Wednesday, 30 May 2018

UGANDA: Basoga defy Museveni's sectarian greed


CHANGE OF GUARDS - A Musoga, Prof. Waswa Balunywa has been the Principal of Makerere University Business School (MUBS), Nakawa for the last 21 years. He has successfully developed the institution to acceptable standards. When he clocked his statutory retirement age of 60 years in 2015 in accordance with S.12 of the Pensions Act Cap 286, nobody raised the issue.

It is only three years later when the greedy Mafias embarked on having their usual own take over MUBS. The First Lady who is the Minister of Education ganged up with the Chairman of the governing council of MUBS, Prof. Venancias Baryamureba to have Prof. Moses Muhwezi takeover from Prof. Waswa Balunywa. The First Lady directed the Education Service Commission to speed up "the process of getting a replacement for Prof. Balunywa to avoid a leadership vacuum."

The plan was to have Prof. Muhwezi takeover as the Principal while MUBS is elevated to the University level where Prof. Baryamureba would become the Vice Chancellor. You will recall that the same Prof. Baryamureba vied for the just concluded process of selecting a Vice Chancellor for Makerere University. Instead it was Prof. Nawangwe from the eastern region who was selected.

Prof. Waswa Balunywa put up a spirited fight that included the general public from other regions and his Basoga tribesmen in particular. The matter took a sectarian tone when the public overwhelmingly expressed its disgust over the regime's calculated schemes to have every top public office go to Museveni's western region. Prof. Balunywa engaged the aid of his top tribesman and former Minister Asuman Kiyingi who lead underground manoeuvres and lobbying. As the fierce battle raged on, the Prof Baryamureba camp moved fast and appointed Prof. Moses Muhwezi as the Acting Pr,ncipal.

Mindful of political repercussions and driven by the quest for cheep political capital, as usual, in the midst of the bloody contest, Museveni moved in by directing that Prof. Balunywa be reappointed as the Principal of MUBS. In private, the aftermath of the clashes are in Museveni's bedroom; in public we are yet to see if Prof. Baryamureba will stick to his guns by either of going to court to challenge the renewal of Prof. Balunywa's contract or resigning as Chairman of the MUBS governing council.

The other day when the Judicial Service Commission stood its ground against Museveni's reappointment of  Chief Justice Ben Odoch beyond his retirement age, Museveni had to give in.

The saga is a classic example of what Tamale Mirundi refers to as "sectarian arrogance" where the Mafias feel that every top public office should be "theirs". For now, Prof. Waswa Balunywa's Mpa Enkoni (posh government car) will continue to take Jinja Road as opposed to the traditional Busega Round about and Katonga Bridge.

Defiance and Tubalemese has worked.


Tuesday, 29 May 2018

UGANDA: Ignore ADF's Jamil Mukulu's claims at your own peril

"The government of Uganda sponsors ADF rebels but if it is a terror organisation, why do they support them with military logistics and finance? They (government) sponsor them every month and it is a fact."
Jamil Mukulu shouting at the High Court two days ago.

CHANGE OF GUARDS - Jamil Mukulu was the alleged leader of the eastern Congo ADF rebel group. He was arrested from Tanzania a few years ago, extradited to Uganda and detained without trial. It is only this time that the regime is trying to conduct a sham trial just to argument its empty claim that the rampant mysterious murders and kidnappings in the country are masterminded by the ADF rebels.

Now, Jamil Mukulu has let the cat out of the bag. Any sensible person would wonder how the so called remnants of ADF derive the strength to attack and overwhelm the UN peacekeeping force comprised of Tanzanian soldiers based in eastern DRC! If the ADF has accumulated such strength, why not use it to attack at least a single soft spot inside Uganda; at least along the common border area owing to the proximity of its alleged bases inside Congo!!!!

For the doubting Thomases, have a look at this:
Around March 2008 Museveni's security operatives stormed The Independent magazine offices in an effort to apprehend a fugitive, Lance Corporal Godfrey Masaba of UPDF, following a tip off. Owing to poor intelligence, the over 40 plain clothed security operatives and uniformed police instead grabbed the gate keeper, Herbert Labejja and bundled him into their waiting Land Cruiser. In the ensuing confusion Masaba managed to escape from the premises. After realising that the gate keeper was not their target, they identified themselves and embarked on searching the office for Godfrey Masaba to no avail.

Consequently, security operatives arrested and detained two workers of The Independent magazine, Dambyo Godrick and John Njoroge at the Uganda-Rwanda border on allegations that they were trying to smuggle the fugitive Godfrey Masaba to Rwanda. Eventually, Lance Corporal Godfrey Masaba managed to flee the country and lives in exile.

As evidenced from the attached photo where Masaba is seated in Museveni's chair at the Kololo Parade Ground, he was a former UPDF soldier from the elite specialized unit that guards Museveni. Note that it is not every Tom and Dick in the SFC that comes near Muveni's chair. He claimed to have belonged to a special task force under the SFC called 181 Unit comprised of most trusted soldiers attached to the northern Uganda bases 401 Brigade. That in June 2003 his 181 Unit was assembled to go and ambush the LRA rebels in Corner Kilak. After dealing a heavy blow on the so-called LRA rebels, Masaba realised that the victims were instead their own from 77 battalion whom he very well knew. That 77 Battalion was made up of mainly former LRA fighters who had been integrated into the UPDF.

That following their integration they had been sent to Congo to fight the ADF rebels. That upon return from Congo, they demanded for payment of their salary arrears for the period they had been away. That the ambush was not reported anywhere in the press but the Brigade Commander Nathan Mugisha was briefly taken to the court martial though not tried. That after the said ambush, his group was briefed by the 401 Brigade Commander Nathan Mugisha, Gen. Aronda, Gen. Kalekyezi, and the 181 Unit commander, a one Mushabe. They were instructed to stop shaving their hair and beards, were given combat trousers and civilian T-shirts and tasked to attack villages in northern Uganda while posing as LRA rebels. That they were promised many things in return including being deployed in Kampala.

That the goal of such attacks would be gather intelligence about local communities supporting the LRA rebels. That during the frequent visits that they made, a fluent Acholi speaking group member would tell the attacked local communities: "My Commander came here today and you gave us food, now we need more". A woman member of the local community would reply in a shaky voice that she didn't know what they were talking about; that she had nothing to offer. Commander Mushabe would order soldiers to " work on her" - cutting lips, ears, or breasts, or even kill by shooting in the back.

