Friday, 30 March 2018

UGANDA: Behind Museveni's abolishing of govt university scholarships

CHANGE OF GUARDS - The Museveni regime recently decreed the scrapping of government scholarship for university students. The state offers scholarships to about 12,000 students at its 9 public universities. Of these, 6,296 are from the oldest and biggest university, Makerere. Two months ago, the regime issued another decree scrapping provision of meals by private companies. In 2014 the regime scrapped provision of meals to students but instead it paid students 4,000/= (slightly less than one and a half US dollar) daily for meals provided by private companies that were contracted to run restaurants at the 9 halls of residence. In 2013 it had scrapped the provision of meals to private students.

In 2014 the regime enacted a Higher Education Students Financial Board (HESFB) to provide loans and scholarships to Ugandan students pursuing higher education with the objective of increasing equitable access to higher education. It was to cover tuition, functional fees, research fees and aid and appliances to students with physical disabilities. Repayment with interest is within one year after completing the course. Centenary Bank partnered with the government on the loan scheme whereby it was to process the application forms on behalf of HESFB, advance funds to students accounts and remit funds to institutions.

Initially it targeted students who qualified to pursue science courses but could not afford the cost of higher education at 18 chartered institutions and 33 other tertiary institutions. Later the scheme was extended to a few students pursuing selected arts courses but the number of beneficiaries has steadily remained at 1,200 students per year.

Government sponsors about 4,000 new students who join public universities ever year. Of these, 164 placements go to students with disabilities and districts generate 896 under the district quota system. Out of a total number of 87,102 students at public universities, the government sponsors 11,537. Makerere University alone takes 7,149 followed by Kyambogo's 2,456 and MUBS with 1,172 out of the 87,102 students who are attending public universities.

University Politics

Of the universities in Uganda, Makerere excels as the vanguard of university politics in the country. With almost half of the total number of university students, it has the biggest number of students in the country. Of these, almost half are sponsored by government. During the struggle for independence, Makerere University students played a key role. In 1976 Makerere University students attempted to overthrow the Iddi Amin regime. During the controversial 1980 elections, Makerere students and Lecturers were actively involved in shaping the politics of the time. It also actively served as a recruitment centre for Museveni's Bush War. Since Museveni took over power he has been fighting tooth and nail to suppress the political stamina of Makerere. As early as 2007 the then Minister of Education Namirembe Bitamazire told Parliament that government intended to scrap funding of students’ welfare.

He immediately embarked on political indoctrination through his so-called Cadre Development Courses dubbed Mchaka Mchaka for university students and lecturers. Later all Senior Six graduates were required to attend a two months Mchaka Mchaka course before joining the university. The reasoning was that the course would promote patriotism and basic military skills. Then came the Patriotic Clubs in secondary schools. And the most recent Crime Preventers scheme that witnessed university students being hoarded into the police training school.

Unfortunately, despite all the above manipulative schemes, both the students and lecturers have remained focused in asserting for their rights. They are viewed by the regime as opposition leaning in both form and content. Strikes have remained a major problem by both students and staff with dire consequences including deaths and arbitrary closures. On top of Museveni's historical mission to destroy education in the country, he has been scheming to suppress the mobility capacity of university students. By scrapping meals, he thought he had dealt with students’ major cause of grievance. By encouraging off campus accommodation he thought he had dealt a blow to the students’ mobility capacity during strikes. With the disappointing results, he is now moving to scrap government sponsorship.

In his estimates, he believes that by subjecting all eligible students to a Students Loan Scheme he will be able to buy total loyalty and submission. The children of the regime political entrepreneurs and passive elites will not qualify for the student loans; moreover, they don't get involved in strikes. It is the "hungry" and underprivileged children of the deprived and impoverished Ugandans that strike thus being targeted. That way, students will treat the sponsorship not as a right but a privilege that can be withdrawn if he/she "misbehaves". He will go ahead to take control of all admissions to higher institutions of learning and government will be able to not only discontinue such “misbehaving" students but to declare them ineligible for admission at any such institution. That will be the end of students’ activism and Gen. Muhoozi will reign over a "disciplined" higher institutions of learning.


Wednesday, 28 March 2018

UGANDA: Of Museveni's army rape spree

CHANGE OF GUARDS - Museveni claims to have built a disciplined army different from the past armies which used to rob and rape women. During his five years’ Bush War, one victim accused of rape is reported to have been put on firing squad.

It’s now 32 years since coming to power and rape, sexual abuse and exploitation of women by soldier is one of the top accusations repeatedly levied against his army. In May 2017 Human Rights Watch and the UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights released a report implicating his Soldiers serving under the AU in CAR in rape and sexual exploitation. Several incidents covering the period between 2015 and 2017 were cited. The army reportedly launched an investigation but its findings have never been made public. Two junior soldiers serving in CAR were reportedly to face the army court over rape but the matter was simply swept under the carpet.

In 2014 Human Rights Watch had released a report implicating the Museveni army serving under the AMISOM in Somalia of rape, sexual exploitation and abuse of Somali women seeking water and medical care from the military base. As usual the army dismissed them as baseless. In September 2015 a junior soldier, Raphael Olinga of AMISOM raped a 16 year old Somali girl whom he found grazing goats. Three years later, last week the kangaroo army court in Kampala found him guilty of the same rape and sentenced him to dismissal with disgrace from the army.

Owing to poor welfare and unfair term and conditions of service, most of Museveni's soldiers who serve under AMISOM and manage to earn good money often wish to leave service. For Pte. Raphael Olinga, this was a golden opportunity because a one month pay under AMISOM is more than retirement benefits of a junior soldier. Punishment is meant to deter crime.

What about the case of an officer Lt. Brian Lusabe who in November 2016 ambushed two women in the evening near his residence in Ntinda, forced them into his residence and raped them? How come he was not charged before the Court Martial but was taken before the Magistrate's Court which remanded him to prison? What happened when the accused clocked the constitutional 360 days on remand before being committed to the High Court??? The truth is that the regime was avoiding publicity and looking for ways of getting him off the hook. Why would a commissioned army officer at the rank of a Lieutenant and most likely a university graduate with a personal house in the posh suburb of Ntinda way lay women near his residence and rape them?????

Reports of Museveni's soldiers raping women during the Northern Uganda insurgency and during military expeditions in Congo were always dismissed by the regime.


Tuesday, 27 March 2018

SPACE: Earth-bound Chinese spacelab plunging to fiery end

AFP news agency Published on 27 Mar 2018

An uncontrolled Chinese space station weighing at least seven tonnes is set to break up as it hurtles to Earth on or around April 1, the European Space Agency has forecast.

