Monday, 30 April 2018

UGANDA: What if "Magara killer suspect" had run to a church?

CHANGE OF GUARDS - On 26/4/2018, Museveni's security machinery raided USAFI Mosque in the suburbs of Kampala. They shot dead two people, arrested 36 Muslim worshipers, "rescued" 18 women and 94 children, destroyed the mosque and "recovered" 60 rounds of AK 47, one bow and arrow, 23 pangas and a laptop.

Immediately after, the Minister of Internal Affairs organised a press conference meant to dupe the public over this daylight heinous crime. He disclosed that the security had raided a terrorist radicalization centre. He went further to disclose that two terrorists were shot dead in self defence after they injured a police officer. That they had arrested the wanted Magara murder suspect. That some of the rescued women and children "looked like Kenyans, Burundans and Rwandese." That the children "looked traumatized and scared." How are children supposed to react to an armed raid and shooting dead of two people in their midst??? That the raid followed "credible intelligence about one of the key suspects in the murder of Susan Magara who ran to the said mosque." What if he had not run to the said Mosque; did security have prior intelligence on the activities at the so-called "radicalization centre". What if he had run to Rubaga Church, would two Christians have been shot dead and the " traumatized and scared" worshipers rescued????

The Police Spokesman also confirmed how ".... a number of women and children suspected to have either been kidnapped or held hostage" were rescued. He disclosed that they were making arrangements "to handover the rescued women and children to their relatives" thus departing from the Minister's earlier assertion that they "looked like Kenyans, Burundans and Rwandese". He went further to insinuate a political motive thus " this is an ongoing operation and when we have facts we shall be able to tell if there are political implications."

A young lady, Susan Magara was gruesomely murdered on February 7th 2018 following her kidnap and being held hostage for 22 days. Museveni was personally and directly involved in the botched up rescue operation. It was a big shame on the part of the regime for the kidnappers to have taken both the ransom money and the victim's life. Since then the regime has been gambling with investigations into who was behind the kidnap and murder. Logically, when you fail to track and capture the kidnap suspects at the time of negotiations, it is difficult to get them after they have accomplished their mission and melted away.

Ugandans have at different times been informed of how security has repeatedly arrested "key suspects" in the Susan Magara murder but no one has been arraigned in court and the arrest and search continues. We heard about the arrest and confession by a one Richard Asiimwe Kanyankole, Bob Kibirango, two cousins of the late Susan, her boyfriend, SSP Apollo Akankunda, Patrick Agaba Pato and now this one who had run to the said mosque. On March 7th 2018 a suspect, Patrick Ababa Pato was arrested in South Africa. A strong team of security officers were dispatched to South Africa to handle his extradition. Museveni even boasted of having called the President there over the said suspect. ".......... I picked a telephone and rang President Ramaphosa myself and action was taken." The team returned to Uganda empty handed just because South Africa is not a "SHITHOLE" country. It has a functioning government that can not be blackmailed and judiciary that respects human rights. It could not handover Pato to a regime that tortures, summarily executes suspects and with a dead criminal justice system.

The recent mosque raid came a week after The Daily Monitor ran a headline; IS MAGARA MURDER INVESTIGATION DEAD? The article challenged the regime to produce the suspects in court after 53 days following the murder. The police Spokesman, Emilio Kayima is quoted to have told the reporter thus; "I can only talk about that matter after getting a written report from CID headquarters. That's possibly next week.". Indeed following the raid and murder in the mosque, the regime mouthpiece, The New Vision ran a headline; MOSQUE RAID: SUSPECT REVEALS MAGARA KILLER.

The weekend raid on the mosque had nothing to do with the murder of Magara. It is just a continuation of the persecution of Muslims aimed at branding them terrorists in order to win over the west. It is meant to portray the Museveni regime as being at the forefront of fighting terrorism. It is meant to instill fear in the public and curtail their freedom of assembly, worship and association. It is another incident in a series of similar raids against mosques. The unresolved serial murder of Muslim Clerics, the murder of Assistant Inspector of Police Felix Kaweesi, the murder of a senior State Prosecutor Joan Kagezi, the serial murder of women, and the mysterious raid and plunder of villages in the greater Masaka region; all need answers.

During the Women's Day celebrations in Mityana, Museveni informed the country that; "I have information on the killers of Magara and many of the other murders." Such a statement should be an answer to the motive behind these unresolved murders that have always characterized the Museveni regime. I too believe Museveni knows all the killers and as Tamale Mirundi has always argued; "The culprits in these murders will be known during the next regime" after Museveni has left power. During the recent Joan Kagezi Memorial Lecture, the regime DPP, Mike Chibita had this to say; "........there is no file directly linked to the murder of Joan Kagezi. People who did this were organised. They were not ordinary criminal, they were able to plan this and plan their exit."

Otherwise, it is business as usual and the only difference this time is the on-spot killing of worshipers. Most likely, it is because the usual torture chamber of Nalufenya has been disbanded. The shooting must have been by mistake but the regime, fearing that Muslims would riot, had to hastily come up with the uncoordinated version of terrorism and the Magara murder suspect. Just last month security arrested a mosque leader over alleged radicalization messages. In December 2017 security raided Nakasero Mosque and arrested 11 suspects before destroying some property. Shortly after they raided another mosque in Kiwatule where they arrested 18 suspects. The police chief made a public apology over the baseless raid and desecration of the Muslim holly places of worship. 