That despite the one year tour of duty in northern Uganda, upon return to Kampala he was denied a good office, refused to hold a gun and offered a mean monthly salary of 190,000 shillings. That he felt betrayed when his colleagues were is prestigious offices under ISO, ESO and CMI and well paid. That around early 2007 he ran into a certain Moses, an Acholi speaking with whom they had been in 181 Unit and had been promoted to the rank of Warrant Officer Class Two (WOII). That Masaba vowed to reveal to the press the secrets of 181 Unit. That a month later, he got information from a friend in the army that "they are looking for you" and he decided to flee the country.

That in May 2007 he crossed to Southern Sudan using cargo trucks, took a motorcycle for a 12 hours journey to Obbo UNHCR office. That at Obbo he was interviewed by the CAR police who suspected him to be a spy before flying him to the capital Bangui. That in Bangui, the Minister of Defence who is the son of President Francois Bozize took him to meet the President who interrogated him over his intentions. That on 20th August 2007 he was put in a plane together with President Bozize and he thought he was being taken to Europe for resettlement. That instead he was flown to Uganda together with the president and his wife who were on a day's state visit.

That upon landing at Entebbe Airport he was driven under heavy escort to State House where Museveni interrogated him over the rebel group he belonged to. That Museveni often argued that; ".....this boy is not acting alone" and wanted to know the soldiers in active service that Masaba was working with. That for the next one month he was tortured at the Muyenga Safe House until he escaped through the room. That unfortunately he was rearrested at Lwakhakha border post on the Uganda-Kenya border. That he was brought back to Kampala and detained at another Safe House in Ntinda.

That around the time of CHOGM when the guards were few, Masaba together with another captive from Rwanda overpowered the drunken guard before fleeing to freedom thus the raid on The Independent magazine offices. The then army Spokesman, Paddy Ankunda described Masaba as a deserter.

During the LRA insurgency, several voices pointed at atrocities by the Museveni army while some circles argued that the army had been directly fanning the war because the regime did not want the LRA insurgency to end. Branded "terrorists", the entire blame was placed on the LRA. However, years later, as he attempted to blackmail Gen. Ssejusa, Museveni claimed he did not know that his army had been committing atrocities in northern Uganda before promising to bring to book whoever was implicated.

Some top regime officials including, Museveni himself, have confessed that during their Bush War (1981 - 1986) they would dress up like government soldiers and UPC functionaries and commit atrocities against civilians so as to tarnish the image of the government. In recent years, the country has witnessed masked armed goons raiding courts of law to reverse court decisions, kidnapping people, fanning violence etc in broad daylight. The regime has owned up to these goons. Just most recently, a group of goons publicly confessed in the presence of the police chief that they work with the police to terorise people in a new wave of violence dubbed 'Panga Men". Such incidents not only corroborate but give credence to Mukulu's claims.


Sunday, 27 May 2018

UGANDA: Was the Makerere University fire outbreak coincidental?


CHANGE OF GUARDS - Makerere University's biggest hall of residence, Mary Stuart Hall has been gutted by fire that started from the canteen on the ground floor. The fire that started at around 2.00a.m attracted rescuers from the neighboring Lumumba Hall. Mary Stuart Hall had no fire extinguishers and those for Lumumba Hall had been locked in the store. After failing to contain the fire using water, the students rushed to St. Augustine and St. Francis Chapels from where they were helped by the congregation that had gathered for early morning prayers with fire extinguishers. At the University Building, they were refused fire extinguishers before being told that they had to talk to their bosses first. In the meantime students improvised ladders to rescue the trapped students. In the process three female students were injured. The police fire fighters eventually arrived at around 6.00a.m and managed to put out the fire but the canteen and its assets had been completely destroyed.

In 2014 the University Council resolved to scrap provision of meals to students. Instead it outsourced private companies to provide catering services to students at a cost of 4,000 shillings (US $1.2) for both lunch and supper per day. Four firms were contracted to provide the services at six serving centres. In particular FinalandBar & Restaurant was contracted to serve the said Mary Stuart Hall. In March 2018 the University Council again announced that it would stop providing meals in the halls of residence effective June 2018. It went further to announce that consequently the contracts for the catering service providers would not be renewed in June 2018. That instead, the university was to pay cash of 4,500 shillings per day to the affected students so that they look for their own meals.

The move was seen by the students as being unrealistic thus sparking off a violent strike in mid April 2018 in which scores of students were violently arrested by the anti-riot police. Just a week to the deadline of terminating the catering services (June 2018), fire guts one of the halls of residence's serving centre, the canteen. What a coincidence!!!!

On 12th May 2017, this website ran a piece titled; MUSEVENI'S WEALTH CREATION AND THE RAMPANT MYSTERIOUS FIRE OUTBREAKS (  FULL TEXT AT BOTTOM FOR CONVENIENCE). We highlighted the rampant fire outbreaks mostly targeting market places whose land ownership is contested or the regime intended to relocate or evict the vendors.

On 31st March 2018 we ran another piece titled; BEHIND MUSEVENI'S ABOLISHING OF GOVERNMENT UNIVERSIY SCHOLARSHIP ( FULL TEXT AT THE BOTTOM FOR CONVENIENCE). We highlighted the driving force behind the decree; to suppress the students' capacity to express dissent by way of blackmailing them with dependence on government tuition loans. In the instant case, government wants to emphasize its resolve to abolish provision of meals to students. Most of the strikes at the university revolve around meals. 

Next will be the closure of halls of residence. Because of its proximity to the city centre and given it's historical role as a centre of national politics, the military dictatorship is wary of the university's continued defiance. The regime is attempting to dismantle any rallying point that eases mobility of students into strikes and riots. That way, any student who does not tow the regime line will be gotten rid of through denial or disconnection of meals cash allowance and tuition loan. The message was sent and successfully delivered.


Friday, May 12, 2017

VIDEO: #Museveni's wealth creation and rampant mysterious fire outbreaks - #Uganda

Museveni's wealth creation and the rampant mysterious fire outbreaks

For over one decade ago, Uganda's military dictator has been duping Ugandans by masquerading around with poverty alleviation schemes. That way he has been able to steal public funds while at the same time achieving his much cherished deliberate impoverishment schemes.