UGANDA: Of Obote's thieving UNLA and Museveni's pillaging NRA

CHANGE OF GUARDS - At the commencement of British colonialism in Uganda, the IBEA company enlisted the services of marauding Nubian soldiers who had been abandoned by the imperial Egyptian empire under the Khadeive. They were a ruthless lot who at times would go on rampage looting and pillaging to replenish their supplies. At independence in 1962, Uganda adopted the Uganda Army (UA) which was very professional and disciplined. The UA served under both the Obote I (1962-1971) and the Iddi Amin (1971-1979) regimes. Indiscipline and gross abuse of human rights by security forces during the two regimes was not by regular soldiers but specialized secret service unit - GSU and State Research Bureau respectively.

Upon the overthrow of Iddi Amin in 1979 by Tanzania and Ugandan exiles, the UA was disgracefully disbanded. A new army called the Uganda National Liberation Army (a) from the two factions of Kikosi Maalumq (Northerners) and FRONASA (Museveni) was initiated. Maalum was the main exile armed group that fought alongside the Tanzanian army to oust Iddi Amin. It was comprised of those soldiers who had served under the UA but had deserted and escaped to Tanzania where they joined the liberation efforts. It was commanded by the likes of Oyite Ojok, Tito Okello, Zed Maruru, William Omaria and others.

Museveni's FRONASA had been a kind of briefcase outfit comprised of a few Banyankole and Banyarwanda Tutsi young boys like Rwigyema, Saleh, Koreta, Chef Ali etc. It was not until the war had entered the Uganda territory that Museveni embarked on a recruitment drive mostly from the Rwandese refugee camps and ethnic Hima that FRONASA became visible. It was further boosted by Museveni's taking up of the strategic Ministry of Defence.

A recruitment race ensued pitting Museveni's FRONASA (westerners) and Kikosi Maalum (northerners) allegedly called to Obote. Consequently, both sides ended up recruiting rogues to bolster the ranks. Around 1979/1980, units of Kikosi Maalum were in charge of the strategic Kampala city when there was a lot of insecurity involving mysterious killings of prominent people in the city. Museveni unsuccessfully pushed for the Kikosi Maalum units to vacate the city. He had intended to carry out a military take over using his FRONASA faction. Having failed, he resorted to his Bush War. He took with him the Banyankole and Banyarwanda officer calibre to the bush. However, the majority of the ordinary FRONASA rogue junior soldiers from western Uganda remained in the UNLA.

As the counter insurgency operations against Museveni's NRA intensified, the UNLA randomly recruited other rogue young boys mainly from the northern and north-eastern regions. These half-baked militias commonly referred to as Not Yet Approved (NYA) were deployed in a hostile environment in the Luwero Triangle. At night rogue UNLA junior soldiers would rob from civilians residing near military camps in Kampala. During day time, the rogue soldiers would grab radios, watches, bicycles and small cash from pedestrian urban dwellers.

At roadblocks junior soldiers would demand for chai (small cash) for buying cigarettes, food and local drinks. In fact, westerners within the UNLA were the most harmful at both the roadblocks and robbery sprees. They would even pull over their caps to cover their faces and change accent to sound Luo in order to disguise their identity. In the Luwero Triangle, both the NRA and UNLA grabbed abandoned chicken, goats and fresh food. While some UNLA's took away doors, windows and iron sheets from abandoned houses, the NRA would grab cooking utensils, clothes, and beddings from the same houses. On several occasions the two protagonists would clash during such raids for replenishment of food supplies. Otherwise, why have we never heard of the UNLA having raided cows of the Balalo who were fully behind the NRA!!!

In Kampala city, the situation was aggravated by the existence of clandestine groups from the NRA more especially the urban hit squad, the Black Bombers. One of the core tasks of these squads was to undermine the relationship of the UNLA and the general public. It was unheard of for the UNLA to ambush and rob cash or goods in transit. It never carried out daylight robbery of banks and shops. It never raided hospitals for drugs. It never planted landmines to blow up public transport and the general population. It never raided and emptied government and private warehouses for produce. We did not hear of creation of ghost soldiers for the benefit of Commanders. Its Paymasters never ran away with soldiers' pay. It was not riddled with expenditure/procurement scandals. The only recorded incident of people running away with huge public money was when the likes of Frank Guma and Bright Rwamirama ran away with soldiers’ pay and bank money to join the NRA. They were both rewarded with the position of Chief Controller of Finance in succession.

It was unheard of for a UNLA commissioned officer, leave alone a senior officer to be involved in theft or armed robbery. They were not bothered by accumulation of both legal and illegal personal wealth. They lived a simple life in government houses, driving army vehicles with their wives tending to goats and brewing of local gin. Maybe it could have been only about 0.001% of the UNLA officers who owned a viable business or constructed a moderate personal house in in the village or town. Let Gen. Katumba Wamala or Mugyenyi show us the personal houses they built during the five years they served under the UNLA and we compare them with the wealth that was accumulated by Gen. Felix in a short period.

In 1986 the disciplined NRA took over power and the defeated "thieving, rapist, killer" UNLA was disbanded. Most of the former UNLA officers and men were incorporated into the NRA. No former UNLA soldier has ever been formally accused of any of the above atrocities. Not even a member of the Obote II intelligence outfit, NASA that was accused of gross atrocities including murder and kidnap.

During the NRA interim period when western Uganda had been cut off, senior NRA commanders developed serious misunderstandings over sharing of loots. After capturing power, the disharmony arose from acquisition of government houses, vehicles, looted factory and farm machinery, positions and finance. The country witnessed the first incidents of senior officers staging daylight highway and street armed robberies.

Inflated payrolls, procurements, desertions with huge cash meant for soldiers pay, supply of "air”, looting of resources from neighboring countries, robbery from and sometimes killing of local and foreign traders and investors for cash, gold and diamonds, organised poaching and smuggling of multimillion worth of wildlife contraband, facilitation of drug dealers for pay, smuggling, illegal timber logging, violent land and property grabbing, etc. Unfortunately, those who have been involved in such vices are the ones who have made "successful service careers".

Despite military personnel being among the least paid public servants, they are the topmost rich people in the country. Most of the successful business enterprises - estates, shopping malls, posh houses, market complexes, expensive cars, commercial buildings, arable farmlands and stock farms, commercial transport fleets etc are owned by soldiers. The wives of NRA soldiers run supermarkets, own fancy shops in shopping malls, do international trade, are money lenders, some export "slaves" to the Middle East. Let the IGG just carry out a sample probe into Maj. Juma Seiko's source of wealth.

Maybe if former President Obote's UNLA had illegally accumulated wealth by stealing and robbing, it would not have overthrown him. Unlike Museveni's NRA officers, the UNLA had no personal wealth to defend or die for. History will judge as to who was stupid between UNLA and NRA.