As for the alleged different nationalities of women and children, owing to the regime's populist policy on urban refugees, several refugees flock mosques and churches in search of compassion and aid. Otherwise, I challenge the regime to liaise with the respective embassies to identity their citizens. USAFI mosque land ownership has been under dispute and as is the trend, the land grabber is the one who provided fake intelligence. Under the guise of fighting terrorism, summary execution of Muslims is the new item in the menu. For those gullible Ugandans who celebrated the closure of Nalufenya torture chamber, there you are!!! For your information, Uganda has never experienced a terrorist attack save for the concocted so called terrorism incidents.


Wednesday, 25 April 2018

UGANDA: Gen. Tumwine responds to Gen. Otema's lamentations - PICTURES

CHANGE OF GUARDS - Last week the Museveni regime top official, Richard Tadwong shocked the nation when he made the following comments:

".......if we don't restrain, if we don't control our greed on how we use public resources, how we steal with impunity, then Ugandans will push us out of power...........the hills of Kampala are expanding with buildings yet the schools and health centres are shrinking. Where do people get the money from? And who are the owners of these structures we see?"

Richard Tadwong's lamentation is what the Tuli Mukintu (We are the beneficiaries) Club call "subversive utterances by a disgruntled" comrade. Museveni has repeatedly described it in his local language as "Kahendekye teita mbogo" (merely wishing a buffalo to break its leg does not guarantee its death). In 2006 the then Minister of health, Gen. Jim Muhwezi told Justice Ogola who was chairing the Commission of inquiry into mismanagement of Global Fund that; " are one of those people who were hiding under their beds when we were fighting." Even after the commission made its report that implicated Muhwezi, the General reacted by saying that Justice Ogola "needs a mental check-up." No wonder, Museveni later shielded the General.

Over the weekend Gen. Tumwine who is the Security Minister commissioned his village state of the art multi-billion house (pictured) in Rwemikoma, Kazi, Kiruhura district. The palace kind of house gives an answer to the likes of Richard Tadwong who continue to lament thus; "........where do people get the money from? Who are the owners of these structures we see?". The answer is simple; "When we were fighting some of you were hiding behind your beds."

Obviously, by the time Gen. Tumwine thought about sinking those billions into a village mansion, he had had enough investment in Kampala city, oversees and land acquisition in Buganda. Recently Parliament summoned him over two decades default in billions of rent payment for public property.

In another development, Maj. Gen. Joram Mugume Kanyaruhara has sued Nakasero hospital over three months rent default worth 600m shillings at 200m per month. The said personal property is located in Nakasero, Kampala. Now, if Gen. Mugume who is not known to be a thief has a monthly income of 200m shillings from just one property, then how much do the known thieves own!!!!!!!

If Richard Tadwong has not understood the response to his queries as given by Gen. Tumwine then just like Justice James Ogola, he too "needs a mental check-up." Of course, behind Tadwong, there is his elder brother Gen. Charles Otema Awany.


Tuesday, 24 April 2018

UGANDA: Why Uganda elites should be held in Congo's Ndolo Barracks

"Museveni will soon sweat, cry for life like Gadhafi but though we continue to be held in military detention without trial, surrounded by high walls and tight security, our hearts are not broken and we shall soon see the light and justice. The regime has become more dangerous but even more vulnerable. Though the system is negotiating its final end, the tyrant is in denial. A tyrant is never fondled out of power, it's kicked out. Dictators are never smiled out of power, they are smoked out. They are never convinced to relinquish power, they are compelled out of power."
Sam Mugumya - former Aide to FDC strongman, Dr. Besigye.

Sam Mugumya like many of the elite Ugandan youths also graduated from Makerere University. Instead of rushing for deals with Museveni's monstrous regime, he chose the path of sacrifice to liberate his country. From the tone of his message, he is growing stronger, and defiantly resilient instead of seeking favours from his captives.

The regime is using Mugumya's incarceration to blackmail the youth and dissuade them from fighting for their freedom. The elites have been shunning away from identifying with the struggle and brand activism as the business of the unemployed and underprivileged. Otherwise, how come Sam Mugumya who under incarceration thousands of miles away in a foreign country is able to give a correct and accurate assessment of the situation pertaining to Museveni's Uganda? How come his voice is louder than most of the the urban elites in Uganda?

No wonder, Sam Mugumya's loud call was echoed by NRM's Richard Tadwong thus; ".....if we don't restrain, if we don't control our greed on how we use public resources, how we steal with impunity, then Ugandans will push us out of power."

Richard Tadwong broke the chains and is now a free man, what about you? Ugandan elites are psychologically incarcerated in Ndolo military prison.


Sunday, 22 April 2018

UGANDA: Gen. Otema on the security spotlight over Tadwong's "subversive remarks"

CHANGE OF GUARDS - "I am speaking to you because I know you are my shield, and I have to be honest, my church told me to be honest.  I have told this to the President – I am not scared if calling a spade, a spade.  If we don't restrain, if we don't control our greed on how we use public resources, how we steal with impunity, then Ugandans will push us out of power and that will be another transition.  The hills of Kampala are expanding with buildings yet the schools and health centres are shrinking, where do people get this money from?  And who are the owners of these structures ee see?  Commissioners, Directors, Ministers, M.Ps .... so, people get disgusted."

Richard Tadwong - the Museveni regime party Deputy Secretly General, addressing the Interreligious Council if Uganda conference in Entebbe recently.

In February 2018, Museveni issued a stern warning to religious leaders against cautioning his military dictatorship.  At a public function in Fort Portal he warned thus; “The religious leaders have been provoking us and me in particular, they should stop.  I don't want people to lecture me about what to do for Uganda."

Two months later Bishop Lwanga of the Catholic Church accused Museveni of planting spies in the church to report on the said Bishop's alleged plots to overthrow his (Museveni) government.  Two weeks later, Richard Tadwong who is a very top regime official is invited by the church to make "subversive" remarks!!!!