The private sector is a key engine of economic growth. The informal sector in urban settings is a significant proportion of the population and has the potential to drive job creation and revenue collection. Urban market structures increase trade between rural and urban areas by serving as wholesaling centers for intra-urban trade and cross border trade especially for agricultural products.

Markets sustain 80% of the women in Uganda who are involved in agricultural production and trading activities. Urban market structures have been victims of brutal law enforcement measures of regulatory authorities. They have not been spared by political infighting, land grabbing, and management conflicts which account for most of the fire incidents.

Museveni appointed two market vendors, Kayongo and Winnie Atwine as his Presidential Advisors on Markets but the situation has instead worsened.  Winnie Atwine (pictured above) is a Rwandese from Kayonza in Kibungo province of Rwanda but with another home in Mbarara town and Naalya in Kampala.  She used to be a second-hand bedsheets vendor in Owino market for many years while she acted as an informer to DMI and later CMI in the mid 1990s.  

Winnie Atwine later took to full time political mobilisation for the regime among market vendors and the greater Rwandese community. With her 'advice', market vendors in Kampala are facing total elimination from business through closures, evictions, high dues, high rent, brutality by law enforcement, mysterious fires, unprecedented relocations, and other vices just because they are perceived as opposition leaning.

In 2005 Museveni appointed his most trusted cadre, Gen. Kalekyezi to head the Police whose main duty is to protect life and property. Instead Gen. Kalekyezi's tenure came with a new phenomenon in Uganda; mysterious fire outbreaks that have persistently claimed lives and destroyed property worth trillions of impoverished Ugandans earnings.

The March 2006 fire at Kabarole Islamic Primary School that claimed the lives of 13 pupils was the curtain riser. These fires came to the fore in 2008 when a number of schools suffered rampant fire out breaks. Between April and June 2008, 27 fire outbreaks were registered around the country more especially in and around Kampala.  Notable among these was Buddo Junior Academy whose fire outbreak in one of the dormitories left 19 children burnt to ashes in April 2008.

In July 2008, Rose Sseninde (M.P)'s motion for parliament to set up a committee to inquire into the rampant fires in schools was defeated. Then Minister of Internal Affairs, Ruhakana Rugunda argued that the regime had the capacity to resolve the problem through the Police and intelligence organs. He disclosed that the regime had brought in experts from different organs to boost joint investigations under IGP Kalekyezi. Rose Sseninde suggested that schools should be equipped with fire fighting equipment.  Rose Sseninde is now the Personal Assistant to Minister of Education who is MUSEVENI'S wife and hopefully she will implement that proposal.

The fires persisted as revealed by Police statistics thus; between April 2008 and March 2009 76 fire incidents were reported in schools. Between January and March 2009 seven schools and six markets suffered fire outbreaks. The schools were Kibibi Secondary School in Mpigi, Masaka Islamic School and Kakungulu Memorial School in Masaka, Maracha Secondary School in Aria that was burnt twice, Kingsway Secondary School in Wakiso, Pariet Preparatory School in Kampala, and Kikonda Primary School in Kabwoya, Hoima.

In 2009 the regime set up an investigations committee but like has always been the case with other probe committees, its findings have never been made public.  Instead in December 2010 the police report revealed that since the beginning of that year alone 563 cases of fire outbreaks had been reported in the central region. The report by the Police Fire Transport Officer, Simon Peter Musoke revealed that of these, 12 had involved schools.

In January 2010 Police reported a decline in fire outbreaks thus from 715 in 2008 to 685 in 2009. The Police Fire Safety Officer, Damali Nadumba further disclosed that 35 people had lost their lives while 33 others had been seriously injured as a result of such fire outbreaks.

In a Police report of June 2015 by the Fire Protection Officer, Geoffrey Okobo it was revealed that 904 incidents of fire outbreaks in the whole country had occurred during the previous year alone. The report went on to reveal that between January and March of 2015, 409 incidents had taken place. He further revealed the loss thus; "We estimate that Ugandans are losing over 30b shillings per year because most fires break out in business premises such as factories and shops."

The scourge shifted and concentrated on Markets which provide a means of income to the majority of urban dwellers.

- In 2006 Kitintale Market in Kampala was gutted by fire.

-  In July 2007 Mbarara central market was gutted by fire for the second time.

-  In February 2008 Mbarara central market was gutted by fire again.

-  In February 2008 Mpanga market in Fort Portal Municipality was
destroyed by fire.

-  In September 2008 fire destroyed Mpanga market in Fort Portal Municipality.

- In March 2009 part of Uganda's biggest market of Owino was gutted by fire that spread from the adjacent Park Yard Market.

-  In February 2009 fire destroyed Owino market affecting 25,000 people mostly female vendors.

-  In March 2009 Napier Market in Jinja town was destroyed by fire.

-  On 10th March 2009 a Timber and furniture mart in Bwaise in Kampala was destroyed by fire.

-  On 11th March 2009 fire gutted Kasokoso market.
-  In March 2010 amidst heightened tension between the regime and Buganda Kingdom, Kasubi Tombs were gutted by fire. As MUSEVENI was visiting the place, his guards shot dead three people.

-  In April 2010 the infamous timber and furniture stalls at Kubiri on Bombo road were destroyed by fire.

-  In May 2010 Nyapier Market in Jinja was again destroyed by fire.

- In August 2010, Kiseka Market was gutted by fire destroying 40 shops.

-  In August 2010 fire destroyed a community market at Nyantungo in Kyenjojo.

-  In September 2010 Arua district central market was destroyed by fire.

-  In September 2010 fire destroyed Nakaloke Market in Mbale.

-  In December 2010 Police Chief Gen. Kalekyezi had told the press that "We are aware that criminals want to burn the two markets (Owino and Kiseka).  We got to know about planned arson attack through intelligence gathering. So, we aren't sitting to wait for it to happen. We have deployed our covert and overt officers in both markets."

-  In March 2011 fire gutted Ceretreno trading centre in Layibi Division, Gulu destroying 50m shillings worth of merchandize and property.

- In April 2011 Kafumbe Mukasa market vendor's store was gutted by fire.

- In July 2011 Park Yard Market in Kampala was gutted by fire. Just 8 months after another fatal fire incident at the same market.

-  In August 2011 Owino Market was devastatingly burnt down again amidst wrangling over land ownership.

-  In October 2011 Nyapier Market in Jinja was destroyed by fire for the third time.