Sunday, 25 March 2018

UGANDA: Museveni's relationship with Kagame is similar to that of Gen. Sejusa

CHANGE OF GUARDS - Poke your nose into their misunderstandings at your own peril. "Leave matters of fake African Generals to fake African Generals".


Friday, 23 March 2018

AFRICA: Another reason why Museveni skipped the AFCFTA Kigali Summit


CHANGE OF GUARDS - Published March 23, 2018

Early this week, Uganda's military dictator made a last-minute cancellation of his trip to Rwanda to attend the African Continent Free Trade Area (ACFTA). He ordered his security and protocol advance team back to Kampala. Instead it is his in-law Sam Kuteesa who represented him at the same event. There has been wide speculation pointing at inadequacy of his personal security arrangements in Kigali. It is alleged that owing to the ongoing bickering between him and Kagame, Rwanda did not adequately cooperate with his advance team.

The regime has not come out clearly over the issue thus giving speculation a chance to thrive. While security reasons could be one of the reasons, there is a bigger issue behind the cancellation. Museveni has never and does not support anything to do with any move aimed at bringing together the entire African continent. He favours regional blocs like the EAC where his chances of becoming its leader are high.

The idea of uniting the entire African continent was initiated in the late 1950s and early 1960s by the likes of Senegal's Leopold Senghor and Ghana's Kwame Nkrumah. Two groups emerged; countries mostly in the west and North Africa like Nigeria, Senegal, Liberia, Ethiopia and most former French colonies led by Leopold Senghor favoured achieving of unity through a gradual process of economic cooperation. On the other hand, Kwame Nkrumah led the "progressive states" like Ghana, Egypt, Aligeria, Guinea, Morocco, Mali, Libya and others who favoured an immediate political federation. The two blocs came to be referred to as the Monrovia and Casablanca groups respectively. The impasse was resolved when Ethiopia's Haille Selassie invited the two groups to Addis-Ababa where a charter establishing the OAU was signed by all the independent African countries.

The idea of establishing an African continent government under the United States of Africa was revived by Gaddafi in the late 1990s. Aware that he had no chance of being the leader of the African continental government, Museveni vehemently opposed Gaddafi right from the start. In July 2007 Gaddafi stormed out of the AU summit in Accra Ghana after a majority African leaders rejected his call for immediate formation of one continental government.

Museveni had during the opening of the same summit called on AU leaders to "sweep the terrorists" out of Africa. In reference to Arabs, he said; "Let them go back to Asia or the Middle East where I understand some came from". The summit came a few days after the Kampala twin bombing of July 11th. A month earlier Gaddafi's request to use River Nile waters for development in Libya was rejected by Ministers from the Nile Basin Initiative Member States at a conference in Kampala.

In March 2008 Museveni and Gaddafi guards physically tussled during the opening of the Gaddafi Mosque in Kampala. Guns were drawn and dozens of guards were seen bleeding while some of the eleven heads of state present from the East and Horn of Africa were physically pushed. During the same year Gaddafi convened a conference in Libya for 200 Sub-Sahara African Kings and traditional rulers to witness his being crowned the King of Kings. In January 2009 Museveni cancelled a Gaddafi sponsored summit of traditional leaders from across the continent.

In February 2009 Museveni clashed with Gaddafi during the AU summit in Ethiopia over the fast tracking of the formation of a single government for all African governments. In what looked like a parliamentary debate, Museveni repeatedly interrupted Gaddafi's speech with “Points of Order". Consequently, Gaddafi stormed out of the meeting and the summit ended without a way forward. Gaddafi was pushing for a single currency, united military and a common passport. Using his position as the then AU Chairman, Gaddafi had invited cultural leaders - kings and chiefs to the AU summit. Museveni openly told the summit that he would take action against any Ugandan king that involved himself in politics.

In July 2009 Museveni made a last-minute cancellation of his attendance of an AU conference on agriculture in Libya that was also being attended by the Presidents of Iran and Italy. On 30th July 2010 during the 15th AU summit in Uganda Museveni violently moved from his chair and charged against Gaddafi who was delivering his speech. He was only blocked by an aide as the bemused Gaddafi and everyone in the hall looked on in disbelief (see the rare photo attached). Earlier on, on the 25th July during the opening of the same summit, the guards of the two principals had physically exchanged blows.

In December 2010 a leaked secret US embassy cable dated 14th September 2007 revealed that during a meeting with the US Assistant Secretary of State for Africa, Jenday Frazer, on 5th September 2007, Museveni had expressed his concern for Gaddafi's influence on some leaders of governments in West Africa for an Arab Agenda on the continent under the cover of a United States of Africa. He went further to allege that Gaddafi was using both intimidation and buying them off. He went further to argue that Gaddafi's closeness to Sudan which was at the time top on the list of terrorism sponsorship was a problem. In another leaked cable dated 18th June 2008 Museveni accused Gaddafi of plotting to shoot down his plane. It further disclosed that consequently, Museveni had expressed his fear and sought for US's provision of a coordinated additional air radar information whenever he flew his jet.

Museveni preferred economic and not political integration by arguing that each country has different foreign and internal policies and national identities. Giving an example of Kiswahili for the EAC, he further argued that lack of a common language would be a source of tension or conflict among a United States of Africa. When the civil uprising broke out in Libya, Museveni opportunistically came to Gaddafi's defense. However, he accuses him of the following crimes:

1. Aiding the Iddi Amin regime "because he was a Moslem".

2. Disrespect by overruling positions taken by other African heads of state in his push for the AU Continental government.

3. Interfering in the internal affairs of many African states using the " little money Libya has"

4. "Arab leaders supported or ignored the suffering of the black Sudanese."

5. Arab sponsored terrorism.

From the foregoing, it can be authoritatively argued that Museveni is allergic to any move to unite the entire African continent thus why he dodged the Kigali summit. He very well knows that he is more vulnerable to harm by Rwanda while he is in Uganda than when he is on a state visit to Kigali thus in the circumstances security concerns may not arise. His much cherished EAC is at the verge of disintegration owing to his treachery and opportunism.


Saturday, 17 March 2018

UGANDA: Politics of Museveni's army and police reserve forces

CHANGE OF GUARDS - "In all modern countries, there is an Army and Police Reserve. Crime Preventers are a Police Reserve. They do not have any political affiliation. Anyone who wants to become a Crime Preventer should join."

Museveni during a press conference at State House - 14/2/2016.