Richard Tadwong is a brother to Gen.  Charles Otema Awany the Commander of the non-existent Reserve Force. The Gen. joined the NRA from the UNLA after Museveni captured power in 1986.  He spent the better part of his service under the Directorate of Transport where he amassed a lot of ill gotten wealth.  He rose to become the Commander of the Gulu based 4th Division.  Being his home district, it was during his tenure as Division Commander that he ventured into active partisan politics.

In February 2002 he lead troops that stormed Gulu Prison where he ordered the extra judicial killing of Peter Oloya, an opposition activist.  In 2009 the High Court inquiry found him culpable of this murder but Museveni shielded him from prosecution.

In 2008 Acholi leaders accused him of undermining the peace process when he allegedly threatened to kill the leader of LRA, Joseph Kony. 

In February 2016 the Electoral Commission ordered the Police and the Election Returning Officer in Gulu to inquire into Gen. Otema's alleged involvement in campaigning for Museveni, intimidating the opposition supporters and bribery of voters.  As expected, the matter was swept under the carpet since all army officers were doing the same in their respective areas of command.  However, during the same time Gen. Ssejusa was arrested and arraigned before the court martial on accusations of involvement in partisan politics just because he had associated himself with the opposition.

In January 2017 Gen. Otema was moved from the prestigious position of Chief of Logistics to the position of Commander of the non-existent Reserve Force.

Gen. Otema has also been instrumental in land grabbing in northern Uganda.  He uses soldiers who are permanently guarding his 8,000-acre farm in Nwoya district to harass, intimidate and maim the victims.

As Richard Tadwong put it, the Museveni reign is characterized by nepotism.  Nepotism plays a supplementary role in the rise of both Tadwong and his brother Gen. Otema.  Obviously, the regime is shocked by Tadwong's courage to publicly state the obvious.  He must have first discussed it with his elder brother, Gen. Otema who gave him a go-ahead.

The development comes at a time when northern Uganda is threatening to secede from Uganda.  In December 2017 Hon. Reagan Okumu told Parliament thus; “My people have said that we either go federal or we secede from this country.  You have sat on us for a long time."   He was supported by the majority of M.Ps from northern Uganda.  Indeed, different statistical findings have indicated that the region is lagging in many aspects.  In the late 1990s Museveni regime's chief ideologist, Kajabago Karusoke described the people of northern Uganda as mere "biological substances".

To make matters worse another Luo, Ofwono Opondo who heads the government Media Centre and also doubles as the Deputy regime party Spokesman vehemently supported Tadwong's assertion.  He said; “There is nothing strange in what he is saying.  The truth of the matter is supervision in government is weak, if not absent - even in NRM, supervision is not there.  NRM has failed to supervise the government, and if we in the NRM and government don't raise these issues, then we shall cede to opposition propaganda." 

Over to you comrade Tadwong, get ready for disciplinary measures for "talking in the wrong forum".  For Ofwono Opondo, it will be by God's grace if you survive the incoming clean-up.  For Gen. Otema, it’s high treason to incite your brother to caution the system that has " made you what you are".


Friday, 20 April 2018

UGANDA: Taking stock of Gen. Muhoozi’s special operations docket

CHANGE OF GUARDS - In order to shed off the widespread criticism of grooming his son to inherit the Uganda presidency, in January 2017 Museveni relieved his son from the position of Commander of the elite Presidential Guard Unit, the SFC. Museveni instead created for his son a new position of Senior Presidential Advisor on Special Operations. Muhoozi was and remains the defacto overall commander of the army. He is the defacto Commander-In-Chief of the armed forces since all the heads of different armed forces and Intelligence Agencies report to him by virtue of his current position. Museveni simply wanted to hoodwink Ugandans by simply keeping him away from the public domain while at the same time placing him at the helm of all matters of security. In other words, the scheme to have his son as his successor is alive and kicking.

Special Operations (S.O) is a military term used to refer to military operations that are "special' or unconventional and carried out by dedicated Special Forces and Special Operations Forces units using unconventional methods and resources. Special Operations may be performed independently of, or in conjunction with, conventional military operations. The primary goal is to achieve a political or military operations objective where a conventional force requirement does not exist or might adversely affect the overall strategic outcome. Special Operations are usually conducted in a low-prifile manner that aims to achieve the advantages of speed, surprise, and violence of action against an unsuspecting target.

The above description of Special Operations accounts for Museveni's formation of his elite Special Forces Command (SFC) - "to achieve a political objective" where the conventional force (ordinary UPDF) is not trusted enough. Gen. Muhoozi's involvement with Special Operations dates back to the 2008 - 2009 botched offensive against the LRA in Eastern Congo's Caramba National Park. The team of SFC combatants has always been with the AMISOM contingent in Somalia. Owing to its sophisticated equipment, it is charged with carrying out specialized operations more especially at night and close quarter combat (built up areas).

In November 2016 the SFC was involved in an operation that saw the attack and killing of over 100 Bakonjo tribesmen at their king's palace in Kasese. Owing to the worldwide condemnation and threats of dragging the perpetrators to the ICC, in January 2017 Museveni opted to remove his son Gen. Muhoozi from the public limelight by way of relieving him of the direct command of the SFC. The then Army Chief, Gen. Katumba Wamala vehemently denied having given the attack orders to Gen. Elwelu who lead the massacre. Behind the curtains, Gen. Elwelu had been getting orders from Gen. Muhoozi whose components of SFC were actively on the ground in Kasese.