-  In November 2011 fire destroyed Lorry Park Yard market in Mbale.

-  In Jan 2012 Nyapier Market in Jinja was destroyed by fire for the fourth time leaving 500 vendors stranded.

-  In March 2012 fire destroyed Mbale Municipality Main Market.

-  In April 2012 fire destroyed several timber workshops in Bwaise leaving over 200 dealers affected. This was the third time after the July 2011 and January 2012 fire outbreak incidents on the same premises.

-  In March 2013 six timber stores in Ndeeba in Kampala were gutted by fire that destroyed timber, furniture and machines.

-  In March 2013 fire destroyed Gulu Municipality central market leaving 167 vendors stranded.

-  In April 2013 for the third time in three years’ fire destroyed Owino Market in Kampala.

-  In August 2013 Rwebikoona market in Mbarara Municipality was gutted by fire.

-  In December 2013 Park Yard Market was destroyed by fire that left 8 people injured.

-  In January 2014 Kalerwe Market in Kampala was gutted by fire.  This was the third time in a short period.

-  In March 2014 fire destroyed Gulu Municipality main market.

- In June 2014 Busega Market in Kampala was destroyed by fire.

-  In July 2014 Bank of Uganda caught fire.

-  In February 2015 Owino market was again gutted by fire.

-  In June 2016 fire gutted a furniture workshop in Mityana destroying millions worth of property.

-  In October 2016 fire destroyed Napier Market in Jinja.

-  In November 2016 fire gutted a carpentry workshop in Lira Municipality leaving 400m worth of furniture and machines destroyed.

-  In December 2016 fire destroyed Kame valley market in Mukono.

-  In January 2017 Uni Foods Ltd - a fish processing factory in Jinja was destroyed by fire.

-  In January 2017 fire destroyed Kitporo Market in Entebbe.

-  In January 2017 fire destroyed Kyegegwa central market.

-  In February 2017 Nakiwogo Market in Entebbe was destroyed by fire. This happened barely two after the New Kitooro market fire.

-  In February 2017 50 shops were destroyed by fire at Elegy main market in Atiak at the Uganda/Sudan border.

-  In March 2017 fire destroyed Awadri market in Adjuman town.

With the following incidents covering late 2016 and March 2017 it looks like the rampant mysterious fires are re-emerging. The lull could have been due to the February 2016 election process.

-  In April 2016 a dormitory at Mbarara High School was gutted by fire.

-  In June 2016 Nsambya Police Barracks was gutted by fire which preceded the violent eviction.

-  In September 2016 Victoria Nile Primary School in Jinja was gutted by fire.

-  In October 2016 St. Peters' Secondary School Nsambya was gutted by fire. 12 students were fatally injured.

-  In November 2016 Rima Nursery and boarding primary School in Lira was gutted by fire.

-  In November 2016 the Omusinga's Palace in Kasese was set ablaze after the army and police killed more that 100 people inside the same place.

In December 2016 45 homesteads were destroyed by fire in Okidi A & B, Atiak S/county, Amuru district. The area is a center of land grabbing by regime cohorts.

-  In December 2016 fire razed Opidi village in Toroma leaving 30 residents homeless.

-  In December 2016 Casablanca Bar and restaurant in Kabalagala, Kampala was destroyed by fire.

-  In January 2017 the administration block at Lira Hospital was gutted by fire.

-  In January 2017 the Ministry of Health Headquarters was gutted by fire.

-  In January 2017 Kyambura Game Lodge in Kasese was destroyed by fire.

-  In February 2017 fire destroyed Kalagala Junior School in Luweero claiming one life.

-  In March 2017 fire destroyed a dormitory of Mayuge Primary School.

-  In April 2017 fire destroyed Nsangi Secondary School dormitory in Wakiso.

This is just a sample of the tens of thousands of incidents that Ugandans have now learnt to live with.  Most intriguing is the fact that the Police which is supposed to protect lives and property has not been of help to Ugandans.  Even Owino market which is located just one Km away from a police station and had suffered repeated fire outbreaks, was not been responded to swiftly.  Museveni believes in violence and presiding over a terror-stricken population thus the rampant fire outbreaks suits into his designs.


Friday, March 30, 2018

UGANDA: Behind Museveni's abolishing of govt university scholarships

CHANGE OF GUARDS - The Museveni regime recently decreed the scrapping of government scholarship for university students. The state offers scholarships to about 12,000 students at its 9 public universities. Of these, 6,296 are from the oldest and biggest university, Makerere. Two months ago, the regime issued another decree scrapping provision of meals by private companies. In 2014 the regime scrapped provision of meals to students but instead it paid students 4,000/= (slightly less than one and a half US dollar) daily for meals provided by private companies that were contracted to run restaurants at the 9 halls of residence. In 2013 it had scrapped the provision of meals to private students.

In 2014 the regime enacted a Higher Education Students Financial Board (HESFB) to provide loans and scholarships to Ugandan students pursuing higher education with the objective of increasing equitable access to higher education. It was to cover tuition, functional fees, research fees and aid and appliances to students with physical disabilities. Repayment with interest is within one year after completing the course. Centenary Bank partnered with the government on the loan scheme whereby it was to process the application forms on behalf of HESFB, advance funds to students accounts and remit funds to institutions.

Initially it targeted students who qualified to pursue science courses but could not afford the cost of higher education at 18 chartered institutions and 33 other tertiary institutions. Later the scheme was extended to a few students pursuing selected arts courses but the number of beneficiaries has steadily remained at 1,200 students per year.

Government sponsors about 4,000 new students who join public universities ever year. Of these, 164 placements go to students with disabilities and districts generate 896 under the district quota system. Out of a total number of 87,102 students at public universities, the government sponsors 11,537. Makerere University alone takes 7,149 followed by Kyambogo's 2,456 and MUBS with 1,172 out of the 87,102 students who are attending public universities.

University Politics

Of the universities in Uganda, Makerere excels as the vanguard of university politics in the country. With almost half of the total number of university students, it has the biggest number of students in the country. Of these, almost half are sponsored by government. During the struggle for independence, Makerere University students played a key role. In 1976 Makerere University students attempted to overthrow the Iddi Amin regime. During the controversial 1980 elections, Makerere students and Lecturers were actively involved in shaping the politics of the time. It also actively served as a recruitment centre for Museveni's Bush War. Since Museveni took over power he has been fighting tooth and nail to suppress the political stamina of Makerere. As early as 2007 the then Minister of Education Namirembe Bitamazire told Parliament that government intended to scrap funding of students’ welfare.

