Saturday, 30 June 2018

UGANDA: Does Museveni have monopoly of smuggling arms to fight military dictatorships?

"In 1972 I went through this border post of Horohoro with seven guns that I was smuggling to Uganda during the regime of Iddi Amin".
Museveni at Tanga in Tanzania during the launch of the Hoima-Tanga oil pipeline - August 2018.
"I was smuggling weapons through this border here, you should have scanners. We shall have a Lake Victoria monitoring plan too."
Museveni, at the launch of a One Stop Border at Busia - August 2017.
“Lakes are very easy areas of infiltration, there is need to defend our fisheries but also stop border lakes from being used by terrorists and I am an expert in this because I once had to use a boat of 25 horse power to cross over to Kisumu which was so risky,”
Museveni at the launch of the army Marines' specialized equipments - June 2018.

In response to the escalating insecurity in the country following his constitional amendment for his life presidency, the Ugandan military dictator has come up with a ten point strategy to tackle the threat. Among the strategies is the so called finger printing of all legal guns. He has also decreed that the customs authority (URA) acquires specialized equipments to curb importation of illegal weapons.

A few days earlier, his top security chiefs convened a press briefing in which they attributed the killings to a large number of guns being in wrong hands. The police had suspended issuing of licensed guns to private citizens, embarked on registering private legal guns in private hands and reviewing the eligibility of private legal gun holders. 

 The above measures are empty owing to the fact that there is a very high possibility that the killings can be traced to the security forces. This is because of not only the high class skills, precision and confidence exhibited by the killers but the visible attempts by top security managers to cover-up. Museveni has repeatedly admitted that his security forces are infiltrated by mafias. He is currently carrying out a futile politically motivated clean up in the police force.

Compared to past governments, his 32 years regime has excelled in poor regulation of arms. It has since time imemorial been issuing out automatic guns without proper reason, procedure and records to individual regime supporters more especially in western Uganda and Kiruhura in particular. 

 In some areas, almost every homestead has an illegally held gun. Let the regime first tell Ugandans what happened to the case of CMI's Capt. Joseph Mushabe and company who were arrested for killing and robbing victims of billions of cash using specialised Macro Garril automatic guns. Also, then if in their wisdom, they think that it's the illegal guns that are used in the killings, why are the poverty stricken army veterans and retirees not involved in crime? It's because most of the veterans who are living in appalling conditions are those ones who had sacrificed by joining the NRA. Now that the category that joined the UPDF for economic gain has also clocked retirement age, the public should expect a negative trend in crime in the near future.  The worst is yet to come.

Otherwise, if the killings are politically motivated, then the so called strategies are just empty talk. The ground is ripe for use of arms and actuality more ripe than it was in 1972 when Museveni claims to have smuggled arms into Uganda. For those who were old enough, they know what collateral damage those arms did inside Uganda and the blame was put on the Iddi Amin regime. What about the caches of arms that were aerial dropped by Libyan planes into his then NRA rebel territories in the early 1980s? Is it because all the rest of Ugandans are "idiots, pigs and cowards" who don't have friends abroad from whom they can acquire and smuggle in arms? Just address the root cause of the problem or else it will be addressed by the barrel of the gun.


UGANDA: Museveni dupes his MPigs on military guards


"Collective security is better than individualized security of single body guards, sitting in the same vehicle with the principal......... as you can see in the case of Kaweesi and Abiriga, sitting with bodyguards (even if they are many) in a single soft skin vehicle, of whatever type, is not a solution. The enemy can by surprise attack all of you, without giving you a chance to respond."
Museveni's message following the killing of Hon. Abriga - 10th June, 2018.

Two weeks later when he met his M.Pigs to address them on the escalating insecurity that is characterized by mysterious killings, they expressed reservations on police guards. Some of them claimed that the police guards were refusing to guard them on grounds that doing so makes them (guards) a target of assassination. While they have a valid argument, the visibly angry Museveni threatened action on such policemen for allegedly neglecting duty. Indeed, why should the tax payer pay for police guards who protect an MPig who took a bribe to amend the constitution for Museveni's life presidency!!!