Instead, Museveni made his son a Senior Presidential Advisor on Special Operations. In April 2017 the SFC lead an operation that netted the Labour Minister Kabafunzaki as he allegedly received a cash bribe from a Sudanese investor. In September 2017 the SFC invaded Parliament, beat up and arrested opposition Members of Parliament during the tabling of the Age Limit Bill. The bill that has been made law sought to scrap the 75 years presidential age limit to allow Museveni who is aged 73 to rule for life. In October 2017 the SFC moved in to neutralize the standoff between ISO and Police over the security of a special Rwandese intelligence agent, Christine Umuhoza Mbabazi in Kampala. Around the same time, the SFC rounded up a number of senior Police Officers and leaders of the notorious regime militant group, Boda Boda 2010 in a bid to trim the political influence of the then Police Chief, Gen. Kalekyezi.

In December 2017, the SFC led a special operation that saw the indiscriminate artillery and aerial attacks in suspected rebel ADF camps inside DRC. The operation was called off after it proved fruitless and the ADF remains intact. During February 2018, the SFC was active in a botched rescue mission of kidnapped Susan Magara around Kampala. The kidnappers took the ransom money before eventually killing their victim. Around February 2018 in Somalia's capital Mogadishu, components of the SFC clashed with elements of the Somali Intelligence services, NISA leaving several dead and colossal damage to property.

Those are some of the Special Operations in which the SFC has been active courtesy of the Senior Presidential Advisor on Special Operations, Gen. Muhoozi.


Wednesday, 18 April 2018

UGANDA: When killing of 11 lions undermines tourism more than the killing of over 100 Bakonjo!!!

CHANGE OF GUARDS - Kasese district is home to Queen Elizabeth National Park (QENP), Rwenzori National Park (RNP) and the Bakonjo tribe. QENP is home to many wild animals including the rare tree-climbing lions. The major tourism activity in RNP is mountain trekking.

Last week three adult lions and eight of their cubs were found dead as a result of poisoning. The poisoning is alleged to have been done by a pastrolist after the lions killed his cow at Hamukungu Fishing Village. Both the Museveni regime, local and international conservation organizations have come out to vehemently condemn the incident.

In particular, the Minister of Wildlife and Antiquities, Prof. Ephraim Kamuntu rushed to the district and even led prayers for the dead lions. He had this to say;
"We condemn in the strongest terms possible such an act of deliberately killing animals who are now a top foreign exchange earner to the country contributing 10% of GDP and 23% of total foreign exchange. Perpetrator of this heinous act will face the full extend of the law."
Private sector players in Uganda's tourism sector issued a statement thus; "Such acts undermine the efforts by our tour operators to market the country and attract visitors to Uganda."

Human/wildlife conflicts have persisted amongst the communities that neighbour with most national parks in Uganda. Those communities don't appreciate the importance of wildlife because they don't see the benefits. UWA, the body mandated with management of wildlife and the national parks has an arrangement of sharing revenue accrued from tourism with the neighbouring communities. Twenty percent of the total revenue is given to such communities through their respective districts. During 2016/2017, Kasese district was given 36,204,441 shillings. The money is meant to support the improvement of social services and facilitation of income generating activities. Unfortunately, such remittances don't reach the target communities and end up being swindled by the regime cohorts at the district levels.

Interestingly, there is an existing agreement between UWA and residents of the fishing villages whereby they are not supposed to rear animals. The Museveni regime has accorded a special position to Pastoralist communities who are treated as an endangered species. In Lake Mburo National Park the pastoralists poisoned all the lions to extinction by 2001. In 2007 in QENP 10 Lions and four hyenas were poisoned to death by Basongora pastoralists in the same locality. QENP had only 90 lions remaining before this incident.

Kasese district and the Bakonjo in particular overwhelmingly support the opposition. During the February 2016 sham elections, the district overwhelmingly voted for the opposition in all electoral positions. Consequently, in November 2016 Museveni sent his security forces who attacked the palace of the Bakonjo king and gruesomely killed more than 100 people including women and children. Another 186 men and women were brutally arrested, humiliated, tortured and continue to be incarcerated without trial. The regime and private sector players in the tourism sector did not come out to condemn the heinous crime.

Kasese district is a tourism hub such that both the killing of lions and Bakonjo greatly undermines tourism. Burying their heads in the sand when Museveni kills Bakonjo but coming out to mourn and condemn the killing of 11 lions is hypocrisy of the highest order.


Saturday, 14 April 2018

UGANDA: Buganda's Gen. Lutaaya reaps big from Museveni's bush war

"Museveni found me working.  I was already a successful businessman.  He came to my home in Bugolobi and told me to abandon my business and join the war.  He told me that after the war I would be able to go back and do my business.  Now I want to do my business but see what I am going through.  I don't know what I have done wrong.  People say that soldiers like to use force, but I have exhausted all the legal means, secured a court order but the police still do not subscribe to or want me to use my land.  What can I do?  All police officers tell me they can't help me because of instructions from above.  That above can only be President Museveni.  What did I do to him?  Why doesn't he tell me what went wrong?  I am not going to go down on my knees to beg what belongs to me"
      Brig. Andrew Lutaaya - interview with The Observer.

In 1977 Brig. Andrew Lutaaya bought a huge chunk of land in Mubende.  When he joined Museveni's Bush War (1981 - 1986), Banyarwanda squatters occupied the same land.  In 1986 he got a lease and in 2003 he secured a Land Tittle for the same land.  In the mean time, more Banyarwanda squatters continued to flock and settle on his land.

