Sunday, 25 February 2018

UGANDA: Why Sam Omala was sent by regime to stand surety for Kirumira

Published by Change of Guards on February 25, 2018

NOTES to the reader. By this website, we refer to, and Any previous story mentioned will be found on one of these three websites if you do not find it here where you are reading this. We try to synchronize the stories on the three sites but sometimes miss one or two.




When ASP Kirumira Mutima challenged the regime by announcing resignation, he was brutally arrested and incarcerated at the infamous Nalufenya torture facility. The move was meant to send a warning to other officers who would dare follow into Kirumira Mutima's footsteps. This website analysed the driving force behind the swift and brutal action by the regime thus; "COMDR KIRUMIRA MUTIMA - IN THE FOOTSTEPS OF REBELLIOUS ARMY OFFICERS - 8/2/2018. Our 3 websites / blogs shared this as per below.

The Police Disciplinary Court imposed stringent bail conditions among them getting an officer senior in rank to ASP Kirumira as a surety. The regime knew that no police Officer would dare come out to stand surety for Kirumira or else risked being branded as being in league with Kirumira Mutima.

This is the same practice that is used in the military where an accused is required to secure an officer of a higher rank to stand surety for him. In most cases where the regime has vested interest, no army officer can dare come out to stand surety for an accused " subversive" or else risk dire consequence.

This website analysed the motivations of the military courts thus; "NRA GENERAL COURT MARTIAL - A MUSEVENI TOOL FOR DETENTION WITHOUT TRIAL - 105/2015.

It is not by law but by a discriminatory practice whereby civilians are not allowed to stand surety for soldiers in a military court. When it came to the home boy Gen. Kaziini the goal posts were shifted to allow civilian Kwame Ruyondo to stand surety for him before the General Court Martial.

No General could dare to come out and stand surety for Gen. Kazini because behind the curtains he was accused of treasonous activities. When it came to Col. Shaban Bantariza who had stepped on the toes of the then army chief Gen. Aronda, every senior officer shunned him.

Had it not been for the defiance of Gen. (Rtd) Otafiire, Bantariza would have rotten in jail. In this particular case the regime had to bend rules for fear of the political implication of Bairu army officers.

This website analysed the vice under; SELECTIVE PROSECUTION BY MUSEVENI'S COURT MARTIAL - 7/5/2017.

What made matters worse was Kirumira Mutima's unbroken spirit and overwhelming public backing. He questioned the legality of the so called Police Disciplinary Court and went ahead to demonstrate contempt for the same court. As we had estimated in the above piece, all was set for Team Kirumira Mutima to take the matter further by petitioning the Constitutional Court.

His father Abubakar Kawooya through his Lawyers threatened to petition the Supreme Court "if the Police Disciplinary Court continues to treat his son unfairly". This particular threat must have sent more shivers in the spine of the regime. It couldn't withstand being exposed and publicly overwhelmed. It had to get a way of cooling down Team Kirumira Mutima hence loosening of the grip.

As we had earlier predicted that " unless Museveni sweet talks him, the matter would end up in the Constitutional Court", it is yet to be confirmed that Museveni has already met Kirumira.

The regime had to give clearance and detail an equally "disgruntled" ACP of Police Sam Omala to stand surety for Kirumira Mutima (Mutima in Uganda means THE HEART).

In 2016, Sam Omala was suspended after Minister Sarah Opendi accused him of interference in the electoral process where she lost the parliamentary bid (Sarah Opendi has been in media lately for a stolen child, it is another story).

Sam Omala, sued the Minister for 300M shillings but in exchange he was dumped in the police's Department of Production. He is on some kind of Katebe (undeployed/redundant).

This website has previously discussed the Katebe phenomenon in police thus; ARMY'S KATEBE SYNDROME CREEPS INTO THE POLICE - 26/3/2016.

Therefore, by authorising ACP Omala to stand surety for him, the regime killed two birds with one stone. Kirumira Mutima will not challenge the illegal police court but also his career in the police is doomed. The trial will never be concluded and he will never serve under Gen. Kalekyezi as the Police Chief.


Saturday, 24 February 2018

Understanding the bloody clash between refugees and Rwanda govt

A bloody clash between Rwanda government troops and Congolese refugees in Rwanda this week left five refugees dead and several injured. This followed days of protests by refugees who were protesting the reduction of their food ration by 25%. The group of about 2,000 refugees had forcefully moved from their camp and set up camp at the UNHCR field office taking some humanitarian workers hostage. The refugees were demanding to either be left to return to Congo or be relocated to a third country. They claimed that they had spent more than 23 years in the camp and were tired of such a protracted refugee situation. Rwanda hosts 17,400 Congolese refugees and about 57,000 Burundian refugees. The figure of 17,000 Congolese refugees is predominantly ethnic Banyamulenge and comprises of mostly women and children.

To understand where refugees would pick the courage to violently clash with government troops, we need to examine the role of the ethnic Banyamulenge in the conflicts in eastern Congo. Banyamulenge a.k.a Congolese Tutsi are part of the 17th Century Banyarwanda (both Tutsi and Hutu) who migrated to Congo. Because of their pastoralist lifestyle, some Tutsi settled in the Rusiizi plain and the high Itumbwe plateau of South Kivu province in eastern Congo. In 1924 the Belgian colonial government gave permission for these Tutsi pastoralists to occupy the plateau further south. Between 1959 and 1963 they were joined by other Tutsi refugees who were fleeing political turmoil in Rwanda. In 1964/65 the Banyamulenge joined the communist oriented Simba uprising that was being organised by the iconic Che Guevara in South Kivu. However, they typically switched sides and were supplied with weapons by the Kinshasha government to fight the rebellion. Since the Simba rebellion was mainly dominated by the local ethnic Bembe, bad blood between the two communities ensured.