The MPigs expressed their preference for army guards instead of the police. The military has been involved in guarding some individual regime officials, relatives and friends of the First Family, some businessmen with close connections to the regime and such other individuals and businesses and farms. In their stupidity, they only fancy being accorded military escorts as a sign of elevation in status. They foolishly forget that in terms of VIP protection skills, the police may be ahead. They also forget that slain Maj. Kigundu and Col. Abiriga had military bodyguards with whom they perished together. In fact, Hon. Abiriga was being guarded by his own blood brother. Any serious investigation should have started with the circumstances under which he ended up being guarded by his own blood brother.

Museveni cunningly ordered the Army Chief to work with the Commandant of the Parliamentary Police in handling the process of enhancing the MPigs security. They are all now up in excitement but for Museveni, he has scored since the development fits into his designs of enhancing the security budget and other draconian constitutional amendments.

You reap what you sow; why does a people's representative feel insecure? The Museveni they handed a life presidency blank cheque is guarded by his ethnic dominated 10,000+ well equipped elite force (SFC). Alternatively, they can use the so called "facilitation money" that they were given to ammend the constitution.


UGANDA: Museveni bans hooded jackets in another security gamble


CHANGE OF GUARDS - Faced with growing insecurity in which the country is grappling with mysterious killings by unknown gunmen, Uganda's military dictator, Museveni has issued a decree banning the wearing of hooded jackets. Addressing Parliament last week, he used a hooded military camouflage rain jacket to demonstrate how the hood disguises the facial identity if the assailant.

Obviously, Museveni very well knows that banning of hooded jackets is no where near the solution but as usual is just taking gullible Ugandans for a ride. Hooded jackets and jumpers are not only fashionably popular with the youth but is a trade mark dress code for his main political challenger, Dr. Kizza Besigye. Neither police statistics nor public outcry has pointed to criminals using hooded jackets.

However, it is a fact that hoods are a dressing code for his plain clothed and machine gun trotting security officers whenever they are on kidnap missions in broad daylight.

In November 2005, he sent his plain clothed, hooded armed men who stormed the High Court and they violently rearrested suspects who had just been given bail (see photo).

In May 2011, he sent his hooded security officers to attack Dr. Kizza Besigye, leaving him almost blind. One of the hooded goons was seen smashing Dr. Besigye's car with a hammer (see photo).

In April 2016, he sent his plain clothed and hooded security officers to attack and beat up people in Kampala who were cheerig up Dr. Kizza Besigye (see photo).

In November 2017 he sent his hooded, plain clothed and armed security officers to Nakawa Court to kidnap a one Shaban Ssenfuka who had been released on bail by court (see photo).

In April 2018, he sent his hooded, plain clothed and armed security officers to the High Court to kidnap Sheikh Kalule who had just been released on bail by court after spending over four years on remand (see photo).

In all the above incidents, his regime has never come out to account for the armed, plainclothed and hooded men who have repeatedly caused mayhem. Therefore, from the above it can be concluded that hoods is a dressing code of Museveni's security personnel who have been carrying out heinous crimes against Ugandans. By decreeing against wearing of hooded jackets, Museveni was simply posturing and as usual gambling with security.


Thursday, 28 June 2018

UGANDA: Of the Museveni, Kaziini and Kalekyezi "Private Armies"


CHANGE OF GUARDS - The phenomena of private armies dates back to the formation of the new post Iddi Amin Uganda army, the UNLA. Museveni who was the Minister of Defence and eyeing the presidency embarked on stealthy swelling his so called Red Brigade which was the armed wing of his FRONASA faction within UNLA. He recruited ethnic Bantu to counter the "northern" dominated UNLA. Most significantly, he retained a private army comprised of Rwandese refugees under the command of Fred Rwigyema who had been eliminated from the new national army. It's these same Rwandese who made the core of his NRA when he opted to fight the government in 1981.

Rwigyema rose to become the Army Commander, Minister of Defence and led the RPF attack on Rwanda in 1990. Paul Kagame who was Museveni's Deputy Director of Military Intelligence is the President of Rwanda. Back home, Museveni has curved a more private army, the SFC from his private army, the UPDF. Commanded by his son, his ethically dominated SFC's sole role is to counter any potential attempt to overthrow him using the regular forces.

