lands had been taken over by the powerful.  This development coupled by the growing commercial interest in land exacerbated land conflicts.

Amidst widespread resentment, some sections of the population opted to go to court to challenge the taking of their land through Operation Vijiji of the 1970s.  The Courts were giving judgements in favour of the petitions for customary rights against granted land rights.  Faced with the threat of losing a barrage of cases,  the Chief Justice issued a circular to the effect that all land cases in different areas affected by the GN should not go on trial so as to give the government time to find a solution to the impasse.

In 1991 the government commissioned a Presidential Commission of Inquiry into land matters.  The commission presented its interim report which identified the conflict between the granted rights of occupancy and the customary rights of occupancy.  To counter the likely implication, the government hastly enacted the Regulation of Land Tunure (Established Villages) Act of 1992.

It was enacted with the sole purpose of bringing an end to any claims relating to land it had acquired during Operation Vijiji.  It provided that all rights to use and occupy land under customary law held by villagers before Operation Vijiji were extinguished.  Its only rights acquired during Operation Vijiji and after the establishment of villages and customary rights in areas that had not been affected by the said operation were recognized by the Act.

It banned the payment of compensation as determined by court, it banned the filing of cases challenging Operation Vijiji and or execution of decrees validly issued by court in view of extinguishment of customary rights.  All such suits pending determination in court had to be terminated.

The Act invalidated all orders related to customary land issued by ordinary courts.  Such suits could only be brought before special land tribunals that were set up by the same Act.  Any party dissatisfied with the decision of the tribunal could appeal to the Appeals Tribunal and if not satisfied then to the Minister whose decision was final.

That move marked the end of customary law on land matters.  It even went further by invoking the 1973 Rural Land Act No. 14 that gave the President power to declare any area of Tanganyika as a species area. Pursuant to that Act, the government Notice (GN) No. 88 of February 1987 had stated that all customary rights within the area specified in the schedule to that order which are in Arusha region were extinguished and that where any customary land right was extinguished in accordance with the Notice, land shall vest in the District Council under whose jurisidiction the land was situated.

The Presidential Commission still went ahead and submitted its final report in January 1993.  It recommended that the major principles governing land  should be entrenched in the national constitution so that any process to alter its rules and acquisition could be subjected to the due process of law.

It recommended that land should be divided into national land and village lands.  That national lands should be under the National Land Commission (NLC) and its Board of Commissioners in trust for the use and benefit of the citizens.  That the NLC should be accountable to the National Assembly.  That management of village land should be in the hands of the Village Assembly which is composed of all adult members.  It further recommended the checking of the sweeping powers of the President over land administration.

The commission's report formed the basis for the 1995 National Land Policy (NLP).  Its recommendation on checking the powers of the President over land matters, making land a constitutional matter, and the establishment of a National Land Commission among others were outrightly rejected.  Instead, land continued to be vested in the President, tittle to land continued to be on the basis of use and occupancy, public land was categorized into Village land, General Land and Reserved land with the President reserving the right to  declare and transfer land from one category to another.

The NLP of 1995 gave rise to the enactment of both the Land Act No. 4 of 199 and the Village Land Act No. 5 of 1999.  The Land Act No. 4 covers General Land and Reserved Land while the Village Land Act No. 5 is for village land. For General Land, a person can apply and be issued with the granted right of occupancy subject to fulfillment of certain conditions for 33 -99 years.  It provides for full compensation for loss of interest in land but does not include those interests that have no direct market value (sacred places, ancestral burial grounds etc).

The Village Land Act recognizes the right of villagers to land held collectively by village residents under customary law.  It consists of both communism land and land that has been unutilized. The Land Act which is specific to land other than the village land, takes precedence on Village Land Act whose jurisdiction is confined to only village land.

The Courts (Land Disputes Settlement) Act of 2002 was  inacted creating four avenues of dispute settlement pertaining to land.  The Village Land Council, the Ward Tribunal, the District Land and Housing Tribunal, the High Court Land Division and the Court of Appeal.  Magistrates Courts only have jurisdiction on criminal matters arising out of conflict.  The Village Land Council is comprised of seven members drawn from local residents.  The Ward Tribunal has not less than four and not more than eight members.  No advocate is allowed to appear of act for any party in a land matter before the Village Council and the Ward Tribunal.  The District Land and Housing Tribunal is established by the Minister who appoints the Chairman and must have legal qualifications.  The Chairman works with not more than two assessors.  The Registrar appointed by the President and his Assistant appointed by the Minister are the Chief Executives for the administrative functions of the District Land and Housing Tribunal.  The High Court Land Division handles appeals arising from the District Land and Housing Tribunal.  Appeals from the District Land and Housing Tribunal go to the  Court of Appeal.

The standing 1977 Constitution has a preamble that makes it clear that the country aims at pursuing if a policy of socialism and self reliance which emphasizes the application of socialist principles.  It is silent on land matters save for Art 24 which guarantees everyone's right to own property and the right to the possession of his/her property held in accordance with the law.  The Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) was only adopted in 1987. Individuals are deemed to own only improvements on land for a term of years.  The draft of the anticipated constitution which was debated in 2014 boldly takes care of land matters.  Unfortunately the new constitution making process has stalled.