During the 1995 Constitution making process, Museveni granted the Banyarwanda a blank cheque as far as Buganda's land is concerned.  They had actively helped him during his sectarian war and he sought to reward them by enacting a provision that legalized their illegal occupation of private land.  First, he Grant's citizenship to all Banyarwanda by identifying them as one of the indigenous tribes of Uganda.  Secondly, the Article 237 of the Constitution directed Parliament to enact a law regulating the relationship between the bonafide occupant of land and the registered owner of the land.  Consequently, S.29 (2) of the enacted Land Act 1998 defined a bonafide occupant of land as a person who occupied any land for 12 years or more years before the coming into force of the 1995 Constitution.

The law protected those who had been illegally sitting on registered land for 12 years without being challenged by registered owners until 1995.  The 12 years was specifically designed to cover the period of his Bush War and after he captured power in 1986.  This was the period when Banyarwanda migrants and refugees who now wielded state power rushed to occupy such land.  The provisions were therefore meant to provide them with a legal backing.  It is during that period that the same people illegally occupied Brig. Lutaaya's land.  Many Ugandans fell victim to such schemes.
After capturing power, Brig. Lutaaya was kind of an absent landlord because he was busy with state duties.  When he retired and sought to utilize his land, the so called bonafide occupants resisted eviction.  He managed to compensate a few of them but the well connected stubbornly refused to leave.  They pleaded bonafide occupancy as per the constitution.  In 2002 he pleaded with Museveni who sent his then State House Legal Officer, Fox Odoi who reported back thus "Lutaaya is the rightful owner and the Tennant's have no plausible claim."   Museveni just kept a deaf ear and in 2003 Lutaaya went to court.  In 2008 court ruled that the illegal occupants of his land "were not bonafide occupants of the land, since they did not occupy the land in 1983 to qualify under the law."

Following the court ruling, Brig. Lutaaya attempted to evict the illegal occupants but was blocked by the police on orders of Gen. Kalekyezi - the Munyarwanda police chief.  The frustrated Brig. Andrew Lutaaya was compelled to run to the court of public opinion hence the above quoted outbursts.  Brig.  Andrew Lutaaya was the only civilian among the 27 men who launched Museveni's Bush War in 1986. He is the one that drove the lorry that carried the fighters that attacked Kabamba.  He is the one that carried a successful reconnaissance on the areas in the Luwero Triangle where Museveni established bases.  He is the one who was in charge of canoeing Museveni across Lake Victoria whenever he would be stealthily leaving and returning to the country. After capturing power Brig. Lutaaya served in different high-profile positions before being grounded (Katebe) in 1994 which lasted several years before being eventually retired.
If such a high-profile person can yell in frustration, it is no wonder ordinary Ugandans have given up and are now living at the mercy of Museveni and his cohorts.  This is a clear case of blood being thicker than water.


Monday, 9 April 2018

UGANDA: Out-Of-Court settlement for murder charges in Museveni's Uganda

S.160 of the Magistrates Court Act (MCA) stipulates that;

"In criminal cases, a Magistrate may promote reconciliation, and encourage and facilitate the settlement in an amicable way of proceedings for ASSAULT, or for ANY OTHER OFFENCE OF A PERSONAL OR PRIVATE NATURE NOT AMOUNTING TO A FELONY AND NOT AGGRAVATED IN DEGREE, in terms of payment of compensation or other terms approved by the court, and may, there upon order the proceedings to be stayed."

The above provision applies to minor offences of a personal nature like assaulting (beating) some one without causing any serious injury or simple theft of an item, thus misdemeanors. It does not apply in serious offences and more serious ones commonly referred to as capital offence.

On 13th December 2017 in Kampala, Bryan White shot and seriously injured his neighbour, Victor Bitwiire shattering Victor’s shoulder outside his residence. White rushed the victim to the hospital from where he was arrested by the police. He was detained at Kabalagala Police Station and the gun that he used was recovered from his residence. He denied having shot Victor Bitwiire saying that he had only helped a man he found lying in the trench near his home.

According to the Kampala Metropolitan Police (KMP) commander, Frank Mwesigwa, the recovered gun was neither marked nor registered with any security agencies in Uganda. He suspected that it may have been smuggled into the country. He went ahead to disclose that the police had "arrested the person they suspected to have helped him to get the gun so that we know the source." Shortly after the police arrested two of its own police officers from Kabalagala Police Station who had been official bodyguards to Bryan White. The incident prompted the IGP to order for an audit of all police firearms starting with pistols. He further ordered for development of a computerised register for all firearms. Bryan White was transferred to the Nalufenya high profile detention facility.

Around late December 2017 Bryan White and his police bodyguard Cpl Thomas Okoth who is attached to the Crime Intelligence Division were charged with attempted murder of Victor Bitwiire. They denied the charges and were remanded to Prison. Around early January 2018 Bryan White and Cpl Thomas Okoth were granted a cash bail of 10m shillings each. Each of their sureties were conditioned to a non-cash bond of 20m shillings each. Bryan White was further ordered to deposit his passport in court and not to travel outside the country until the matter was disposed of.

On 2nd March 2018 the Resident State Attorney at Makindye, Happiness Ainebyona informed court that the matter was headed for reconciliation. She further disclosed that "the police Investigations Officer had taken the file for purposes of facilitating an out of court negotiation between the parties and all they need is sometime to see if these talks yield fruits." The matter was adjourned to 9th April 2018.

On 9th April 2018, the Resident State Attorney Happiness Ainebyona informed the trial court presided over by His Worship Kakooza that "the case file had been forwarded to the DPP for further guidance since the two parties had reconciled." She further disclosed that "the state intends to withdraw the charges as soon as the case file is brought back from the DPD's office." The matter was adjourned to 24th April 2018 for the DPP to give a final decision.