The history of Reserve Forces in Uganda dates back to 1903 with the formation of Uganda Rifles Corps based at Entebbe and comprised of European volunteers. At the start of the First World War, in June 1914 Kampala Corps was formed for European volunteers. In August 1914 another Kampala Corps was formed comprising of Indian volunteers. In October 1914 Jinja Corps was formed for Europeans. At the close of 1914, a Volunteer Reserve Unit (VRU) was now in place with the one of Entebbe being named No. 1 Company VRU, Kampala No.2 Company for Europeans, Kampala No. 3 Company for Indians and Jinja No.4 Company for Europeans.

These volunteers were colonial government departments, trading and planting companies, and religious missions. They offered general services, services within the protectorate and others within their respective districts. They never operated as a Unit but supplemented the colonial army of the time, 4th Kings African Rifles (KAR). They were very active at the River Kagera Front against the Germans from Tanganyika. At the time River Kagera formed the border between British Uganda and German East Africa (Tanganyika). They were engaged in sniping, Despatch Riders using motorcycles, communication duties for those with telegraphy expertise, liaison officers and interpreters, manning machine guns and mortars. The Indian Corps had Seikh members and several Muslim and Hindu and about 30 ex-soldiers from Punjab. They guarded and escorted prisoners of war to Kisumu.

At the break of the war in 1914, the Buganda Kingdom Regent offered five chiefs and 550 spearmen to fight the Germans in France. This corps was first named the Uganda Armed Levies and later on the Baganda Rifles. Though it didn't go to France, it was very active on the River Kagera Front and even went deep into the German territory of Tanganyika to as far as Tabora.

The Transport Corps of the VRU suffered a setback when they went to support the Belgian Congo troops who were advancing through Rwanda-Urundi into German Tanganyika. It is reported that whenever the Congolese ran short of food they turned their cannibalism on the Ugandan volunteers resulting into high desertion rates. The colonial Governor of Uganda terminated the call-out-services of the Uganda Volunteer Reserve. As the 4th KAR expanded, some 11 UVR men were incorporated and posted as officers.

With independence in 1962, the standing army 4th KAR became the Uganda Army. It had no reserve units and when the Iddi Amin and Nyerere war broke out in 1978, it was the active police officers, Prison Warders, Local Administration Police (LAP) and former soldiers who were recalled for active service. To break the Kagera Bridge, ballistic Engineers from Kilembe Mines were employed.

During the Obote and Museveni war in the Luwero Triangle (1981-1986), government troops had no reserve units. It is only the half-baked so-called Not Yet Approved (NYA) Militias from Kitgum and Teso who were engaged by the government. Upon coming to power Museveni introduced the Local Defence Units as a paramilitary force for civil policing. In dealing with the different insurgencies during the late 1980s and 90s, Museveni mobilized what he termed as auxiliary forces to supplement the national army.

During the Congo expedition, Museveni mobilized street kids, urban lumpens and army veterans. A recruitment office dubbed Renaissance 2000 was opened up along Butikiro Road in Mengo for this purpose. The conscripts were ferried to Nabigola in Mubende for drilling before being ferried to Congo. After such campaigns the LDU and Congo Expedition Conscripts were either disbanded, incorporated into the army while others were incorporated into the police as Special Police Constables.

In 1989 Museveni relieved his young brother Gen. Saleh from the position of army chief. Museveni claimed to have reassigned Saleh as the Commander of the non-existent Reserve Force. Article 17 (2) of the 1995 Constitution requires every able-bodied citizen of Uganda to undergo compulsory military training and to turn up for military service when the need arises. Instead, the regime has been selectively exploiting this article by taking potential candidates for political indoctrination (Mchakamchaka). The Police Act (1994) Cap 303 S.6 creates a Police Reserve consisting of officers who have clocked the retirement age, those whose contract with the police has expired, and those who having terminated their contract with the police and have offered to serve on the Reserve. It makes no mention of Crime Preventers and hence Museveni is as usual lying.

In the run up to the February 2016 General Elections, Museveni mobilized a Burundi Embonerakure kind of militia that he called Crime Preventers. Their task was to counter the much-feared opposition led mass protests under Power 10 through intimidation. It was claimed that 11 million Crime Preventers were mobilized under their umbrella organization Crime Preventers Forum. Gullible Ugandans believed that these were the personal designs of Gen. Kalekyezi thus the ongoing debate over their fate. The above quoted 14th February 2016 statement by Museveni puts that question at rest. Crime Preventers are here to stay though their national leadership may have to change from the stewardship of the Munyarwanda Blaise Kamugisha to Kiruhura. It is also worthy noting that that the figure of 11 million is exaggerated unless one believes that the crime preventers were more than the total number of Ugandans who cast their votes.

The UPDF Act (2005) S.6 creates a Reserve Force comprised of personnel seconded from regular forces, retired officers and discharged militants, auxiliary forces, state security organisations (ISO and ESO) and such other citizens of Uganda having undergone military training under Article 17 (2) of the Constitution. S.6(3) requires any member of the above mentioned categories as potential candidates to be called upon for service. S.6(4) requires the formulation of regulations that are to define the source, command structure/authority, and relationship within and between Reserve Force and regular forces. There are no such regulations in existence. Instead Museveni simply dumps the senior army officers he fears to deploy in active service and at the same time he fears to retire.

S. 30 stipulates the engagements of the reservists during peace time as production, mobilisation and sensitization of civilians, supporting maintenance of security, supporting civil authorities with professional skills. Instead Museveni has deployed the same officers he fears to deploy or retire into distribution of seeds under Operation Wealth Creation (OWC). S.31 stipulates the role of reservists in times of war as gathering of intelligence, mobilisation of logistics, covert operations behind enemy lines, reinforcements, evacuation of casualties and general logistical support.

S.33 requires every reservist to attend refresher training for 30 days every year. S.44 makes it a criminal offence for any reservist not to turn up for such annual refresher training and triable by the court martial.

The provisions of the UPDF Act pertaining to the Reserve Force are highly redundant because the so-called Reserve Force is non-existent. 99% of the retired and discharged officers and men are not only disgruntled but in poor health owing to neglect. Imagine if the likes of Gen. Muntu, Col. Besigye, Col. Bogere and others "aggrieved" officers are to be called upon to serve!!! Maybe the likes of Brig. Kasirye Gwanga can respond. It’s only during the election period that they are remembered just for the sake of manipulation.

The recently created department of Veteran Affairs under the Ministry of Defence is just another way of duping the army veterans. The notion of Veterans is also not very clear because it also refers to those civilians who helped the NRA in different ways during its guerilla war. We have seen former security service operatives take government to court over their pension and gratuity thus can't offer their services again. At the hight of the mysterious killings in central region, in May 2017 during the Labour Day celebrations in Palisa, Museveni threatened "mobilisation of massive reserves to counter crime in central region".