The government rewarded the Banyamulenge with political positions, preferential formal educational opportunities and expansion of grazing territory. This was to the disadvantage of the local ethnic Walega, Wabembe, Wavira, Bafulero and Barundi. In 1971 the Congo government granted citizenship to Banyarwanda who had arrived in Congo as refugees in 1959 - 1963. In 1976 an attempt by Tutsi elites in government to create a single administrative entity for the different groups of Banyarwanda Tutsi in South Kivu failed. Consequently, to avoid being identified as Banyarwanda, the said Banyarwanda Tutsi of South Kivu chose to be called Banyamulenge (the people of Muenge) in reference to the Mulenge hills that they occupied. An organization called Umoja meant to bring together all Banyarwanda (Hutu and Tutsi) in both the South and North Kivu collapsed in 1988.

When the Banyarwanda Tutsi refugees from Uganda invaded the Hutu dominated government of Rwanda, these Banyarwanda Tutsi in eastern Congo joined the war on the side of the Tutsi RPF. The Mobutu government in Kinshasha which was close to the Hutu government in Rwanda moved to identity non-Zairean Banyarwanda. Even the families of those Banyarwanda who had come to Congo much earlier as colonial labourers were classified as aliens. Because Banyarwanda Tutsi in Congo were seen to be close to the rebelling Tutsi in Rwanda, they were all identified as Banyamulenge. All the Banyarwanda Hutu in Congo were identified as indigenous Congolese.

In 1993 a land conflict in North Kivu erupted owing to both rich Tutsi and Hutu landlords buying land from poor Hutu and ethnic Hunde in Misisi. The conflict turned bloody before the Kinshasha government deployed soldiers to contain the situation. Around the same time the events in Burundi led to about 50,000 Hutu refugees fleeing into South Kivu. The Burundian influx was followed by the over one million Rwandese Hutu following the take over of power in Rwanda by the Tutsi RPF. Threatened by the presence of armed Hutu refugees from Rwanda, the Banyarwanda Tutsi of North Kivu were offered safe passage to return to Rwanda. The government of Congo declared that all the Banyarwanda of North Kivu were refugees. The new Tutsi RPF government in Rwanda offered military training and arms to the Tutsi Banyarwanda militias in Congo as a protective measure against harassment by local leaders and government troops.

In November 1996 when the RPF backed AFDL rebels of Laurent Kabila invaded Congo from Kivu region, the Banyamulenge and other Tutsi militias overwhelmingly joined the invaders. After the fall of Kinshasa, the administrative positions in South Kivu were dominated by Banyamulenge to the displeasure of the indigenous ethnic communities. The now powerful Banyamulenge went ahead to settle old scores through killings. They mostly targeted Hutus and their perceived allies. After the Kinshasha government ordered the Rwandese RPF troops to leave Congo, with backing of Rwanda the Congolese Tutsi in the Congo army rebelled by forming the RCD.

Kinshasha urged and facilitated indigenous populations not only to fight the RPF and Banyamulenge rebels but also the Tutsi civilians. This gave both to different militia groups commonly referred to as Mai Mai. Commander Patrick Masunzu a Munyamulenge broke away from RCD Goma and established his own bases in high plateaus of South Kivu. Pro-Kinshansha Mai Mai, Rwandese Hutu FDRL Burundian CNDD overwhelmed the Banyamulenge with some fleeing to Burundi. Commander Masunzu opted to fight both the RCD and the Kinshasha government in defense of his Banyamulenge ethnic group.

When a peace deal was eventually reached, Commander Masunzu and his Banyamulenge militias joined hands with the Kinshasha government. He became a close confidant of Joseph Kabila and was seen as a symbol of Kabila's resistance to Rwanda. He was deployed to South Kivu as the overall commander of the 10th Military Region in South Kivu. Among the top Banyamulenge who joined the Kinshasha government were the likes of Azarious Ruberwa who became the Vice President. In August 2004 a total of 166 Banyamulenge refugees in Burundi were massacred at Gatumba camp by suspected rebel FNL.

Among the top Banyamulenge former militia commanders who joined hands with the Kinshasha government was Eric Rwehumbere, Julius Mutebusi, Venant Bisogo, and Ichel Rukunda. The likes of Laurent Nkunda, Bosco Ntaganda and Sultan Makenga who were later to form CNDP and later M23 are pro-Rwanda Tutsi Congolese from North Kivu. The Banyamulenge speak Kinyarwanda but with a dialect different from other Tutsi. The real Banyamulenge are slightly less than 100,000 in total. Owing to the discrimination they were subjected to in the early days of the Congo conflict, they attracted a lot of sympathy from the international community.

Hundreds of Banyamulenge refugees were resettled in the USA, Australia and other countries. This gesture of goodwill was exploited by other refugee ethnic groups who also claimed to be Banyamulenge. It is for the same reasons that the recent protesters were demanding to be taken to another country. In the same regard it is very common to find the same refugees registered in different countries in the Great Lakes Region in order to increase their chances of being considered for a third country resettlement.

The usual Tutsi militancy and arrogance can't be ruled out. In Burundi the Banyamulenge refugees hired trucks threatening to return to Congo on their own because the authorities were planning to shift them to another camp. In Uganda when an attempt was made to repatriate the former M23 fighters, they violently clashed with government forces before fleeing to the Banyamulenge Refugee camp at Rwamwanja where Museveni accorded them preferential treatment.

The absence of a harmonised refugee policy in the Great Lakes countries is also contributing to such disrespect of national laws by refugees in respective countries. Museveni is aiming at attracting as many refugees as possible and there is a possibility of external influence in the recent conduct of the Banyamulenge refugees in Rwanda. Currently Museveni is not on talking terms with Kagame. He is supporting Rwandese dissidents who are trying to establish bases in the Banyamulenge strongholds of South Kivu.

Rwanda's RPF had initially wanted to bring back home all Congolese Banyarwanda Tutsi from Congo to boost Tutsi numbers against Hutu who had fled to Congo. They refused by claiming that they were Congolese thus resorted to forcefully repatriate Rwandese Hutu Refugees from Congo. Therefore, Kagame harbours the old grudge of Banyamulenge under Commander Patrick Masunzu who fought both the RPF and RCD during the Second Congo War. Because of the role played by Rwandese Tutsi in Congo, other indigenous Congolese ethnic groups don't flee to Rwanda.

over to you.