In a related earlier development, on 24th October 2017 outside Bryan White's same residence in Kampala, he shot and injured Ivan Bogere who was returning from a night club. Bryan White claimed he was a thief and refused to rush him to the hospital. It was the yelling by Bogere that attracted people from the neighborhood who called the police that took him and dumped him in Mulago hospital where he is admitted todate. A case of attempted murder was reported at Katwe police station but the police was bribed by Bryan White not to follow-up the matter. Bogere is now suing for damages in the High Court but unfortunately his Lawyer Ladislaus Rwakafuzi has also been blinded by Bryan White's money. Instead of helping his helpless client to pursue the criminal matter of attempted murder first so that it will act as evidence in the civil action for compensation, he is just exploiting him.

Bryan White is a strong regime tool used for neutralizing the influence of M.P Bobi Wine among the youth. He has a licence to commit any crime including murder and get away with it. However, out-of-court settlement in serious criminal offences is a new phenomenon. We have been witnessing Museveni blocking investigations or indirectly ordering the DPP to discontinue criminal proceedings, in some cases influencing court decisions and reversing court decisions through kidnap of freed suspects. If allowed to take root, it is setting a very dangerous precedent.

Ugandans want to know where Bryan White got the gun from. They want to know why he was not charged with illegal possession of the gun. They want to know who pulled the trigger? They want to know who deployed the police officers to guard Bryan White and why. They want to know why the police officer is not charged with allowing Bryan White to use his gun. They want assurance that Bryan White will not continue to shoot them. They want to know why the two accused were not charged before the court martial since a civilian had used a gun.

In criminal law, punishment is meant to disable, deter and discourage the accused and other potential offenders from committing further offences. If the police had property handled the attempted murder case of Ivan Bogere in October 2017, the second similar incident of December 2017 wouldn't have arisen. Similarly, if the Chief Magistrates Court illegally exonerates him in the instant case, Ugandans should have more reason to worry. It will be like giving him a licence to shoot and maim or kill and then pay compensation.

Bryan White's cash offers are too attractive to resist. Where is ULS, JSC, IGG, Inspectorate of Courts, Human Rights defenders????


Sunday, 8 April 2018

UGANDA: Behind Museveni's army brutal campaign on Lake Victoria

CHANGE OF GUARDS - "These routes on the lake prompted me to believe and realize that the government of the time had no control over the territory of Lake Victoria."

Museveni telling residents of Bukasa Island how he used L. Victoria to leave and enter the country during his Bush War - March 2018

Lake Victoria harbours Uganda's southern and south-eastern border with Tanzania and Kenya respectively. Owing to the location of the Capital Kampala on the shores, this makes the lake an area of strategic security interest. It has vast islands and landing sites whose main economic activity is fishing which contributes 3% of Uganda’s GDP.

During the reign of Iddi Amin, Lake Victoria was a location of high security interest owing to the presence of exiled dissident main bases in Tanzania and to some extent Kenya. In the early days of the anti-Iddi Amin struggle, a canoe carrying 85 dissident fighters belonging to Save Uganda Movement (SUM), who had taken off from the Tanzania side of the lake capsized a short moment after taking off. At one time the Iddi Amin regime appointed a former British soldier, Maj. Bob Astles as head of the Anti-Smuggling Unit whose major focus was on L. Victoria. Following the fall of Iddi Amin, Maj. Bob Astles was charged with murder of a 16 years old fisherman, Henry Musisi allegedly on 31st May 1977 at Kikoko landing site but was acquitted by the High Court in October 1981.

During Museveni's Bush War (1981 - 1986), L. Victoria was the major route that linked the fighters with the outside world. With Kenya having been the hub of the rebel's External Committee, Museveni and most of his top fighters often exited and re-entered the country via the same lake. Logistical supplies like the NRA radio equipment was smuggled into the country via Lake Victoria. A chain of fishermen, canoes, rebel contacts along the landing sites etc. were coordinated by now retired Brigadier Andrew Lutaaya. Being a port of Ssese Island, Andrew Lutaaya, like most islanders, was a master of the lake.

On page 144 of his Sowing the Mustard Seed, Museveni recounts: "I stayed with the boat boys and Kutesa on the Island until night fall. At around 10. p.m. we decided to hire a canoe. We landed 200 metres north of Kasenyi landing site where our boat boys knew a certain family nearby." It is during one of these treacherous journeys that after surviving a boat wreckage, Lutaaya gave the shivering Museveni a bottle of beer as a remedy. Years after coming to power Museveni rewarded some of these fishermen and contacts from Nsadzi Island with fishing nets, boats, engines, cash capital and motor vehicles.

Recently Col. Fred Bogere told The Observer that in 1981 after completion of military training in Libya, their group tried three times to enter the country from Kenya via Lake Victoria. After failing twice due to arrest by Kenya authorities and landing near Luzira Prison respectively, they succeeded on the third time when they landed in an area in Mukono that was under the control of Gen. Kyaligonza's Black Bomber.

In the mid 1990s, Museveni created an Anti-Smuggling Unit (ASU) headed by Brigadier Andrew Lutaaya whose major focus was Lake Victoria. He was arbitrarily replaced by Gen. Kalekyezi and the Unit renamed the Special Revenue Protection Services (SPRS). The unit was so brutal in the execution of its mandate that many citizens lost lives, property and a livelihood. The unit was more concerned with security monitoring than revenue protection.