Gen. Kaziini was a Nursery Teacher at Kabamba Infantry Training School in 1979 before he fled with the defeated Uganda Army to Sudan. Another version has it that he was among the eleven other UNLA soldiers who defected from West Nile region to Congo from where they joined the Sudan based Gen.Moses Ali led UNRF rebels. The UNRF hosted them and they were restricted to its headquarters for three years. In 1984, Kaziini found his way to Museveni's NRA rebels in the western region. He was assigned to Gen. Saleh where he, together with Dan Byakutaaga ( defected with 1.6b shillings in the late 1990s) to guard Museveni's mother.

After the fall of Kampala, Kaziini was made the Commanding Officer of NRA's 14th Battalion based in West Nile. In West Nile, he embarked on tormenting former UNRF combatants who had lost out on the war of liberation. Gen. Moses Ali led the priests against Kazini's harassment. Consequently, Museveni moved Kazini to Kampala where Kazini commanded the strategic Lubiri Barracks based 1st Battalion and later 301 Brigade. Soon he pounces on Gen. Moses Ali who had been accused of treason and held in the underground bankers of Lubiri barracks under torment and inhuman treatment by Gen. Kaziini. As Brigade Commander Kazini's forces almost clashed with the Makindye based Military Police over supremacy in controlling Kampala city. Museveni turned a blind eye and instead he later appointed Kaziini to command the Military Police (M.P).

The M.P docket gave Kaziini leverage to harass and humiliate other army officers. Still, Museveni kept a blind eye and instead elevated Kaziini to the position of Commandant General Headquarters. Gen. Kaziini spearheaded the exercise of removing the soldiers from town to the barracks and he used the opportunity to humiliate and harass even those more senior to him. Still, Museveni kept a blind eye and instead posted him to the strategic Mechanized Regiment (Tanks and APCs) in Masaka. Following the slaughter of the first Hutu President in Burundi, Kaziini took the initiative to deploy tanks to boost Museveni's then poorly armed Protection Unit (PPU). At Masaka, Kaziini had the extra task of monitoring the activities of Gen. Ssejusa who had withdrawn to his home in Ssembabule.

Gen. Kaziini humiliated the then Chief of Staff, Brig. Sam Nanyumba but Museveni kept a blind eye. Instead, he was breeding Kaziini to counter the Bush War commanders who were feared to be ganging behind Gen. Ssejusa against Museveni. Museveni moved Kaziini to Gulu under 4th Division which was being commanded by Chef Ali. They soon clashed before Museveni moved the latter to the Headquarters as Chief of Staff. Kaziini openly humiliated the Chief of Staff, Chef Ali and then Chief of Personnel and Administration, Henry Tumukunde. Museveni kept a blind eye and instead he appointed Kaziini as the Chief of Staff. As chief of Staff, Gen. Kaziini undermined the efforts of Geoffrey Muheesi and Charles Angina who were battling the ADF in the Rwenzori's. He would deliberately deny them logistics and finance. Museveni kept a blind eye and instead okayed Kaziini to take up the role of field command instead of the statutory administrative role.

Kaziini took over field command of operations against the ADF ending up in Congo. As Chief of Staff, he also doubled as the overall commander of Operation Safe Heaven (OSH). He recruited, trained, deployed, promoted, transfered, suspended, court martialled and even dismissed at will. He selectively identified, deployed and promoted rogue officers of his choice. With full approval of Museveni, Kaziini led forces into three rounds of bloody fighting with Rwanda in Kisangani where hundreds of civilians and soldiers lost their lives. He had replaced Col. Muzoora with his right-hand man, Col. Sula for the final battle against Rwanda in Kisangani. Museveni publicly declared that Muzoora had been removed because he had "gotten closer to the Rwandese". The truth is that Muzoora had advised against the attack. A joint probe team by Rwanda and Uganda army chiefs (Kayimba and JJ Odong) accused Kaziini of having caused the Kisangani fighting. Museveni kept a blind eye and instead sacked the then figure head army chief, JJ Odong and replaced him with Kaziini. The then Army Spokesman, Phenekas Katirima accused JJ Odong of "leaking secrets".

Upon getting rid of JJ Odong who was suspected to be close to Rwanda, and now Kaziini on the steering wheel, a plan to revenge the Kisangani defeat was designed. Some 7,000 youth recruited from western region and in particular Nyabushozi were trained at Bihanga. The office of the Chief of Operations and training was not involved in the exercise. Instead, Kaziini dealt directly with the 2nd Division Commander, Poteri Kivuna who hired Basajjabalaba for transporting the trainees while Col. Sula Semakula headed Bihanga camp. Operational plans were drawn from Agip Motel in Mbarara and College Inn at Wandegeya with full knowlege and backing of CMI. The plan was reversed by the intervention of British Foreign Secretary Claire Shorts.