Friday, 23 February 2018

EDUCATION: UWC scholarship applications for Uganda now available

Preamble about these scholarships now open for Ugandans who just finished S4 and even those in A'Level.  Please visit an Internet Cafe and read fully.

You will need to read a bit about the UWC (United World Colleges) and then decide if you belong. Some of the world's policy makers and people in governments attended these schools.

Schools & Colleges

UWC’s 17 schools and colleges deliver a challenging and transformational education to over 9,500 students each year. They are set in 17 countries on 4 continents.

Each of our schools and colleges has its own distinct character and identity, influenced by their host country, the specific setting, cultural context and their community. What makes each one of them a UWC is a deliberately diverse student body, with students coming from all over the world, bringing with them very different backgrounds to learn and live together - and their joined mission to make education a force for peace and sustainability.

Martha Leah Nangalama attended UWC Lester B. Pearson College in Canada. Uganda has over 200 alumni who attended UWC schools for their A' Levels. One of them who is in our minds is Dr. Daniel Kawuma (UNAA). But you also have so many others among you.

In a UWC, for a Ugandan, you do your A'Levels as IB (International Baccalaureate) which is a very exigent 2 years. The good news is most UWC graduates get full scholarships to the best universities in the world.

I will answer questions privately (you all know where to find me) but before you even contact me, please read what the requirements are. You do not have to have scored 46 or 36 on your national exams. Most of us did not score that high at all.

UWC Uganda 2018 Applications are now OPEN!

Scholarship awards (full and partial) are available for Uganda nationals who completed S4 examinations in November/December 2017 for entry in August 2018/January 2019. Non-funded opportunities for study at a UWC are also available. Girl students are strongly encouraged to apply. Please note that applicants should be 16-17 years old by August 2018.

How to apply?

Applications, in the student’s own hand writing, should include the following four components:

(i) A letter of introduction and motivation (300-500 words) giving reasons for the application, and record of extra-curricular and service activities. This letter should include:

a. Student’s full names, gender, and passport size photo;

b. Place and date of birth;

c. Contact details [i.e. address; mobile number; e-mail address];

d. Source of UWC information – how did you learn about the UWC?

(ii) A short essay (200-300 words) commenting on the following statement: “What you do makes a difference, and you have to decide what kind of difference you want to make.” (Jane Goodall);

(iii) Personal reference from the school head teacher/principal, or a school teacher well acquainted with the student;

(iv) Official record of national S4 (Ordinary Level) examination results for exams conducted in November/December 2017.

Individual applications can be submitted by post-mail or e-mail:

UWC Review Panel (National Committee)

c/o P.O. Box 24749

Kampala, Uganda


All applications must be received by Friday 16 March 2018. Incomplete and/or late submissions will not be considered. Individual applicants are encouraged to apply as soon as possible in anticipation of any delays in the postal service. For further information contact the UWC Review Panel at 041 71 71 156 / 077 80 53 530 or e-mail []

Also, visit our website –, blog – or follow us on twitter –

Shortlisted candidates will be contacted by 19 March 2018 and invited to participate in a one day selection with the national UWC Review Panel on 24 March 2018 in Kampala.

Can Museveni's uncoordinated security machinery contain mass protests?

Since 2011 during the opposition Walk to Work protests in Kampala and the subsequent protests like the Defiance, Kogikwatako and now the Tubalemese, Museveni's security machinery has actively foiled such efforts. The different security agencies like the army, the police, the intelligence services, the SFC, and the various paramilitary groups like the Boda Boda 2010, Crime Preventers and others have always effectively coordinated to brutally contain opposition led protests.

However, recent events concerning rivalry over supremacy and control of resources have clearly demonstrated a visible rapture in the coordination efficiency of these security agencies. The police which is the lead agency in such situations is being undermined by the lead intelligence agencies (ISO and CMI). Its operational efficiency must be at its lowest and its auxiliary forces in the form of Boda Boda 2010, Crime Preventers and others are in disarray. The latest is that the police chief has threatened to prosecute his officers who are sharing information with the other security agencies without his express permission. He is not personally on talking terms with his counterparts. The situation implies that there is no institutional coordination of both intelligence and field operations.

Ordinarily it would look as if in the event of an organised opposition protest, the police being the lead agency would not effectively respond. This would leave the army to take the lead in dealing with the situation though with devastating consequences. Obviously, the police would wish to see the army failing to contain the situation or at best mismanaging it.

Of course, in the event of a resurgence of opposition led protests amidst the current situation, the army and intelligence agencies including the SFC would swing into action. The amount of force, brutality and damage in terms of casualties would be devastating. The regime doesn’t mind any such damage since its major concern is to retain power. Therefore, though I am convinced beyond doubt that Ugandans can't come out to participate in mass action, my sincere advice is that let no one dare think about attempting such a move. The phase for protests came and it played its role thus Ugandans are more politically conscious than ever before. The next phase is for a different type of action and it fits well into the current situation of "uncoordinated troop movement". Remember you are now dealing with a more lethal " wounded lion".


Thursday, 22 February 2018

Why journalist Ahimbisibwe deserves a big applaud

CHANGE OF GUARDS - Last week a New Vision Journalist Charles Etukuri was kidnapped from the corporation offices in Kampala by armed men in military uniform.  A search in all police stations revealed nothing prompting the management of the New Vision Corporation to apply for Herbeas Corpus in the High Court.  Consequently, the Internal Security Organization (ISO) set free Charles Etukuri without charges. 

It is not a surprise that upon release Charles Etukuri has embarked on a public relations drive.  He is portraying a picture of how safe and enjoyable his stay in what he calls the Safe House was.  He claims to have been handcuffed upon arrest, blindfolded, kept in a Safe House located in Kyengera, allocated own room with a mattress, given a phone to call his family and workmates to assure them of his safety, buy own food outside the safe house and read newspapers.  What he didn't tell us is if his pistol was returned or we may see him being court martialed for illegal possession of a fire arm.