With growing political dissent over Museveni's military dictatorship, he felt that some Ugandans may resort to use of arms to cause regime change. He created a Beach Management Unit (BMU) under the Police that was charged with monitoring security on the lake shores. In February 2017 he disbanded the BMU and replaced it with the Fisheries Protection Unit (FPU) under the army. Under the cover of fighting illegal fishing, the unit imposed a ban on fishing. It has been indiscriminately killing, torturing, illegally detaining, destroying property and ordering locals to vacate the fishing villages and landing sites. By July 2017 in Masaka area alone, over 1,000 had been evicted by the army from the fishing villages on grounds that they were not gazetted.

On 10th December 2017, 14 Members of Parliament from the fishing communities met Museveni and demanded the withdrawl of soldiers whom they accused of torture and general hostility. By January 2018 more than 10 arbitrary and gruesome killings by the soldiers had been recorded. On 9th February 2018, the Speaker of Parliament demanded for an explanation from the Ministry of Defence over the mandate of the army in fighting illegal fishing. This followed an appeal by the Mukono South M.P, Hon. Muyanja for relief aid to his displaced constituents after their 100 houses and property were indiscriminately set ablaze. It is reliably reported that the soldiers between fishermen and other local residents not involved in the fishing were affected.

The high-handed soldiers claim they have orders from Museveni to use excessive force. Ever since, no single soldier has been made to account. In an exclusive interview with the Daily Monitor, the Commander of FPU, Maj. Nuwagaba had this to say; “.... the law gives us leverage to charge you as economic terrorists. If you are caught, you will be treated like Kong." He went ahead to defend the brutality thus; ".... if one brings an axe to hit me, I will use skills to dislodge him. Some of them take alcohol. If you are not careful they can cut off your head. As a responsible UPDF officer how can I allow a person without a national I.D to cut me? Reasonable force cannot apply when a person is armed with a panga."

In April 2016 security agencies at the Uganda/Rwanda border turned back a group of 34 Rwandese nationals who were armed with speed boat engines and their fishing gear headed for Kiyindi landing site in Mukono. It was reported that already the estimated population of 600 Rwandese who had settled at Kiyindi were deeply involved in illegal fishing and other criminal activities. The development came inspite of the policy of free movement of nationals of EAC member states. In February 2018 Museveni and Kenya's Uhuru announced plans to set up a joint monitoring mechanism over the lake using radar.

"I was smuggling weapons through this borderline here. You should have scanners. We are working to put monitoring stations. We shall have a Lake Victoria monitoring plan too. We need eyes to see what is happening on Lake Victoria."

Reliable sources reveal that a cartel of "Mafias" are using soldiers from the FPU to push their rivals out of business.


Thursday, 5 April 2018

UGANDA: Why the public cannot help security to capture prison escapees

CHANGE OF GUARDS - Early last month two "high profile" prisoners escaped from the docks when they were appearing before the court in Masaka. The two, Musa Galiwango and Mohammed Kidawalime were facing criminal charges of murder and robbery. They had been arrested following a spate of violent attacks and robberies dubbed Bijambia (Panga men) that have hit the Greater Masaka region. In what looks like a politically motivated organised crime, the attackers send written messages to the target area clearly stating the date and time of attack and amount of money they need. At one time the so-called suspects told a press conference organised by the IGP Gen. Kalekyezi that they "work with the police" in carrying out the attacks (see photo).

The two escapees were arrested following an early January attack that left five people dead including a retired police officer. This particular incident had attracted the Police chief Gen. Kalekyezi who camped in the area for some days before he was joined by Museveni who consoled the victim families with 10m shillings. When they were arrested, security expressed relief over a break through with the IGP describing Galiwango as having been the gang leader.

The two fled from court premises where they had been escorted by 6 Prison Warders. They jumped the court's fence and fled to the direction of the nearby estates before entering a forest. A joint force comprising of the army, police and prison personnel swung into action to capture the 2 escapees. Preliminary investigations involving even police dogs revealed that the two had immediately exited the forest and with the help of motorcycles had left the area. Security went further to speculate that they May have even fled the country to neighboring Tanzania. The police put out widespread public notice over how the two "are very dangerous" and a bounty of 10m shillings has not helped either.

It is now 32 days and the two have not been traced. The Museveni regime has incorporated the armed forces including Prison Services into its military structures. The brutality of the security forces and their partisan nature has isolated them from the general public. After repeatedly being violently defrauded at the polls, the citizens are looking forward to getting rid of the regime by any other means. A good number of citizens pray that the Panga men turn into a politically motivated force. Because of their brutality, the citizens celebrate and jubilate over any form of setback suffered by the security forces. This explains the unfortunate jubilant mood in the country over the recent killing of soldiers in Somalia. Similarly, because of rampant persecution and criminal injustice, the public perception of those in detention is that they are victims of persecution.

It’s a clear case of loss of confidence in the criminal justice system. It is a clear testimony that when the citizens withdraw their support, no amount of money can buy intelligence information. Otherwise, with public confidence and support, moreover in an area affected by the so-called Panga Men, it would have been a matter of hours before the two would have been captured. Maybe if the militarisation of the 11m Crime Preventers and the installation of CCTV cameras had been accomplished, it would have been a different story.


Wednesday, 4 April 2018

UGANDA: Of Muslim "terrorism" and Christian "threatening violence"


CHANGE OF GUARDS - The Museveni regime is reputed for abduction, arbitrary arrests, torture, detention without trial, and malicious prosecution and general persecution of Muslims over concocted terrorism charges.  Hundreds have gone through such ordeals while many more continue to be held in different detention facilities over alleged terrorism.  Even where courts of law have intervened to grant bail to accused Muslims, state security agents have violently kidnapped them from court premises.  

During the recent Easter Day prayers at Namirembe Cathedral, a member the congregation, 35 years old Herbert Kaddu dashed from his seat, ran through the isle towards Bishop Luwalia who was preaching on the pulpit.  Partly dressed in a piece of a bark cloth and holding a stick, Kaddu fell down as he tried to jump over some furniture at the altar before he was overpowered by the congregation. 