It was created by an Act of parliament in 2007 whose core function is to prepare regional physical land use plans, formulation of land use policies;  specification of standards, norms and criteria for beneficial uses and maintenance of equity of land.

In 1964 the island nation of Zanzibar entered into a union with Tanganyika to form Tanzania.  However, land was not made a union matter thus Zanzibar has its own unique policies and laws pertaining to land.  The 1965 land Decree vested all land (occupied and unoccupied) into the government with the President as the custodian.  The president has power to offer and terminate the offer of land.  With compulsory registration of all land, the government controls land use through regulation of activities on land including type of crops to be grown and the kind of building.  Interestingly land disposal is restricted to only citizens of Zanzibar to the exclusion of people from the former Tanganyika.

The 1995 Constitution Article 237(1) clearly stipulates that land belongs to citizens who hold it in accordance with the four systems of land tenure.  These are customary tenure, mailo tenure, freehold tenure and leasehold tenure.  Article 26 of the Constitution guarantees security of private property which can only be taken over by government in the interest of defence, public safety, public order and public health upon prompt and adequate payment of compensation prior to taking possession and exhaustion of court process, if any.

During the inaguration of the 1995 Constitution, Museveni publicly expressed his displeasure with the provisions on land.  No wonder, by December 2017 the same constitution had been subjected to 65 different amendments including provisions on land matters.  Currently there is a pending controversial  Constitutional Amendment Bill 2017 that is seeking to ammend Article 26 to allow the government to compulsorily acquire private land without compensation.  Government has its own land called Public Land.

Museveni has been obsessed with mostly the Mailo land tenure.  This is the system of land holding that is linked with feudalism in the traditional kingdom areas of Buganda, Ankole and Tooro.  These large chunks of land are held by royal families, former chiefs, religious and educational and health institutions.  Much of it has always had tenants commonly referred to as Bibanja holders.  Through constitutional amendments, the Land Act of 1998, the National Land Policy of 2013, Museveni had systematically moved to alienate those with registered interests in favour of tenants by occupancy.

These two entities had lived in harmony until Museveni came up with his divide and rule policies that introduced the so called bonafide occupants of land to cater for the mostly immigrant communities who had illegally occupied peoples land more especially in the central region.  He opened war against the so called absentee landlords, introduced the payment of mockery annual ground rent by bonafide occupants to landlords, introduced issuance of Certificates of Occupancy for the bonafide occupants of land,   he procured the Land Fund purportedly to payoff landlords on behalf of the bonafide occupants of land,  and introduced redundant Land Tribunals for settlement of land disputes.  He has been inciting those bonafide occupants of land against landlords.  In 2013 in Kiboga District, bonafide occupants of land hacked to death their landlord.

Museveni's scheme is to place land in the hands of these impoverished bonafide occupants of land who, unlike their landlords, will be able to sell of the land to his middle class of landgrabbers.  He is almost done with Buganda and that is why his focus now is on the vast customary land in the northern and eastern regions.

In November 2018 Museveni, through his Ministry of Local Government launched a rural development strategy modeled on South Korea"s Saemaul Undong (SMU) rural development. The launch rolled out the scheme was to cover the whole country.   The model allows people in the village to take the lead in management of and implemention of their own projects from the onset with minimal supervision.
SMU was started in 1970 by for Korean lead Gen. Park and the name Saemaul Undong means New Village Movement.  The pilot project had been running in Uganda for the last four year in Mpigi district covering 4,765 people from 1,078 homesteads of seven villages.  The scheme is also in its infancy in Maracha, Luuka and Bunyangabu districts.  During the launch the Permanent Secretary in the Ministry of Local Government said;
          "We have witnessed the success stories from the pilot project where we have been part. We are certain that this is the only way to end poverty in the country. This model allows communities to identify their priorities and take charge of their own projects,”

While Tanzania's Nyerere policies on land may have been well intentioned, Museveni is driver by the evil intentions of dusposessing some sections of Ugandans.

 As one scholar put it;
      "Land is source of livelihood and survival.  Whoever controls land logically controls the lives of others because he controls what guarantees survivor of human beings."



the FiLM "HEAvEN on EARTH : the Rise and Fall of SOCiALiSM" explores SOCiALiSM'S meteoric rise and spectacular fall in PBS DOCUMENTARy MiNiSeries. the FiLM traces SOCiALiSM'S evolution through a series of Compelling profiles of the Movement's most important figures : KARL MARX and FRiEDRiCH ENGELS, EDUARD BERNSTEiN, SAMUEL GOMPERS, CLEMENT ATTLee, TANZANiA'S JULiUS NyERERE, DENG XiAOPiNG, MiKHAiL GORBACHEV, TONy BLAiR ...


the FiLM "HEAvEN on EARTH : the Rise and Fall of SOCiALiSM" explores SOCiALiSM'S meteoric rise and spectacular fall in PBS DOCUMENTARy MiNiSeries. the FiLM traces SOCiALiSM'S evolution through a series of Compelling profiles of the Movement's most important figures : KARL MARX and FRiEDRiCH ENGELS, EDUARD BERNSTEiN, SAMUEL GOMPERS, CLEMENT ATTLee, TANZANiA'S JULiUS NyERERE, DENG XiAOPiNG, MiKHAiL GORBACHEV, TONy BLAiR ...