He immediately embarked on political indoctrination through his so-called Cadre Development Courses dubbed Mchaka Mchaka for university students and lecturers. Later all Senior Six graduates were required to attend a two months Mchaka Mchaka course before joining the university. The reasoning was that the course would promote patriotism and basic military skills. Then came the Patriotic Clubs in secondary schools. And the most recent Crime Preventers scheme that witnessed university students being hoarded into the police training school.

Unfortunately, despite all the above manipulative schemes, both the students and lecturers have remained focused in asserting for their rights. They are viewed by the regime as opposition leaning in both form and content. Strikes have remained a major problem by both students and staff with dire consequences including deaths and arbitrary closures. On top of Museveni's historical mission to destroy education in the country, he has been scheming to suppress the mobility capacity of university students. By scrapping meals, he thought he had dealt with students’ major cause of grievance. By encouraging off campus accommodation he thought he had dealt a blow to the students’ mobility capacity during strikes. With the disappointing results, he is now moving to scrap government sponsorship.

In his estimates, he believes that by subjecting all eligible students to a Students Loan Scheme he will be able to buy total loyalty and submission. The children of the regime political entrepreneurs and passive elites will not qualify for the student loans; moreover, they don't get involved in strikes. It is the "hungry" and underprivileged children of the deprived and impoverished Ugandans that strike thus being targeted. That way, students will treat the sponsorship not as a right but a privilege that can be withdrawn if he/she "misbehaves". He will go ahead to take control of all admissions to higher institutions of learning and government will be able to not only discontinue such “misbehaving" students but to declare them ineligible for admission at any such institution. That will be the end of students’ activism and Gen. Muhoozi will reign over a "disciplined" higher institutions of learning.


UGANDA: Why Gen. Tumwine is right on regime security being perfect

"Iam glad to say that the security of Uganda has never been better than it is now and that we shall work tirelessly to keep it."
Minister of Security, Gen. Elly Tumwine - May 2018.

Gen. Tumwine made the above unfortunate statement while presenting a report of the defence and security sector for the regime's Manifesto Week. The week was dedicated to highlight the achievements of the regime's 2016 election manifesto. Gen. Tumwine represented the Ministry of Defence (Army), the Intelligence Services (ISO) and the Ministry of Internal Affairs (Police and Prisons). He forgot to include the Immigration Services and the National Identification bureau which also fall under the Ministry of Internal Affairs. The fact that being a junior Minister compared to his senior cabinet colleagues, the Ministers of Defence and that of Internal Affairs, the choice of Gen. Tumwine was dictatated by cadreship.

In the first instance how can a government Minister and moreover a serving army officer be the one to promote the ruling regime party manifesto!!! Where is the so called regime party secretariat which is meant to promote the said manifesto? Why use the so called government Media Centre to promote the regime party manifesto instead of the secretariat or at best a party retreat!!! Was the manifesto drawn by cabinet? The irregularity serves to confirm that the government of Uganda is either fused with the regime party or it ceased to exist. No wonder Museveni has been hosting regime party functions at State House.

Therefore, it was just a slip of tongue for Gen. Tumwine to say that "the security of Uganda has never been better than it is now", he meant the security of the regime and not Uganda. The biggest threat to the regime was the opposition led protests which are no longer there. The other threat was the persistent claim by Dr. Besigye for his 2016 election victory. The regime had feared that Ugandans might resort to use of arms but so far there is nothing in that direction. The only remaining armed group, ADF has been successfully linked to terrorism. The rampant insecurity in the country is not targeting the regime but ordinary citizens thus Gen. Tumwine's chest stamping.

The theme of the 2016 - 2021 is " Strengthening Security, Good Governance and Democracy". The so called Manifesto Week came at a time when the country is grappling with unprecedented insecurity of life and property. People are kidnapped, tortured, killed, maimed, held without trial etc. The regime has failed to come up with a satisfactory explanation as to why security agencies have failed to curb the vice. Tumwine's presentation dwelt on the usual chorus of training, skilling, modernizing, welfare, etc of the security sector. It sounded like the usual presentation in defence of the exorbitant Defence and Security budget. The language of the presentation was designed to put off public scrutiny thus:
- strengthening command and control
- establishment of senior command and staff college
- upgrading armoured vehicles
- acquisition of modern and technical equipment
- intelligence gathering, analysis and investigations
- scientific evidence based investigations
- transnational and trans-border crimes
- emergency call centre
- Defence and Research Scientific and technical centre (DRSTC)
- Avionics Research Centre
- politically motivated crime intelligence
- compulsory national service
- ever revolving threat to national security

Other than the usual rhetoric, there was nothing new. Since time immemorial, the so called capacity building, skilling, building of barracks, acquisition of modern technical equipment, payment of veterans etc have been the chorus. The only new issue he raised is the establishment of a regional intelligence sharing centre and posting. It is meant to deny base to dissidents who escape oppression in their home countries. State House, CMI, ISO and ESO always deploy operatives outside the country and that is why their budgets involve US dollars.

ESO agents have always been stationed at our diplomatic missions abroad. ESO and ISO operate specialized technical intelligence collection gadgets. From the ISO led Operation Rabbit against LRA, Kanungu based equipment against Congo army during the military adventure, CMI Information Centre for intercepting police communication, to planting operatives in major telecommunications companies. You recall the 2009 compulsory acquisition of Francis Bwengyes house on Mutungo Hill because it was neighboring with an alleged ESO surveillance facility for intercepting LRA communication. He now wants to add to ESO operatives an extra task of "correcting the country's image and sourcing of investors" as if the country lacks Ambassadors and in particular commercial attaches at our foreign missions.

Ugandans are more interested in hearing about an assurance on gross human rights abuses by security agencies, the withdraw plan for their children from foreign lands and cut in the defence and security budget.


Friday, 25 May 2018

UGANDA: Abudallah Kitata - the fly that followed the corpse into the grave

CHANGE OF GUARDS - .When Museveni first appeared on the political scene with the Tanzanian army that ousted Iddi Amin in 1979, he strategically followed the Western axis. That way, he was able to bolster his briefcase FRONASA with Westerners and in particular Banyankole and Tutsi refugees.