Contrary to what we hear about the gruesome psychological and physical tortures that take place in these so-called Safe Houses, Charles Etukuri's experience portrays a picture of a long weekend retreat.  Safe Houses as secret torture chambers by the Museveni regime were introduced around the late 1990s by Gen. Henry Tumukunde when he was the chief of Museveni's intelligence outfits, CMI and later ISO. 

Ugandans lost their lives while others were permanently maimed in those Safe Houses.  Local and international human rights organisations condemned the practice but the regime pleaded that it was using them to fight terrorism.  It emerged that victims with all sorts of charges were guests in Safe Houses; from business rivalries, theft of chicken, phones, bad debtors, armed robbers, thieves, to political dissenters.  Under pressure the regime claimed to have abandoned the practice but in actual sense the practice of detaining people in these ungazetted places has been ongoing.

Last week another Journalist Rev. Isaac Baka who had been kidnapped by CMI operatives in an unidentified Safe House since four months ago emerged at Luzira Prison on remand over treason charges.  He claims to have been blindfolded and handcuffed throughout the four months.  His family members claim that his physical strength and general health condition had tremendously deteriorated.  Unlike Charles Etukuri who was on some kind of a public relations assignment, Rev. Isaac Baka tested the half menu of the Safe House.

Unknown to another Journalist Ahimbisibwe Bantinti Fortunate that Charles Etukuri was on an assignment and a change of loyalty ceremony, the former went on his social media wall to sympathize with the later.  He wrote a missive titled; WHY CHARLES ETUKURI'S ABDUCTION SHOULD BE A LESSON TO NRM VIGILANTES. 

Ahimbisibwe wrote; ".... years ago, I was young and naive and carried out assignments for state intelligence agencies.  I look back and say, some of this, I shouldn't have done.  My motivation was really to supplement my income because Journalists pay in Uganda was not too far away from that of teachers......... and there were many of us caught in this circus.  It is on one of these assignments that I recruited Charles Etukuri for a highly sensitive job.  This was his first assignment.  Although the mission aborted at the last minute, the information provided made a difference and we went on for various other missions.  This particular assignment involved capturing an army dissident who was being hidden by one of Uganda's former top Journalists who has since been recruited to provide lip service and also make noise for Museveni."

Ahimbisibwe went further to caution other moles thus; "Tables turn and the hunter becomes the hunted.  To all those carrying out nonsensical assignments for the establishment I advise you not to overstep the borders.  In NRM, everyone fights for their own survival.  I have since grown old and retired from these activities and I hope that this message will help some people to learn some of these cases."

Not considering the motivation behind his option to come clean, Fortunate Bantinti Ahimbisibwe deserves a pat on the back.  His action demonstrates a high level of courage and commitment to heal wounds through laying bare what went wrong.  The said journalist who was at the time being targeted and has since turned into a top Museveni regime bootlicker must obviously be Andrew Mwenda.  The dissident army officer whom Ahimbisibwe failed to capture must have been smarter than Mwenda, Ahimbisibwe and company and the regime’s intelligence outfits.  It would do more good if Fortunate Ahimbisibwe can go further and disclose the details of the specific assignments and the particulars of the victims.  Moreover, since he was not an active member of these intelligence outfits, he is not legally bound to safeguard their secrets.

Ahimbisibwe served under the New Vision Newspaper before crossing to a World Bank funded project under the Ministry of Education as a communication specialist before he left for further studies in the UK in 2015.  In 2006 while still with the New Vision he spearheaded a smear campaign over the main opposition leader Col. Dr. Besigye's academic qualifications.  Ahimbisibwe authored a damaging report in this regard in the Sunday Vision of 5th February 2006.  His efforts were reinforced by the appointment of sycophant former CMI Brig. Mayombo as the Board Chairman of the New Vision Corporation replacing the independent minded and founder William Pike. 

Around the same time the controversial online anti-Musevenism mouthpiece Radio Katwe named him as one of the top journalists working with the intelligence outfits.  Around August 2016 his social media was awash with a report that the Museveni regime was suspecting him to be the mysterious and controversial online regime critic TVO.  He vehemently denied thus; “whoever is saying this is dressing me in a goat’s skin so that the leopard can target me."  It was further alleged that while he attended further studies in the UK he was also doing state work for the intelligence outfits.   His colleague, the other senior journalist Emmy Alio was awarded with the position of Director General of External Security Organization after he excelled during Museveni's Congo military expedition.

While under normal circumstances it is okay for state security agencies to recruit agents from different quarters, it is also very common for despotic military dictatorial regimes to recruit cadres from different disciplines as agents for intelligence collections.  The Museveni regime has been targeting Journalists, Teachers, Lecturers, medical workers, Public Transporters, Students, Lawyers, Magistrates Judges and other Court Officials in its intelligence collection endeavors.

Journalists in particular are targeted because dissenting voices entrust them with their secrets but only to be betrayed out of greed.  Upon taking office as Minister of Security in July 2016, Gen. Tumukunde promised to create a good working environment with the press which he described as "good custodians of information of intelligence interest."  

This website ( analysed that statement under the title; WHY GEN. TUMUKUNDE MAY NOT WIN OVER THE MEDIA - 17/7/2016.  We have heard of Cadre Judges and there is no doubt there are other regime cadres in different disciplines.  It is high time all such individuals followed Ahimbisibwe's example and come out clean because whatever the case at one time their role will be made public.

Bravo Ahimbisibwe Bantinti Fortunate.