In his defense, Kaddu claims that he wanted to hand over the family fetishes (stick and bark cloth) to the Bishop after discovering that they were useless.  On why he had to run through the isle, he claims that because he wanted to beat security which he feared would stop him.  Members of his family have asserted that Kaddu is mentally unstable.  The police says its medical examination has revealed that he is mentally stable to stand trial.  Today he was charged with two counts of threatening violence and disturbing a religious assembly. 

Kaddu's defense looks valid because its a normal practice for reformed Christians to surrender their fitishes to church ministers without giving notice.  Whoever introduced the deployment of security personnel during normal church service is responsible for Kaddu's awkward conduct in order to beat unnecessary security presence.  

Security in church, security at funerals, security at social gatherings,  security in classrooms, security at the graveyard, oh my God!! Otherwise if he had criminal intent, why would he park his personal car and dress conspicuously and carry a stick instead of a hidden knife?  

Why would he dash to the alter in full view of the congregation instead of strategically waiting for his target as he would go through the isle at the conclusion of the service?  On the other hand, one wonders why a regime would take the trouble to distort the face of Kaddu's picture (see Photo)!!!!!  The regime is fond of parading such suspects before cameras.

What if Herbert Kaddu had been Abdul Kaddu, would he have escaped terrorism charges????  He would have been held and tortured in un-gazetted torture chambers for months before being produced in court if he would be lucky enough to stay alive.

It's just redundancy. 


Tuesday, 3 April 2018

UGANDA: Why Bishop Lwanga strongly trusts his "anonymous" source

CHANGE OF GUARDS - During the Good Friday Holly Mass, the Archbishop of Kampala Archdiocese, Cyprian Kizito Lwanga told the world that Museveni was linking him to plots to overthrow Museveni’s government. Bishop Lwanga claimed to have gotten an anonymous telephone call from someone with an "accent from western Uganda" who cautioned him over the matter. The man of God went further to reveal that the same source confided in him that Museveni had deployed a long chain of informants within the church set up. The Bishop went further and disclosed that his source had intimated that some of his Priests, Sisters, Brothers, and even Catechists and Seminarians had been recruited by security agencies to spy on him.

The Bishop went ahead to reveal that Museveni was being given a lot of misleading information by politicians, businessmen, civil servants, police, CMI, and ISO. Bishop Lwanga called upon them to repent and stop telling lies. He sent a simple and clear message to Museveni thus; "These people are your enemies. They are going to make you fail because your mind is poisoned and you act on such information". He cautioned Museveni over recruiting wrong people as informants citing that some of them had been dismissed from the church. Bishop Lwanga concluded by advising Museveni thus; " call us Your Excellency, even individually and tell us face to face what is on the ground. Also, be kind enough to tell us those recruited in ESO, ISO and CMI from our side and we also tell you what concerns them so that you know who and what they are saying". Bishop Lwanga called upon the church leaders to "resign instead of serving two masters at ago".

It has now been reported that following the Bishop's revelations, President Museveni has called Bishop Lwanga. Though the details of their telephone conversation are not known, what is clear is that Museveni is in a panicky mood. Security will try to find out if it’s Gen. Kalekyezi who alerted the Bishop.

1. Going by the tone of Bishop Lwanga, his source is not only the so-called "anonymous" telephone caller. He has more credible sources and that is why Museveni has panicked by calling Bishop Lwanga. Otherwise, why is government conspicuously silent and when will security swing into action to investigate???

2. Museveni has been undermining the mainstream Christian churches - the Roman Catholic and Anglican in favor of the Pentecostal movement. This is because of the Catholics and Anglicans’ historical links to the UPC and DP respectively. A few years ago, Museveni warned his then Vice President, Gilbert Bukenya of alleged secret night meetings with "his" army officers and top leadership of the Catholic church.

3. Being the Chairperson of the Uganda Joint Christian Council (UJCC), Bishop Lwanga must have first shared the information with some of the council members who gave him a go ahead to go public.

There is more than meets the public eye.


Monday, 2 April 2018

SOMALIA: Why Ugandans "want to hear" that their 40 soldiers were killed by Al-Shabaab

Over the Easter weekend, the Somali militant group is reported to have carried out simultaneous attacks against the positions of the Ugandan contingent under AMISOM. FOUR Ugandan soldiers are reported to have been killed and a few others injured. However, controversy has arisen in Uganda where the population feels that the army is not being sincere in their casualty figures.

This is not the first attack by the militants but whenever it occurs, the regime has always attempted to conceal some information leaving the population to speculate. While it is a practice world over for the military to conceal its own casualties in order to mitigate the morale of fighters, the Museveni regime seems to have sinister motives. Museveni's army has been with the Somali Peacekeeping Mission since 2007 and has been marred by corruption, exploitation and abuse of personnel and blackmail. Museveni has used the mission to blackmail the west against his dictatorship and to attract foreign exchange.

At home, most Ugandans view Museveni’s army as the regime's coercive tool. Its management is based on high level patronage, nepotism and sectarianism. It is partisan with a lead mandate of keeping Museveni in power through suppression of political dissent. It is no secret that UPDF is Museveni's personal army. In November 2016 (26th, 27th), the same army carried out a coldblooded massacre of over one hundred innocent citizens in Kasese.

It is against this background that helpless Ugandans feel some relief and justice when such a partisan and repressive personal army is attacked in Somalia. They are interrogating the images showing more than four coffins. They feel cheated when the number is small but how did we get to this????