When he took to the bush in 1981 to fight the UPC government, he chose Buganda region as the base for his Bush War. He wanted to exploit the old Baganda hatred for Obote and his UPC for the events of 1966. He also wanted to undermine the predominantly Baganda rebel fighting groups of UFM and UFF of Andrew Kayiira and Prof. Lule which had already established bases in the strategic Buganda.

First he tricked Prof. Lule into merging his UFF with Museveni's NRA to give rise to the NRM/A. He went ahead to make Prof. Lule the Chairman of NRM while Museveni became his Vice Chairman but also headed the strategic armed wing, the NRA. That is why Museveni was predominantly referred to as the Chairman of the NRA High Command and not the Vice Chairman of NRM. The High Command became the Supreme Organ of the Bush War and in that, way Prof. Lule was tactfully overshadowed. Many Baganda peasants and fighters rallied behind the NRA in an honest belief that their own, Prof. Lule was to become the leader of Uganda.

It is prominent Baganda like Male and Habib Kagimu who introduced Museveni to Libya's Gadaffi for military aid. He also used the likes of Dr. Samson Kiseka, Sam Njuba, Bakulu Mpagi, and others on his NRA's External Wing just to win moral support of Baganda in the diaspora. In particular he targeted the Buganda monarchy community that was in exile abroad.

His next huddle in neutralizing the Baganda was how to deal with a predominantly Buganda fighting group under Dr. Kayiira, the UFM. A series of meetings between Kayiira and Museveni did not yield anything. Within the UFM circles it was strongly believed that the NRA was directly spying on the UFM and indirectly supplying such intelligence to the government. The betrayal was plainly exhibited during one of the incidents when the NRA agreed to join the UFM in a joint attack on the government army positions in the city but at the last minute the NRA never showed up. Instead, it ambushed the retreating UFM and seized a big cache of arms that had been captured from the attack on Lubiri barracks. The UFM was weakened by the sustained attacks by government troops , capture of its top commanders and it eventually disintegrated.

Next Museveni moved against the Kakooza Mutale group, Vumbula which had set up bases in areas of Zirobwe and it was compelled to surrender to the NRA. Since then Kakooza Mutale has undergone a series of 'use and discard' coupled by humiliation. Deep in Galilaya, Kayunga, the armed group under David Matovu refused to join hands with Museveni's NRA. When Museveni took over power and David Matovu eventually joined him, he became a jail bird over repeated treasonous allegations.

Museveni's scheming against Baganda influence suffered a temporary setback when the prediminantly Baganda DP backed the coup against Obote in 1985 and joined hands with the Okello junta. The former UFM fighters and its splinter group, FEDEMO had also reorganized and joined hands with the Okello Junta. Within the NRA, Baganda fighters grumbled that they were being used to do the donkey work for Museveni's Banyankole. Museveni moved very first to neutralize the ugly situation by inviting Prince Mutebi to visit the Liberated Zone in western Uganda. The Prince was smuggled through Rwanda from UK and he was manipulated into calming the situation.

A few months before capturing power, Prof. Lule died in the UK and Museveni took over as Chairman with a toothless Muganda, Moses Kigongo as his Vice Chairman. When Museveni took over power in 1986 he formed a government that was dominated by the predominantly Baganda DPs. Dr. Samson Kiseka became his Vice President. He moved to neutralize the UFM and FEDEMO fighters who had now joined the NRA. UFM's Kayiira and a couple of prominent Baganda politicians and army officers were arrested over treasonous allegations while some other UFM officers fled the country. Just a day after the High Court exonerated and released them, Dr. Kayiira was shot dead leading to further purge of Baganda in both government and the army.

Museveni reinstated Buganda Kingdom just in name in order to hoodwink the Baganda. In the mid 1990s when he felt that he had consolidated his hold on power and to some extent he had neutralized the influence of Baganda, he got rid of the DP and the Baganda in government. Already he had successfully dealt them a heavy blow within the security forces. Fearing that some Ugandans would resort to armed rebellion following the 2001 rigged elections, Museveni initiated a campaign of violence dubbed Operation Wembley under Brig. Elly Kayanja. The operation committed heinous crimes against humanity especially in Buganda. Since then Brig. Kayanja has been held hostage or else he would lose protection against criminal proceedings for those crimes. Around the same time the army underwent privatisation by sending Gen. Katumba Wamala to police in order to give way to the rogue Gen. Kaziini and junior Gen. Aronda to rise to the office of Army Chief. It was after the army was privatized that Gen. Katumba Wamala was appointed to head the toothless residue of the army after creation of SFC as an autonomous entity. Gen. Kalekyezi headed for the police to carry out the same privatisation.

Following the Arab Spring in North Africa, Museveni feared that the opposition in Uganda would replicate the same, more especially in the strategic central region and Kampala city in particular. That is when he used Gen. Kalekyezi to create rogue youth groups in Kampala under Abudallah Kitata. With full backing of and blessing by the regime, Kitata's ruthless gangs carried out a campaign of violence against the general population and the opposition in general. Imagine at one time Museveni invited Kitata to deliver a lecture to a cabinet retreat. The alleged arms and other military equipment were given to him by the regime.

It was not until the Hima/Tutsi power struggle involving Gen. Kalekyezi and the Rwanda connection, that Museveni moved against Kitata. His crocodile tears before the military court can't help him. He ought to have heeded to advice by not following the corpse into the grave. Despite his low education level, Kitata ought to have known what befell prominent Baganda Bush War politicians and fighters like Kiseka, Njuba, Bakulu Mpagi, Omulangira Mawuuba, Gyagenda Kibirango, Mukwaya, Zizinga, Kagwa, Mutebi, Ssebatta, Musisi Karampenge, Mawanda, Kawuma, Sseguya, Kawuma, Dragon, Kigundu, Sserwanga Lwanga, Sula Ssemakula, and several others. What about Col. Fred Bogere and Brig. Waswa Balikalege!!!

They were often generalized as; "Abaganda nabashuma (Baganda are thieves) but history has now exonerated them and Ugandans now know who the real Bashuma are. It is only a few Bipepewo (Butterflies) insignificant Baganda officers like Katumba Wamala, Kasirye Gwanga, Nalweyiso, Kakooza Mutale and a dozen other sellouts that pick crumbs from under Museveni's table that are being exhibited.


UGANDA: Police chief Ochola promotes Museveni's mob justice scheme - PICTURES

"When you see somebody trying to follow you with a Boda Boda (public transport motorcycle), stop the car, get out and sort out with him."