Monday, 19 February 2018

UGANDA: Luwum victim of Amin intrigue, Kisembo victim of Museveni dictatorship


CHANGE OF GUARDS - "I am prepared to die in the army of Jesus.  While the opportunity is there, I preach the gospel with all my might, and my conscience is clear before God that I have not sided with the present government which is utterly self-seeking."  ----  Late Archbishop Janan Luwum - 1977

"I have categorically stated that I don't belong to any political office.  I am just fulfilling my calling as a religious leader who has the mandate to talk about anything created by God whom I serve."  ---      Bishop Reuben Kisembo of Rwenzori Diocese - 2018

Celebrated former Archbishop Janan Luwum was murdered at the hands of the Iddi Amin regime in 1977.  He had been outspoken against the excesses of the Iddi Amin regime.  The Anglican Church in Uganda is historically linked with the UPC party which by design took over from the colonialists at independence in 1962.  The UPC government was overthrown by Iddi Amin in 1971 and dissident activities against the Iddi Amin regime established bases in neighboring Tanzania.  As head of the Anglican Church in Uganda, also dubbed Church of Uganda (COU), Archbishop Janan Luwum supported the dissident activities.  He was not alone but also had the likes of Bishop Kivengere, Bishop Yona Okoth and others.

By the time Archbishop Janan Luwum was murdered in 1977, the anti Iddi Amin UPC dissident exile community had suffered internal split.  A young ambitious and power greedy former UPC Youth Winger and Intelligence Officer Yoweri Museveni had split away from the main UPC/Obote led dissident group and formed his own briefcase armed group, FRONASA.  That was the beginning of the North South divide that still haunts Uganda to this day. 

In a bid to undermine and sabotage the progress of the main pro-Obote group, FRONASA agents deliberately leaked information about the arms that had been smuggled into the country with the aid of the Anglican Church. When the Dr. A. A. Kaliisa confirms that the late Archbishop was involved in anti-government activities, some Ugandans go crazy.   "......The reality he was murdered by Iddi Amin. He was a threat to Amin’s government.  Janan Luwum had connections with rebels who were in Tanzania.  He wanted Obote to return." 

It is suicidal to simply dismiss Dr. Kaliisa's assertion because as a Munyarwanda and a Muslim he must have been a member of the dreaded State Research Bureau the same way he is an agent of the Museveni regime.

Two birds had been killed using one stone; the incident re-awakened the international community's focus on the atrocities of the Iddi Amin regime though much of it was exaggerated for propaganda purposes.  In his book, Sowing the Mustard Seed, Museveni clearly states that the murder of Archbishop Luwum breathed some fresh air in their struggle against the Iddi Amin regime.  At the time, almost all dissident activities had hit a dead end owing to the fact that even their foreign backers had to some extent shunned them courtesy of Iddi Amin's robust diplomatic efforts.

After the overthrow of Iddi Amin in 1979, Museveni pushed his divisive agenda further by launching a sectarian war against northerners to which Janan Luwum belonged.  In 1986 he took over power and it took him 30 years to recognise the contribution of the late Archbishop when in 2015 he decreed that February 16 becomes a public holiday in Luwum’s honour.  In 2015, Museveni was desperately looking for ways of winning over the Acholi people and indeed he did dupe them.  As you may recall, the big national ceremony in Kitgum was followed by another one where Gen. Bazilio Okello's remains were exhumed from Khartoum and accorded a hero's state reburial in Uganda.

It is hypocrisy of the highest order for Museveni to honour the late Archbishop Janan Luwum for his outstanding bravery in standing against the Iddi Amin regime but at the same time he is intimidating some religious leaders who are cautioning his military dictatorship.  He has intimidated, cowed and bribed most Christian religious leaders into dead silence save for just a few.  He is using terrorism charges to silence dissent within the Muslim Community in Uganda.  The Anglican Bishop of Rwenzori Diocese, Reuben Kisembo has consistently been critical of Museveni's life Presidency scheme.  Recently at a public function attended by Museveni, Bishop Kisembo bluntly advised him to relinquish power.  He said;

"......we appeal to you your Excellency to plan for peaceful succession and transfer of power from you to another person for your own good, for the good of your family, for the good of our nation and for the good of East Africa, Africa and the whole world.  Don't deny our country that opportunity."

The visibly angered Museveni immediately retorted thus;

   "Religious leaders have been provoking us and me, it should stop.  I don't want people to lecture me about what to do for Uganda.  A person who wants to lecture me must have qualifications.  There is time for everything, I have come for a fundraising.  There should be a disciplined way of interacting."

    Being an educated military dictator, Museveni may not shoot dead Bishop Kisembo but he will " deal with him".  Watch the space!!!!


Friday, 16 February 2018

REFUGEES: In Uganda need legal protection more than food aid

CHANGE OF GUARDS - The revelation that foreign aid meant for refugees in Uganda has been stolen and that refugees are being mistreated has raised a lot of alarm. Uganda is host to about a million and a half refugees from the neighboring countries with South Sudan and DRC topping the list. The alleged irregularities include inflating the refugee figures, demanding money from refugees before they are received and registered and in order to access different services, faking documents for delivery of food and non-food items, trafficking of refugee women and girls, illegal repatriation/relocation, diverting scholarships meant for refugees to Ugandans and intimidation of UN staff.

The UNHCR has written to the government of Uganda to investigate the alleged fraud and corruption that has led to loss of huge amounts of donor funds. The Office of the Prime Minister (OPM) has initiated a probe into the allegations after it suspended four top officers of the Refugee Department. The OPM which houses the Refugee Department is the lead government agency that coordinates with UNHCR and other UN agencies together with other local and international NGOs in providing the necessary response to the management of refugees.

The country's military dictator Gen. Yoweri Museveni has told the press that; “No body is supposed to take advantage of refugees. I was also a refugee in Tanzania for eight years. Providing for refugees is not a favour because international law guarantees protection of people unsafe at their homes. Those found culpable will face the full wrath of the law. God will punish those who steal from the under privileged. Refugees are very important to Uganda not only for compassion purposes to them but for many other importances that the country benefits from."

Parliament has also asked the OPM to come clean over the alleged creation of 'ghost refugees' (non-existing). It has gone further to suggest that the Refugee Department should move away from the fraud prone OPM. The Refugee Act 2006 places the Refugee Department under the OPM. Though the department is under the OPM just for resources mobilization and management, the behind the curtains key players are from the Ministries of Internal Affairs and Security (Immigration officers, Intelligence Officers and the police). These remote key players include some officers structurally under the OPM but working for the mentioned agencies hence the alleged "intimidation of UN staff" in the name of security.