The so-called Reserve Force is therefore a scarecrow. Museveni is only banking on conscription of the deliberately impoverished, dispossessed and unemployed youth in the event of an outbreak of war. Otherwise, while some of the impoverished army veterans and retirees may respond with hope of plundering, the mchakamchaka, LDU, SPCs, and Crime Preventers lack the least basic combat skills to withstand even just war drums.


Friday, 16 March 2018

UGANDA: Will Kayihura hand over intelligence agents/moles in opposition?


CHANGE OF GUARDS - There is no doubt Museveni's recently sacked police chief Gen. Kalekyezi had been managing political intelligence agents from the opposition community, the religious organisations, civil society organisations, trade unions, traditional healers' institutions, business community and other sister security agencies. This is because he was more of a regime political intelligence chief than an Inspector General of Police. Obviating he ran agents deep into the rank and file of those target sectors. Some of such agents hold top positions within the opposition structures.

While some may be known to his former top colleagues in the police, most of the high-profile ones are only known to Gen. Kalekyezi and his boss Museveni. For continuity, if Gen. Kalekyezi had left office in good faith he ought to hand over such agents to his successor. However, given the circumstances under which he was sacked, he is likely not to hand over the agents. Very soon we may see their cover blown (their identities publicly exposed) in revenge because Gen. Kalekyezi feels betrayed. It’s on account of running these agents that Gen. Kalekyezi was able to manage a huge budget.

There is a likelihood that Museveni may re-engage Gen. Kalekyezi in continuing to manage these agents hence his statement during the handover ceremony that he wishes to continue serving the police as a Crime Preventer. Museveni has to re-assign him because he can't go to Rwanda since even his cousin Gen. Jack Nziiza who was recently sacked from RDF is weighing on how to return to Uganda. On the other hand, if Museveni is completely done with Kalekyezi and given his sectarian methods of work, he may order Gen. Kalekyezi to hand over these agents to the new Security Minister, Gen. Tumwine instead of Police Chief Ochola.

On their part, the agents/moles in opposition must be in a panicky mode. Some of them were surviving on handouts from Kalekyezi's intelligence budget while others anticipated being apportioned to fat positions in government. Since the demise of Gen. Aronda who was also another devil, Gen. Kalekyezi has been the main outsourcer of Museveni's political appointees. Overall, Museveni being a poor intelligence manager, may not care about the fate of such agents/moles who were managed by Gen. Kalekyezi. Museveni feels he has used them and it’s time to discard and outsource for new ones using the likes of Generals Tumwine and Sabiiti. By the way what happened to the intelligence agents that were being managed by Gen. Ssejusa after he fled to exile in 2013?

Gen. Kalekyezi had an extra task of running agents in other sister security agencies on behalf of Rwanda. Obviously, these ones will not be handed over to the new police chief. Museveni's security agencies have an extra task of maintaining a 24/7 surveillance on Gen. Kalekyezi to monitor his possible continued links with Rwanda, some personnel within Museveni's security agencies and generally dismantling his network. On its part, Rwanda can't take chances and must have already commenced efforts to put in place a fresh network that doesn't involve Gen. Kalekyezi.

For Gen. Kalekyezi's agents/moles in the opposition and other organisations, take heart, that is the rule of the game.


Wednesday, 14 March 2018

UGANDA: Gen. Rwabantu blows a "Banyankole" victory trumpet against Banyarwanda, begs Museveni for a job

CHANGE OF GUARDS - Recently promoted Gen. Steven Rwabantu has vowed to fight anyone attempting to challenge Museveni's hold on power. "We are growing old but we are still able. So we are warning those who keep running around and they think they will destabilize our country, they should think twice."

Gen. Rwabantu who is the Deputy Commander of the non-existent Reserve Force was speaking out of excitement following the sacking of the Police Chief Gen. Kalekyezi who is a Munyarwanda. Some of these "Banyankole" army officers felt that Museveni was ditching them in preference for the Banyarwanda as the custodians of his hold on power. The most recent sacking of Gen. Kalekyezi and Gen. Tumukunde and the elevation of Gen. Tumwine and Gen. Sabiiti as Security Minister and Police Chief respectively is cause for the "Banyankole" to celebrate. They are itching to see more Banyarwanda in positions of authority being sacked. Gen. Kalekyezi's sacking is characterized by allegations of Rwanda having been propping him up to dislodge Museveni from power. Gen. Kalekyezi is further accused of harbouring plans of assassinating Museveni. The "Banyankole" harbour centuries of traditional disagreements with the Banyarwanda. An aggrieved Munyankole would curse the other party; "keitwe Abanyarwanda" (be killed by Banyarwanda).

Gen. Rwabantu is one of those "Banyankole" army officers who were sidelined by Museveni around the mid 1990s for alleged links to the controversial Gen. Ssejusa in a plot to dislodge Museveni from power. Since then he has never gotten any significant deployment. In December 2003, Rwabantu was among the 28 army officers lined up for prosecution for creation of ghost soldiers. He was elevated to the position of Deputy Commander of the Reserve Force following the death of Brig. Peter Kerim in 2012. In May 2013, he was promoted from Col. to Brigadier.

Therefore, by making that statement, Gen. Rwabantu was emotionally expressing delight at the fall of Banyarwanda trouble makers. He feels that Museveni is now set to reconsider the "Banyankole" army officers thus his begging to be re-assigned. These are the two ethnic communities that historically form the foundation of Museveni's craving for and hold on power. The rest of the Uganda communities are just spectators as the two regime beneficiaries tussle it out.

In our next article, we are to examine the concept of the so-called Reserve Force.


Monday, 12 March 2018

UGANDA: When Brig. Kasirye Gwanga will salute Gen. David Muhoozi

Brig. Kasirye Gwanga is reported to have snubbed the decoration ceremony at the Army Headquarters today. He reasoned that he didn't want to attend a ceremony where he would be required to salute kids of yesterday like Gen. David Muhoozi who masquerades as army chief.

The Chief of Defence Forces, Gen. David Muhoozi presided over the same ceremony where the recently promoted army Generals were being formally decorated. Brig. Kasirye Gwanga is one such officer who was elevated from Brigadier to Maj. Gen. and then retired. This is the second time he is retiring after he rejoined a few years ago having spent three months in retirement.

Brig. Kasirye Gwanga had been a Corporal in the Uganda Army by the time Iddi Amin was overthrown in 1979. Like all other defeated UA soldiers, he was humiliated with imprisonment by the victorious UNLA where Museveni was the Minister of Defence.

Gwanga was released from detention at the time Museveni was fighting his NRA Bush War. Corporal Kasirye Gwanga detested joining the NRA on account of having been detained by Museveni. Instead he joined the Baganda dominated FEDEMO. At the time of surrendering to NRA's Maj. John Kazoora in Mityana a few months to the fall of Kampala, Brig. Kasirye Gwanga was still a Corporal.