Museveni's decree during the vigil of Felix Kaweesi - March 2017.

"Please help us to apprehend them (security operatives). If they are armed you can stone them."

Police chief, Ochola - May 2018

CHANGE OF GUARDS - Gullible Ugandans are up in arms condemning the recent directive by the Inspector General of Police, Okoth Ochola urging members of the public to confront armed security personnel with stones. The call follows rampant incidents of violent arrests and kidnaps by security operatives who, according to the police chief, carry out unofficial arrests for selfish interests. They move with handcuffs, use civilian registered vehicles, are dressed in civilian clothes, are armed with guns and don't identify themselves.

The truth is that it has been a practice by security agencies to carry out arrests of members of the public in the fashion mentioned above for a long time. Scenes of violent arrests and kidnaps of people by security agencies has become an acceptable norm in Uganda. The regime has always owned to and defended such violent arrests and kidnaps. It is amidst that confusion that even unscrupulous security operatives have been carrying out illegal arrests and kidnap of victims for selfish interests.

It is a practice in many countries for undercover security operatives to gather intelligence while donning civilian clothes and having concealed short guns for personal protection. In order not to blow their cover and expose their identity, such undercover operatives don't carry out arrests. Once they have collected sufficient information, they invite the uniformed security officers to carry out arrests and searches.

Unfortunately, in Museveni's Uganda what would have been undercover security operatives compete for carrying out violent arrests and find a lot of pride in being identified by the public. Consequently, there is no single intelligence operative in Uganda who is not publicly known - whether under police, CMI or ISO. That is how even criminals have managed to not only infiltrate but outwit security agencies. This accounts for the increase in unresolved violent crimes in the country.

It is the highest level of hypocrisy for the Police chief' to now turn around and recklessly incite the public to stone armed security operatives. How does he expect innocent and weak members of the public to confront and disable armed security operatives? Why not issue an outright order that no arrests shall be carried out by armed security personnel in civilian clothes? That way it would be easier for members of the public to differentiate between genuine security operations and thieves and kidnappers.

Otherwise, Okoth Ochola's directive is bound to suffer the same fate as that of his Commander-In-Chief, Museveni that was issued in March 2017. Museveni's empty decree in 2017 followed rampant high profile unsolved killings that were allegedly being carried out by suspects riding on Boda Boda motorcycles. Museveni's decree received wide criticism and was swept under the carpet but now his police chief is trying to revive it.

Parliament has now summoned the Minister of Internal Affairs to explain the Police chief's fake directive. Please, don't crucify Mr. Ochola; he is just a messenger. He is desperately trying to gamble with a solution to the ongoing rampant kidnaps and killings. On the other hand, it is a confession that the vice is being orchestrated by unscrupulous security personnel.

Just last week on 18th May 2018, police arrested its own member of the Flying Squad, a one PC John Kalume after he kidnapped a one Michael Kisinga. Kalume demanded two million shillings from the victim's wife who in return reported to the police before they swung into action and rescued the victim. However, police later claimed that the victim had been on its watch list over a past armed robbery incident. The victim made a counter claim that the suspect had kidnapped him over a previous deal that went wrong.

Just two days ago a one Jeff Kalanzi was arrested while driving his car with personalised number plates marked "Museveni 2040" in reference to Museveni's life presidency scheme. Kalanzi was donning a military uniform and in possession of a walkie talkie. He had been claiming to be working with the regime Secretariat before he extorted some 2M shillings from a one Mworozi on pretext that he was to fix deals for him with the regime. 

What about the hooded goons that are hired by security agencies to beat up people in broad daylight!!!!!


Tuesday, 22 May 2018

UGANDA: Museveni gives insight into state of nation - 1st quarter of 2018

WARNING:    This is satire by CHANGE OF GUARDS


Ans:   Those isolated incidents of killings and kidnaps don't amount to insecurity because they don't threaten our hold on power.  It can only be termed as insecurity if they were targeting government infrastructure like security installations and personnel, government officials and party members.


Ans:   Not at all; because its usually a temporary situation. If you had bothered to carry out some research, you would have noted that such incidents are heightened ether during an election season, when there is a security related bill before Parliament, opposition fujjo (activism), or budget season.  Technically we call them 'catalysts' because they make it easy for us to push through our agendas. We have just secured with ease hundreds of billions meant for procurement of CCTV cameras.  Otherwise how else would we justify the ever huge defence and security budget though its not open to public scrutiny.


Ans:   Do you know who they are?  Do you know why in most instances they have seemed to confidently outwit security agencies?


Ans:   There us no way any sensible revolutionary leader could sack such a man who served the revolution with dedication.  What happened was just the usual mere change of guards and the status quo remains the same.  However, Kale had ventured into familiarising with Rwanda.


Ans:  In the military we call that 'change of position'.  When the enemy fire is concentrated on your position, you roll away and find another safer position.  Our detractors increasingly attacked us over Nalufenya and we had to change position.  The allegations of torture are as old as our hold on power; actually, right from the time of the Bush War.  Haven't you ever had of Kafuuni, Kandooya etc.; are they associated with Nalufenya!  You find gullible Ugandans singing close Nalufenya, close of Nalufenya; yet no one is saying stop torture.  Torture is a mechanism for extracting information from suspects and is not restricted to Nalufenya thus the change of position. Just gullible idiots.


Ans:   We had differences with the past Hutu dominated regime that lost power in 1994.  We have never and will never have any differences with the current regime in Rwanda. They helped us capture power here in 1986 and we in return helped them capture power in Rwanda in 1994.  We shall continue helping each other to retain this power in our respective countries.  The so-called differences are in the minds of those who don't understand the historical aspect of our relationship.  I challenge any one of our opposition members who believes we have serious differences with Rwanda to flee and seek refuge there!


Ans:   There is more than mere insecurity spillovers as you term it.  Our security attention is more focused on South Sudan than anything else.  How comes the so-called spillover coincides with the greater Northern Uganda threatening to secede?  You recall the Acholi lady whom we arrested with arms on her way from Juba to Kampala?  What about Rev (Rtd Capt.) Baka from West Nile who is on remand over treasonous charges?  Anyway, I sent Gen. Ali and the CMI to Juba and more follow-up interactions are progressing well.  Overall, a stable South Sudan is more dangerous to our strategic interests more than does an unstable one.