We have repeatedly argued and now history is exonerating us that dictator Museveni's major interest in initiating a liberal refugee policy was to attract donor funding. We have authored a number of articles and among them the filling:
UGANDA'S LIBERAL REFUGEE POLICY FROM A SECURITY PERSPECTIVE - 9/10/2015. We examined the law, policy and practice in refugee management.

Indeed, since then the number of refugees fleeing the area into Uganda has reached alarming proportions.
TUMUKUNDE/KALEKYEZI POWER STRUGGLE THREATENS MUSEVENI'S REFUGEE "DOLLAR” SCHEME - 14/7/2017. We highlighted the alleged kidnapping and forceful return of Rwandese refugees by Security officers.

In July 2017 Museveni hosted a global Refugee Solidarity Summit that was attended by, among others, the UN Secretary General where hundreds of millions of US $ in form of cash and pledges were raised. Many traditional donor countries generously made financial contributions. It is this aid that has been swindled. It was wrong for the donor community to entrust Museveni with such huge funding without appropriate background check. Such a measure would have revealed that the Museveni regime is corrupt to the core and has no regard for the well being of its own citizens hence can not care about the well being of refugees. The same donor community, the UN and its agencies kept mum when the Museveni regime was repeatedly violating the security of refugees through killing, maiming, kidnappings and forced returns to persecuting home countries.

In July 2010 the regime forcefully returned to Rwanda 1,700 Hutu refugees. The violent exercise in Kyaka and Nakivaale Refugee Camps by security forces left two dead and more than 25 seriously injured. In December 2011 a Rwandese refugee Journalist Charles Ingabire was shot dead in Kampala by suspected Rwandese state agents in connivance with their Ugandan counterparts. Around the same time a number of Rwandese refugees were kidnapped while others were subjected into forced disappearance. Some others have been traced to detention in Rwanda.

At the time the then head of JATT Col. Abel Kandiho (current CMI), Col. Geoffrey Buryo of CMI and the First Son Gen. Muhoozi Keinerugaba were implicated in the kidnap of Rwandese refugees. In August 2013 the Police attempted to forcefully return a high-profile Rwandese Refugee and former Bodyguard to Kagame, Joel Mutabazi. He was only rescued as he was about to be bundled into the Kigali bound place. The regime did not provide security to vulnerable Mutabazi and three months later the Police in connivance with agents of the Rwanda government managed to kidnap him back to Rwanda.

In 2013 Col. Fenekasi Mugyenyi kidnapped a Congolese refugee Col. Eric from Kampala only to be rescued as he was about to be handed over to the Congolese authorities at the border in West Nile region. Col. Fenekasi Mugyenyi was only charged with misconduct before the Court Martial instead of kidnap but the charges were later dropped. In June 2017 an agent of the South Sudan government was shot by the army around Ghbari border village in Yumbe district as he was suspected to have come to harm South Sudanese refugees. In July 2017 armed men suspected to be agents of South Sudan attempt to grab South Sudan refugees was foiled after they succeeded in taking only two refugees.

In October 2017, unidentified gunmen raided Rwandese and Burundian refugees in Nakivale refugee settlement camp killing a 14 years old boy and seriously injuring another seven people. In December 2017 Jacob Gale - a Member of Parliament South Sudan's Yei Rive State Transitional Legislative Assembly was shot dead in Uganda's Moyo district. The M.P was part of a delegation sent by the South Sudan National Peace Committee to visit refugee camps in Uganda to give hope to refugees of a possible return to South Sudan. Usually such foreign delegations are cleared and secured by the host government. It is most likely that the envoy was shot by those who did not want to see refugees going back to South Sudan. Two weeks earlier two refugees had been beheaded in Moyo by unidentified assailants.

It was only recently when the bickering over power and control of resources amongst top security managers that the issue of kidnapping of Rwandese refugees came up just as a way of pinning one of the parties. Consequently a few police officers were arrested but why did it take four years????

From the foregoing, it can be authoritatively argued that it was inhuman for both the Museveni regime, the UNHCR, the UN and its other agencies to have kept silent over kidnappings and killings. It is hypocritical for the same entities to now pretend that they care much about the theft of refugee aid than the security and legal protection of the same refugees. It is as if these refugees fled their countries in search of food and economic survival instead of safety.

The Museveni regime is reputed for creation of ghost soldiers, ghost civil servants, ghost pensioners, ghost investors, ghost infrastructure projects etc. Inflation of refugee figures to attract donor funding was long overdue. The regime stole billions of donor funds meant for the reconstruction and rehabilitation of the insurgency hit northern Uganda. What about the fact that it is the same regime's military expeditions in the region that is responsible for the influx of those refugees!!! Find out the profiles of the individuals who have been behind the supply of food and non-food items and other services to these refugee agencies and you will find it is the usual wolves. You recall when local refugee hosting communities protested over unfair recruitment of workers whereby most were being ferried from the western region.

Whatever the case, the irregularities will persist because the international community has deliberately refused to address the root cause of the refugee influx into Uganda.


Tuesday, 13 February 2018

Museveni's security operatives strike again - 2 Europeans dead over another fake arms deal

CHANGE OF GUARDS - Stealing, extortion, and outright robbery from the so called foreign investors is the order of the day by the Museveni regime security entrepreneurs.

In 2016 a group of army officers conspired with well connected civilians in a racket to defraud a Polish company of millions of Euros. Claiming to be Uganda's Ministry of Defence contractors, they deceived an arms company BMP Poland SP that the government of Uganda intended to procure a large cache of arms worth Euro 71m. In September 2016 Mr. Celler Marek the CEO of BMP Poland travelled to Uganda to effect the deal. He was ushered into the Ministry of Defence and Army Headquarters boardroom by the army's Cap. Ronald Muhoozi an Aide to Museveni's brother Gen. Saleh and a one Sam Simbwa of Prima Investments who negotiated the deal.