Therefore, Corporal Kasirye Gwanga joined the NRA around the same time recruit David Muhoozi Rubakuba was joining. They were both similarly referred to as Kyamukwese, Trailer etc. by the original NRA fighters to mean they had joined at the time the war was over. The only difference is that Kasirye was being referred to as a FEDEMO and UA while Muhoozi was being referred to as an "intellectual Kurutu".

Brig. Kasirye Gwanga rose through the ranks to attain the rank of Brigadier and his current position of Senior Presidential Advisor because of regional balance and his past role in neutralising the UFM/FEDEMO Baganda fighters who had joined hands with Museveni's NRA. Brig. Kasirye Gwanga is not a poor man by Uganda's standards. However, he can't afford to live without fleecing the army of resources and cash.

He belongs to that category of aged army officers whose motto is 'Nitakufia Jeshini" (I will die in the army) like Hussein Ada, Elly Tumwine and others who treat the military uniform as their holly religious dress code. That is how he was to rejoin the army hardly three months into retirement a few years ago.

Kasirye Gwanga is particular fond of approaching different army departments and officers in influential positions begging for free fuel, cash assistance and other supplies. The likes of Kasirye Gwanga will even go an extra mile by acquiring fatigues resembling military attire from second hand clothing markets like Owino and wear them. Some of them are a real nuisance within military circles. I have no doubt Brig. Kasirye Gwanga did not ask for retirement. He must have been retired against his will thus the protest.

Kasirye Gwanga’s retirement must be a calculated move by the army to distance itself from his controversies more especially his statements over the death of Gen. Aronda, the Kasese Massacre and most recently the burning of the tractor. By claiming that Gen. Muhoozi was masquerading as the army chief, Brig. Gwanga is indirectly questioning Museveni's wisdom as the appointing authority. For that reason, the regime is praying for a situation that will make Brig. Gwanga seek Gen. Muhoozi’s aid thus WHEN BRIG. KASIRYE GWANGA WILL SALUTE GEN. DAVID MUHOOZI.

Watch the space.


Sunday, 11 March 2018

UGANDA: Did Gen. Kalekyezi offend only Rwandese dissidents???

"For us we are small people; agents. I work on orders; the Commander-in-chief's orders. When you are going to war, the Commander-In-Chief gives you instruments of war. He gave me an order .........Do I have a choice? If I don't do this, he dismisses me, and off course, I like my job. Those people who who have been saying Kayihura is militarising the police.......... This is an order from the President."

Gen. Kalekyezi at a public function in Ntungamo - 15/12/2016.

Gen. Kalekyezi is the former police chief who was last week relieved of his duties after 13 years in that position. He was relieved because being a Munyarwanda Tutsi, he was helping Rwanda to gather intelligence on the activities of the Uganda backed Rwandese dissidents. Museveni also feared that Rwanda could help him take over government. He is currently not a subject of any criminal proceedings.

However, a group of Uganda backed Rwandese dissidents led by a one Rugemwa Kayumba the young brother of South Africa based dissident Gen. Kayumba Nyamwasa have filed a complaint against Gen. Kalekyezi before the ICC in The Hague. They claim to have failed to get justice in Uganda over crimes against humanity committed by Gen. Kalekyezi against some Rwandese refugees and dissidents in Uganda. The alleged crimes include murder, deportation or forced transfer of populations, torture, and enforces disappearance of persons. Ugandans are as usual jubilating over the move as if Gen. Kalekyezi never offended them to warrant a similar legal redress either locally or before the ICC!!!!

In August 2016 the Magistrate's Court at Makindye issued Criminal Summons against Gen. Kalekyezi in relation to his alleged torture of opposition supporters. Instead on 10/8/2016, the same General organised goons who, supported by the police, attacked the Magistrate's Court and threatened to lynch both the trial Magistrate and the petitioning Lawyers. The matter was swept under the carpet as neither the Chief Justice, the DPP, Museveni or the Speaker of Parliament condemned the act. Now that Gen. Kalekyezi has left office, how far have the Lawyers gone in reinstating the same matter?

In April 2012 during a press conference called by the Speaker after the conclusion of the International Parliamentary Union delegates conference in Uganda, Gen. Kalekyezi accused the opposition of trying to incite the population against the police before declaring that he was ready to go and defend himself against the alleged human rights abuse accusations at the ICC.

On April 28th 2011 when Dr. Besigye was attacked by the police to near blindness, the ICC was being hosted in Uganda by CSOs for workshop. The ICC has a Field Outreach Coordinator, Mabinty Kamara based in Uganda. The ICC can initiate investigations and prosecutions even if the respective government does not refer or back the case. It has the mandate to intervene in cases where national courts prove to be unable or unwilling to effectively try these crimes or if the state appears to be shielding perpetrators - including shoddy investigations and sham trials. Ugandan petitioners only need to show that the brutal attack on their members by security agents are either a policy or are tolerated and condoned by the government.

On May 12th 2011 at their extraordinary meeting, the Uganda Law Society resolved to document all incidents of human rights abuses some of which could amount to crimes against humanity. How far have they gone with the exercise seven years down the road? Following the most recent massacre of the Bakonzo people in Kasese by security forces, some people are said to have petitioned the ICC. How far is that petition???

For those gullible Ugandans who are eagerly waiting for Museveni to commence criminal proceedings against Gen. Kalekyezi, you are in for a big disappointment. Much as Museveni is bent on neutralizing Gen. Kalekyezi, criminal proceedings are not among his options. He fears that any criminal proceedings against Gen. Kalekyezi would boomerang to Museveni. Whatever alleged crime Gen. Kalekyezi may have committed, Museveni is the principal offender thus his good defence lies in the above quoted statement of December 2016. However, should private individuals seriously take the path of instituting criminal proceedings, Museveni will be compelled to charge him before the military court martial. That way he will be able to stall any such privately initiated criminal proceedings. Museveni can even condition the said group of Rwandese dissidents to withdraw their petition from the ICC. In the event that he is to be protected by way of a Court Martial, as usual once the dust will have settled down, the cadre General will be let off the hook.


Saturday, 10 March 2018

UGANDA: Why it is not too late for Museveni to "neutralize" Col. Bogere

"I can see the legalistic mentality but we are going to neutralize him".

Museveni to Col. Fred Bogere over the latter's opposition to lifting of presidential term limit - 2005.