Ans:   Do you know what it means to be a regional military power?  Besides the political interest, there us a lot of donor aid that is given to Sudan which government officials steal and it ends up boosting our real estate development, schools, and the hospitality industry in Kampala.  What about the direct donor aid that come with the over a million refugees that we are hosting?


Ans:   ADF exists because we exist; we co exist.  There is a time we used to co-exist with the LRA in northern Uganda until when they amassed some strength that threatened our status quo.  Otherwise, how else would you expect us to fit into the global anti-terrorism agenda.


Ans:  Its a global trend and we can't afford to miss the exhibition.  It goes back to the issue of the huge defence and security budget.  Otherwise, what else would have given us the prestigious tittle of "Regional Ally".


Ans:   A positive effect; we are to continue receiving and hosting Burundian refugees.  Though we don't share a border with Burundi, we have put in place conducive policies that attract refugees.  Unlike our other neighbors, we tap into the economic and diplomatic benefits that come with hosting of refugees.


Ans:   We lack the moral authority to caution Burundi because we have committed worst mistakes than Nkurunziza.  In the first instance, the core objective of EAC is to politically and diplomatically protect each other.  For Uganda, our strategic interest in EAC is the military cooperation in order to avoid a repeat of what befell Iddi Amin from Tanzania in 1979. 


Ans:    God brought us the UN base next to State House and Entebbe Airport in Entebbe.  In terms of security, we benefit from its advanced technological defense system.  Therefore, by relocating to Nairobi, State House and the Airport would be left uninsulated.  Just forget about the so called economic benefits.


Ans:  Do you know what NATO did to Ghadafi in Sirte and Tripoli?


Ans:    Do you know how much forex that our 11 years stay in Somalia has generated?  How else would we have handled the individual welfare of our soldiers?  Without the Somalia mission, we wouldn't have managed to counter the blackmail by the west.  Well, they threatened to relocate the UN base but can they relocate the regional conflicts and the accruing refugee influx to Uganda?  We are ahead of these idiots.


Ans:   Our economy is at its best.  You saw the 5billion shillings that we splashed to SACCOS in Rukungiri district alone last month.  Is that a sign of bankruptcy?


Ans:    Hiring of Cuban Doctors is unsustainable; we only intended to blackmail our unpatriotic Doctors into submission.  In the Ministry of Defence, we have always engaged a certain Dr. Kassim for over two decades now and its very expensive.  The development is similar to the other day when we threatened to deploy non- existent military Doctors.  We suspect the opposition had infiltrated the medical community through Dr. Obuku.  If we can succeed in getting the Tumwesigyes, Byamugishas, Atwines, Ampires, Tumushabes or at best the Mukasas, Mutebi, Mubiru etc. at the leadership of the medical workers association, the situation will improve.   For the education sector, no one can lose his life due to lack of education.  Quality education should be for only those who can afford it.


Ans:   Saleh can't evaluate the success or failure of OWC because he doesn't understand the purpose for which it was set up.  Otherwise he ought to ask himself as to why I sacked him from the Ministry of Microfinance.  How different is OWC from microfinance?


Ans:  We have been struggling to create a middle-income society.  What you call corruption is actually wealth creation and distribution.  The magnificent residential houses, shopping malls and arcades, and housing estates are as a result of what you call corruption.  We are now at the phase of creating large commercial farmers and farms from the so-called land grabbing by those who obtain the money from what you call corruption.  Once we get this middle-income society, the rest of the citizens can be dependants on the former.  Already the Cattle Corridor is moving ahead of the rest of the country in this regard.  Through what you call corruption we have managed a built a formidable cadre force comprised of both civilian and security officers who are ready to defend the revolution at all cost.


Ans:    Forget about the petition; it was passed into law and that's all.  The Justices of the Constitutional Court are appointed by the same government that is being challenged.  We have overcome similar and more serious petitions in the past.  So, don't worry about that; it was settled the day the constitution gave us powers to appoint Justices.  In fact, we are soon turning the party constitution into the national constitution.


Ans:   There is no way we can enter into any kind of understanding with fujo (trouble causers).  What happened is that Besigye and group just realised that Ugandans are cowards who can't withstand our resolve to suppress them with our sustained fire and teargas.  We don't think the Besigyes have achieved the success to the kevel of Zimbabwe's MDC which came close to power but couldn’t take it because it had no guns.  In our case, the opposition is no where near that.  We are waiting for them to as usual accompany us to the polls I. 2021.


Ans:    Nooo, forget about that rhetoric of "the people".  We were skilled in exploiting situations and manipulating victims.  First, there was this artificial hatred for Obote by the Baganda. Our initial concern had been the pro Buganda rebel groups under Prof. Lule and Kayiira but we neutralized them at an early stage.  Then there was the infant UNLA that was manipulates by the DP and the Catholic Church into overthrowing Obote and his UPC government.  Our final task was how to manipulate and pick up the remnants of UNLA and use them to overthrow the Okellos.  Therefore, forget about those rhetorics of a people’s struggle; it was just the upper hand in manipulation skills and the gun.  It is the same way we have managed to retain power for the last 32 years.


Ans:   That's what it means to capture and retain power for 32 years.  In the military we call it "retaining or holding ground" as opposed to "loosing ground".  That is the mistake that past governments made when those who were supposed to maintain it in power had nothing personal to lose.  As I pointed out earlier, what you term as corruption, the so-called land grabbing is also part of the drive towards a middle-income society.  It is the so called corrupt that have the means and resources (power, influence, cash, guns etc.) to acquire land.  Since land can't be taken away, those who are losing it now will have their children and descendants work on the commercial farms that will be set up. 


Ans:    Which image!   We are not here to draw images.  To effectively control people politically, you must dominate their economic means.  Has the committee stopped what you call land grabbing?  Is anyone in court out of all those that were ordered to be arrested by the committee?  We shall continue extending its term as a way of buying time while those with the means continue to acquire more land.


Ans:   Which Buganda Kingdom?  Uganda is a republic and you have a kingdom in a republic!!!   We are on good terms with Mutebi because he learnt lessons and can’t risk what befell his father in 1966.  We reinstated these so-called kingdoms but times have changed and I don't think we still need them.


Ans:    Gen. Muhoozi is undergoing an induction for that role and he has all that it takes to take up the mantle of power -  he has the backing of security forces.