With some of the conmen dressed in army fatigue a deal was concluded whereby a down payment of Euro 7,000 was paid by BMP Poland purportedly to handle bidding documents. Prima Investments was given powers of attorney by BMP Poland. Upon return to Poland, BMP Poland wired Euro 500,000 to the Prima Investments account in Equity Bank purportedly to cover bond security for the deal. After withdrawing the said money, Prima Investments cut off all forms of communication with BMP Poland.

When the matter came to light mid last year (2017), Capt. Muhoozi and Simbwa were arrested but Brig. Leo Kyanda who was then Chief of Staff of the Land Forces and was highly implicated was instead suspended, sent on course abroad and is now redeployed. The Police Special Investigations Unit (SIU) and External Security Officers were reported to have even traveled to Poland for inquiries. The matter was swept under the carpet and Ugandans will never know what transpired.

On 5th February 2018, a Finish national Terasvouri Toumas Juha Patteri (42) arrived at Entebbe Airport in Uganda. He presented a letter of invitation by the Director General (DG) of Internal Security Organization (ISO) for a business visit. Upon calling the DG, the DG denied knowledge of such a visitor and even dispatched a team to the airport led by the Director of Operations, Joel Agaba for further inquiries. In the meantime, a certain Apollo Kyabagye of ISO's Economic Monitoring Unit had appeared at the airport in the company of a one Carol Arinda, Faridah Nagayi and a certain policeman to pick the guest but upon realising that he was being questioned, they melted away.

Toumas Juha Petteri owned a small management consultancy firm called TTCG and was also involved in other business ventures that provided security and guard services. He had been granted permission by a Finish Ministry of Defence contractor, Patria to come to Uganda to market its military hardware and defence technology to the government of Uganda. He had sometime back met Faridah Nagayi in Dubai and the two had become friends. It is the same Faridah who contacted her Friend Carol Arinda for connection with the security agencies.

Arinda contacted Apollo Kyabagye (Byabagye) who suggested that Toumas Juha Petteri formally writes to the Director General of ISO. After a series of purported communications, Juha took a flight to Uganda after convincing Patria Land business unit who in turn granted permission and samples of some of its defence technology products for the marketing in Kampala. However, the Finish Ministry of Foreign Affair's Arms Control Unit said that Finland was not reviewing any arms deals in Uganda.

From Entebbe Airport, Toumas Juha was driven to the capital Kampala for further inquiries into the suspected forgery of the said invitation letters and Carol Arinda was immediately arrested. The victim was driven under heavy escort to the nearby Pearl of Africa Hotel where he had already been booked a room together with his girlfriend, Faridah Nagayi who left shortly leaving him alone. The following morning it was reported that Faridah Nagayi upon returning to the same hotel room found Toumas Juha dead. The post-mortem report has found no evidence of murder so far and the results from the toxicologist for possible poisoning are not yet out.

Uganda's military intelligence (CMI) and ISO are investigating the circumstances surrounding the death. Apollo Kyabagye, Carol Arinda, Faridah Nagayi and her brother Musa Didi are already in their custody. The DG- ISO has dismissed the allegations that he invited and met the victim as "trash". A former Minister of Communication and member of the main National Coalition Party, Suvi Linden who had previously collaborated with the deceased in other business projects had also flown into the country for the same mission but had stayed in a different hotel.

On the other hand, the police which is supposed to be the lead investigating agency is crying foul over alleged lack of cooperation from its sister security agencies. Uganda's security agencies are at loggerheads over power, influence and control of huge security budgets. The disharmony has reached a level where it is disastrously hurting national security. In this particular incident the Police is chest stamping over alleged ISO's role in the fake invitation into Uganda and subsequent death of the said Finish national. With the aim of discrediting ISO, the police has been indirectly releasing its preliminary findings through the government owned New Vision newspaper. The other aggrieved security agencies (ISO and CMI) have today kidnapped the New Vision reporter and police chief's close friend Charles Etukuri who has been authoring the stories.

The other agencies have also opted to hit back through a well orchestrated propaganda mechanism. Using State House mouthpiece Soft Power News of Sarah Kagingo, they are linking the murder to the police and its alleged Rwanda backers. It singles out the embattled police chief Gen. Kalekyezi as having dispatched his Flying Squad's Herbert Muhandi to Kigali to represent him in a high-profile meeting that allegedly discussed and agreed on modalities of destabilising the Museveni regime through political assassinations of top security officers. It goes ahead to point out that Rwanda sent its secret service agent a one Clement Wahuma who sneaked into the country and stayed at the Sheraton Hotel where another Swedish national Alexis Sebastian was found dead the same day.

Ugandans shouldn't expect to get any conclusive report on this incident because it is not an isolated one. What happened to the fake Polish arms deal of 2016???? Given the disharmony amongst security agencies, any version of this incident is unlikely to be the truth. However, whether he was murdered or died of natural causes, what is clear is that some members of the security forces were involved in luring their victim to die in Kampala.


Monday, 12 February 2018

Will a Munyarwanda wife desert over poverty but kill a wealthy husband??

There is common talk that Banyarwanda Tutsi women only target wealth in their love relationships. The common joke in Western Uganda alleges that a Munyarwanda Tutsi lady and her family will first check the potential husband's economic background thus; “afite frigo, afite umuduga (does he have a fridge, does he have a car)? While it was understandable during the hard times of exile (1959 -1994) for Rwandese Tutsi ladies to enter into relationships with wealthy men in order to fend for their refugee/migrant families, the trend seems to continue two decades since they were emancipated from exile life. It was also assumed that the close association of Banyarwanda Tutsi men and women with the dreaded Iddi Amin State Research Bureau was in the same regard. But look at the current Christine Mbabazi and Lilly Kaitesi sagas in the IGP Kawesi murder and the USA citizen, Paulo Mathias alleged terrorism respectively!!!

In 2014 Jackie Uwera Nsenga murdered her very wealthy husband, Juvenal Nsenga over the fat estate. She just knocked him dead as he was opening the family home gate. During the trial, the issue of the deceased's estate took center stage. The couple were both Banyarwanda Tutsi.