Col. Fred Bogere is a retired historical Bush War army officer who recently gave insights into Museveni's so called revolution in an exclusive interview with The Observer.  Museveni who authored a book about his NRA Bush War titled "Sowing the Mustard Seed" has never wanted anybody else to give a divergent account of that war and the aftermath.  Save for Maj. John Kazoora, the other few like Generals Kyaligonza and Pecos Kutesa had to first seek Museveni's approval.  In July 2004 The Monitor newspaper had been serializing Bush War Memories from individuals giving their personal experience of the NRA Bush War (1981 - 1986).  The army banned the serialisation on account that it was against the army law for officers to talk to the media without authorisation.  The then sycophant army Spokesman Col. Shaban Bantariza said that such officers were to face prosecution.

The truth is that the revelations by those officers was giving a correct account of events and contradicting Museveni's falsehoods. Their accounts made it clear that the likes of Museveni and all those that were posturing in high positions had not played a key role in the war.  The best example is that of Gen. Aronda who was the army chief at the time (2004) yet despite having been in the bush for five years, he does not feature anywhere.  This further explains why Museveni has never allowed Gen. Saleh to write his Bush War memoir into a book which would obviously portray Museveni as having been a mere Political Assistant to Gen. Saleh.  Above all Museveni fears that such alternative accounts will reveal his historical dictatorial tendencies, his sectarianism, war crimes etc. In May 2017 Museveni ordered that copies of his Mustard Seed be made compulsorily read in all government secondary schools.  Relaying the directive, the Permanent Secretary in the Ministry of Education urged headteachers to; "make sure all students access the books and encourage them to read it."

In his three-part interview, Col. Bogere splits the atom and Museveni must be very aggrieved.   Here below find Col. Bogere's crimes: -

1.  He reveals that he belonged to the Yusuf Lule faction that was tricked by Museveni to join hands in the formation of NRA in 1981.

2.  He reveals that educated Baganda shunned joining the NRA for fear of the Western Uganda dominated top command structure.  That Museveni was often criticised for that.

3.  That during the Bush War Museveni pretended to be an honest person and brainwashed his fighters into believing that whatever he said could not be questioned.

4.  That after capturing power, the fighters did not maintain the cohesion and everyone went on his own.  "Some went on rampage looking for wealth" thus losing the course of the struggle.

5.  That Gen. Mungu is the best of all Museveni's former army chiefs because he attempted to build an army that is answerable to the people and not individual politicians.

6.  That the likes of Jeje Odong and Katumba Wamala (former army chiefs) were capable but Museveni did not give them the political backing.

7.  That Bogere initiated and spearheaded a scheme to stamp out "ghost soldiers" as early as the 1990s but for reasons of patronage midway Museveni undermined it.  Bogere forgot to mention how twice his probe team survived being harmed in Bugondo, Teso and Loro in Gulu.

8.  That in 1980, Museveni had to first negotiate with Gen. Saleh and put troops on high state of alertness before dropping him as army chief owing to the former's popularity among the rank and file.

9.  That the then Minister of State for Defence, Amama Mbabazi connived with Museveni to run down the Ministry of Defence subsidiary, NEC.

10.  That Bogere wanted to leave the army as far back as 1996 and continued trying six times because he felt that he "did not want to be part of a force that was doing things that were anti-people" but was not allowed.  That for 16 years he remained on the same rank of Colonel.  This confirms that there are many officers being held hostage in the army for political reasons.

11.  That as army M.P Bogere secretly mobilized civilian M.Ps against the term limit removal in 2005 thus the above quoted stern warning from Museveni.

12.  That Museveni has repeatedly abrogated the constitution in a worse way than the 1966 Crisis thus he is presiding over a military junta.

13.  He is confident that change will inevitably come and "Museveni may depart by an uprising" but fears that the country is "in the footpath of Somalia".

14.  He is opposed to the military's active involvement in partisan politics.

15.  He disagrees with Museveni being the only one with a vision thus " it is an insult to some of us".  He argues that "this country is not short of good people but they have not emerged because they have been denied an opportunity".

16.  He agrees with former President Obote who once "said that he knew Museveni very well that he can not run the affairs of the state".

17.  He decried the level of nepotism and sectarianism in the security forces where 85% f the top leadership hails from the western region.

18.  He castigates Museveni's so-called Development arguing that " development goals can't be achieved by mere wishes".

19.  He accuses Museveni of condoning corruption thus "you can't be the same person talking about transparency and fighting corruption yet billions continue to be lost and sometimes defend those accused of corruption."

20.  He defends the developmental projects of past leaders compared to Museveni's so-called improved revenue collection thus "the swines (past leaders) we got here used the little to build hospitals".  He finally accuses Museveni of "exploiting the ignorance of the people".

From the above brief, it can be authoritatively submitted that Col. Bogere is a subject of Museveni's intelligence surveillance.  He claims not to be politically active owing to health reasons but he regrets thus " I would be very active by now because I have every reason to be active ........ I should have been among those mobilizing the country“.  Being a Lawyer, a Muganda and more so one of the original NRAs who came from the rival pro-Prof. Lule faction, Col. Bogere according to Museveni's estimates poses a big threat.  Unlike the Bipepeo Baganda Generals in the likes of Gen. Katumba and Kasirye Gwanga, Col. Bogere's clean record of service coupled by the intelligence service background makes him a target of Museveni's "neutralisation".  Moreover, by stating that he has a health problem touching on the heart, he has made the task easy.

Watch your back Colonel.


Thursday, 8 March 2018

UGANDA: Why Museveni's Ministry of Security is a redundant docket

Under Museveni's military dictatorship you have the Ministry of Defence and Veteran Affairs (MODVA), the Ministry of Internal Affairs, the Ministry of Security and the Intelligence Services (ISO and ESO) as his core security infrastructure. MODVA has only one department, the Army. The so-called MOD subsidiary, National Enterprises Corporation (NEC) is just a department of the army and a tool for swindling public funds. There is nothing like the docket of Veteran Affairs because it was only recently created in order to hoodwink the army veterans who are languishing in untold misery. It is only meant to keep a close watch on Army Veterans as they grow old and die off one by one.

Moreover, the Minister In-charge of Veteran Affairs Col. Bright Rwamirama was the army's Chief Controller of Finance (CCF) and chief swindler at the time they were sent into disgrace with 16 pieces of iron sheets in the early 1990s. MODVA has a civilian cadre Minister and his deputy who is a retired Colonel who commanded the Artillery Regiment during the Congo expedition. MODVA's everlasting lion's share of the national budget is a conduit for swindling public funds by the regime through its so called classified expenditures.

The traditional Ministry of Internal Affairs (MIA) is comprised of the Police Department, the Prisons Department, and the Directorate of Citizenship and Immigration. It is headed by a Minister and his deputy. The Police Department is headed by the Inspector General of Police (IGP), the Prisons Department is headed by the Commissioner of Prisons (CP) while Citizenship and Immigration is headed by a Commissioner General (CG).

The statutory intelligence services are the Internal Security Organization (ISO) which is responsible for gathering intelligence within the country and External Security Organization (ESO) which is responsible for gathering intelligence beyond the national frontiers. Since time immemorial, owing to Museveni's militaristic approach to public affairs he has always relied on Military Intelligence (CMI) for intelligence gathering both within the country and beyond the frontiers and civilian policing yet it is a unit of the army. By doing so, he has more often undermined the operational efficiency of the statutory intelligence and security organs including the police. ESO is traditionally concerned with the monitoring of the "northerners" who fled to the diaspora after Museveni took over power 32 years ago. That is why its directors have always been "northerners" - Oketcho, Maku Igga, Emmy Alio, and now Ocwet.

The army as the only department of the MODVA is headed by the Chief of Defence Forces (CDF) and is stronger than his line Minister and is only answerable to Museveni. The Police is headed by the IGP who is stronger than his line Minister and is only answerable to Museveni. The Prison Services boss is stronger than his line Minister and only answerable to Museveni. By virtue of being the President, Museveni is the Commander In-Chief of the armed forces (army, police, Prisons and other auxiliary forces).

All the heads of the three lead Intelligence agencies (ISO, ESO and CMI) are directly answerable to Museveni. At one time he created the office of Coordinator of Intelligence Services headed by Gen. Ssejusa and Brig. Sam Waswa. It was not coordinating any intelligence agencies but instead it is the two Generals who were being monitored by the same agencies.

The Ministry of Security has always been redundantly in existence. Different people have headed it and some of them without any experience in security matters. It is only recently when he appointed his former spy chief Gen. Tumukunde that the same ministry looked active. Actually, it wasn't the Ministry that was active but Gen. Tumukunde as an individual. This was so because he had the full blessing and backing of Museveni to carry out his security errands. Otherwise what is the structure of the Ministry of Security when the two intelligence agencies are strictly answerable to Museveni? Who is the Permanent Secretary and who are the commissioners and directors under that ministry?

However, given the circumstances under which the newly appointed Minister of Security Gen. Elly Tumwine and more so being a renown sycophant, we are likely to see a dreaded Ministry of Security only comparable to former President Obote's Chris Rwakasisi. While Gen. Tumukunde had some sense of judgment, Gen. Tumwine is a disastrous robot. He will simply be doing Museveni's political cum security errands of blackmailing, harassing and persecution of political dissenters.

Watch the space.


Monday, 5 March 2018

UGANDA: Behind current army promotion, why Brig. Kandiho (CMI) is on way out


CHANGE OF GUARDS - As usual, whenever there are shakeups in security circles, Museveni has come out to announce the promotion of over 13,000 army officers. This is meant to appease the dissatisfied officers whose helping hand may be sought by the affected bigwigs. Though retired, Gen. Tumukunde's influence within the security circles can’t be underestimated. Very soon we are to see a similar massive promotion in the former Uganda Police now called Military Police so as to hand the new police chief Brig. Sabiiti a team of loyal officers thus shifting allegiance.

Looking at the much publicized top six army Generals who have been promoted, there is only one person of significance. The current Deputy CMI Brig. Henry Isoke is being prepared to takeover from Brig. Kandiho. Brig. Kandiho is close to Gen. Tumukunde and together with their god fathers in the form of Gen. Saleh and others have been behind the support given to Rwandese dissidents. Top on the reasons for sacking Gen. Kalekyezi and Gen. Tumukunde is the Rwandese dissidents’ saga.

Gen. Kalekyezi and company were acting for Rwanda while Gen. Tumukunde and company were acting against Rwanda. While Rwanda had no Ugandan dissidents to support in return, Museveni feared the long-term Gen. Kalekyezi connection and other short term fatal remedies that Rwanda could opt to take. Diplomatic efforts and external relations advisors must have advised Museveni that sacking Kalekyezi alone would escalate Rwanda's fears and hence enhanced hostility. That is why Gen. Tumukunde had to go too and Museveni informed him in advance.

Depending on how Rwanda reacts over Gen. Kalekyezi's sacking and how Gen. Tumukunde handles the sacking too, if Museveni genuinely wants to resolve his differences with Kagame, Brig. Kandiho will have to leave CMI. He may not be sacked out right but may be sent on course so that the newly promoted Brig. Isoke takes over in acting capacity. Brig. Isoke hails from Tooro, graduate of Social Science from Makerere, joined the army around the late 1987, did basic intelligence training with the North Koreans at Kireka, did cadet officer training and for the last 30 years has served nowhere else other than under Military Intelligence.

Though he joined Military Intelligence at the time it was dominated by Rwandese and served at the Rwanda-Uganda border during the RPF war where he got a Rwandese wife, Brig. Isoke has no close links with Rwandese security managers more especially when the likes of Karegeya and Nziza are not in charge in Kigali. Though secret services have undermined his rigid character, he is sober, intelligent and a gentleman. Therefore, the list of the other five top Generals who were elevated with him were simply acting as wrapping papers for Brig. Isoke. Looking at the list, one sees useless promotion and a waster of time and resources.

What does Kasirye Gwanga and Rwabantu do in the army???? Can one proudly say that Buganda has eaten big with the promotion of Kasirye!!! It is just a boost of the welfare scheme and duping of gullible Ugandans. However, for the rest of the 13,000 middle cadre officers their promotion was meant to counter the potential negative consequences of the ongoing security shake up.

Therefore, the sacking of the two Generals had nothing to do with improving the deteriorating security situation. The person responsible for all the loopholes is Museveni and is still around. What the public perceives as the so called “failures" of the two Generals is what Museveni regards as their best accomplishments - keeping him in power. If it had not been for the Rwandese saga, the two would have remained in office.


Sunday, 4 March 2018


  1. Museveni finally succumbs to public pressure and drops his defacto Vice President, Gen. Kalekyezi.
  2. He is tricked by Rwanda to drop Gen. Tumukunde in order to salvage relations.
  3. He Personally takes over the Ministry of Security as Gen. Tumwine is dangerously dense on security matters and a puppet.
  4. The appointment of Brig. Sabiiti as the Police Chief erases the small semblance of civil policing. It Is now a fully fledged Military Police under SFC. Ugandans should expect the worst. Forget about OKoth Ocholla; he is just a hostage and a ceremonial IGP.
  5. Tumukunde got wind of the plot to drop him thus the recent "subversive" utterances.
  6. Police Headquarters will be at Statehouse.  Sabiiti is just a front for Gen. Muhoozi, the son.  The army has now fully taken over the police force. 
    The timing is meant to cover up the humiliation as a result of his personal failure to rescue the hostage Susan Magara.