Olive Zaituni Kigongo deserted her former husband, Capt. Francis Babu. She married Museveni regime's life Vice Chairman, Hajji Moses Kigongo when he had just come from the bush in 1986. The couple is currently in court over property after separating. Olive Mukambere who converted to Islam and added Zaituni to her names, is in court seeking divorce and sharing of family wealth targeting the multi-billion Mosa Courts. "Yajja Nakaveera bwatyo alese loole" (a woman who comes with a paper bag but brings a lorry to carry away the family property? song by David Luttaya. Hajji Kigongo argued; “Olive left former husband Francis Babu with so little but now fighting tooth and nail to take a lion's share of my property". Hajji Kigongo is only alive and not in detention because he is not an ordinary citizen.

Even those married to fellow Tutsi Banyarwanda men are not spared. In March 2015 Jovia Mugyenyi poisoned to death her wealthy husband, Lawyer George Mugyenyi of Nakaseke district. At All Saints Church the widow told mourners that the deceased husband's last words to her were; “I have been killed but I know who has done it". The following month it emerged that with the help of her relatives she had poisoned the deceased. The widow had sold 50 heads of cattle and raised 75m shillings before she travelled to Rwanda with her brother a week before the death of her husband. The said brother, Ruzibiza was intercepted by security as he attempted to flee to Rwanda. The script had been prepared with a fake suicide note placed in the deceased's pockets and portrayed to look as if the deceased was put on gunpoint to write such a note. The deceased had fathered a number of elder children outside wedlock and by the time he was killed, he had started apportioning to them part of the family wealth amidst protests by the matrimonial wife, Jovia Mugyenyi. 

A one Lilly Kaitesi married to a USA citizen Paulo Mathias Rogers is attempting to deprive her husband of property located in Kampala. She went on social media to appeal for help alleging that the police was not doing enough to save her life which was under threat from the said husband. She went further to allege that her husband was after her life because she had refused to assist him to get Ugandan citizenship. To strengthen her appeal, she revealed that her husband was in possession of military stores. The police raided their residence from where an assortment of military-like fatigue, 153 knives and boxes of high calibre ammunitions were recovered.

Ordinarily, the police would have treated the suspect as a terrorist but instead he was accorded a VIP treatment during the arrest. The arresting officers had to unusually vacate the co-drivers seat of the police truck for the suspect (see picture). Whatever the case, Lilly Kaitesi is targeting to grab the property of the "terror suspect". We are yet to see if the suspect will be produced before the military court for being found in possession of " military stores which are the monopoly of the armed forces".

The incident is an eye opener to many Ugandan husbands who are suffering silently. That is why it is very rare to find an elderly Munyarwanda Tutsi woman in a matrimonial home. It’s only in rare cases more especially where the grown-up children are economically well off. Interestingly these Banyarwanda Tutsi women don't grow old. It is very common to find a 65+ years old with heavy make-up, dyed gray hair, donning trousers and high-heeled shoes, drinking and smoking in public. Since their dreadful character is well known in much of the Western and Central Uganda, these days they mostly excite foreigners and men from the Northern and Eastern regions. Be on the look out for names like Chantal, Umutoni, Kaitesi, Marie, Jeannette, Mutesi etc. Any right-thinking person would wonder why would a Hutu husband kill his Tutsi wife during the Rwanda Genocide!!!!

Wealthy Ugandan men from the northern and eastern regions usually get excited by referring to their new catches as Nyankore. There is a price for that in the end.


Saturday, 10 February 2018

Museveni regime's crimes against humanity targets prisoners

Last week four inmates lost their lives when a private Tipper truck reg. No. UAD 017L they were travelling in overturned along the Soroti-Kaberamaido road in Kaberamaido district leaving another 38 fatally injured. The over 60 inmates and their eight Prison Warders were heading for hard labour on private farms. Among the dead prisoners were two teenage boys aged 18 and 19 while the third one was aged 21 years.

The Commissioner General of Prisons is reported to have sent on forced leave the Officer In-charge of Kaberamaido government prison, ASP Lilly Aketch pending an inquiry into the cause of the accident. Prisons sources further reveal that ASP Aketch is faulted for transporting inmates on a dangerous mechanical condition vehicle yet Prison guidelines prohibit transportation of inmates on trucks while travelling for private activities outside prison.

This website ( has been closely following some of the rot in the prison services just as is the case with other branches of the armed forces thus:

1. On 13/7/2016 we posted an article titled; LOOMING CATASTROPHE AS MUSEVENI MOVES TO PRIVATIZE THE PRISON SERVICES. We pointed out that the Museveni regime's had a vested interest in taking over control of Prison Services.

2. On 22/1/2017 we posted thus; WHO WILL STOP THIS CARNAGE IN UGANDA PRISONS? We highlighted a long list of gruesome incidents where inmates continued to die in road accidents while being transported on private trucks to and from private farms.

3. On 8/9/2017 we posted; MUSEVENI'S PROFESSIONALIZATION OF PRISON SERVICES BEARS FRUITS. We highlighted the fact that some inmates were being allowed free movement after pictures surfaced of an inmate donning a Prisons Uniform and riding a motorcycle and attending an opposition rally in northern Uganda was seen.

Unfortunately, and as usual no one took it seriously and the carnage continues unabetted. Last month the police were crying foul over a murder convict, a one Sserunjogi aka Ssobi who confessed on TV how he has been killing and pillaging in the city, could have left prison. He is currently treated as a top regime asset with VIP status by a sister security outfit.

Once again, we take the opportunity to remind fellow country men and women and more especially the elites who are the policy makers that we are all potential prisoners. Our humble appeal is to whoever has the means to adequately address this issue. For those Ugandans not in prison, you have the choice and privilege of nursing wounds sustained from the actions or inactions of the Museveni regime but it is painful when suffered by helpless prisoners. Under the Museveni regime, pigs are treated better than prisoners.