With the full approval of Museveni, Kaziini went ahead to created the West Nile based 409 Brigade as an autonomous unit only reporting directly to him. It was meant to re-enter Congo and assist rebel leader Jean Pierre Bemba against Kabila. When Kaziini was finally sacked in 2003, a Mbabazi led High Command Probe Committee questioned Gen. Kaziini over the training of the 7,000 at Bihanga and the creation of 409 Brigade in West Nile thus the rumour that Kaziini intended to overthrow Museveni. It did not establish motive but recommended further investigations which never took place. Instead, three years later Kaziini was charged together with other senior officers for causing financial loss of 61M shillings through creation of ghost soldiers. He was convicted and sentenced to three years in Prison. He openly shed tears and was released on bail pending appeal but a few days later he was allegedly killed by a prostitute. What happened to his private army?

Gen. Kalekyezi the Lawyer joined the NRA guerrillas in 1982 and was among the group that was secretly trained in Libya. Throughout the Bush War, he did not feature anywhere in command positions but was an aide to Saleh. Upon coming to power he was attached to the office of the Minister for Defence. He later became the army's Chief Political Commissar from where he ventured into the Congo to command forces in Ituri region. Later, he became Museveni's Military Assistant before Museveni assigned him to head the notorious Anti Smuggling Unit. In 2005, he was made the IGP replacing Gen. Katumba wamala. The latter had been sent to the Police to create room for the rise of his juniors, Kaziini and Aronda to the office of Army chief. Katumba Wamala was starved of financial and logistical resources such that he resorted to mobilising civilians to buy pick up trucks for patrols. Museveni was very aggrieved by this initiative and publicly called it "nonsense" before returning Wamala to the army. Katumba took over command of the army after Aronda had completed its privatisation process and the curving out of an autonomous SFC.

In police, Gen. Kalekyezi had the task of privatising the force and turning it into a tool to suppress political dissent. With vast financial and logistical resources he had the leverage of recruiting, training, deploying, transferring, suspending and dismissing at will. With Museveni's full backing, Kalekyezi created militias who unleashed terror on Ugandans. It was not until recently when the Hima clique prevailed on Museveni over Kalekyezi's alleged Rwanda backed schemes to overthrow him that Museveni had Kale sacked. To appease the Hima, Museveni had to act.

Just like the Gen. Kaziini storm died down, the current one over Gen. Kalekyezi is soon settling. The so-called creation of a private army is just empty talk because last time an effective private army was created was in 1979/1980 by Museveni.


Saturday, 23 June 2018

UGANDA: Who are those Rwandese "scavening in Uganda"?

" Neighboring countries are always jealous of Rwanda's future and how our people are progressing. Build your country instead of scavenging in Uganda because they are not better off than us. See how Uganda is and everyday you continue going there; you are arrested, stained and harassed all the time but why don't you listen? Mm Our embassy in Uganda is no longer doing anything other than spending all the time looking for Rwandans who have been arrested and beaten. You keep scavenging in Uganda looking for what? Why don't you build your country instead of going to Uganda to be beaten? What don't you have here? We lived in Uganda as refugees, left Uganda and shed blood liberating our country. Let them also come here. Whatever happens in Uganda, it is Rwanda. If any Ugandan is murdered for their reasons, or by their government, they say it is Rwanda. I think they will reach a point where a Ugandan gets flue or malaria and they will say it is Rwanda. This is because they are not happy with our good leadership and level of development. That's envy; nothing else."
Gen. James Kabarebe - Rwanda's Minister of Defense during a public function in Nyagatare close to the Uganda Rwanda border on 20/6/2018.
"Foreigners had infiltrated refugee camps to spy on and in some cases kill targeted refugees. 11 refugees claiming to be former Congolese Banyamulenge rebel fighters had entered Uganda through Bunagana border post. They were processed and taken to Kyaka II refugee camp. They mysteriously disappeared but two months later they were arrested at Mirama Hill border post as they reentered, this time claiming to be Rwandese refugees. We were very upset about the decision by the police to send them back to Rwanda without our approval. So we missed out on prosecuting them."
Hillary Onek - Uganda's Minister of State for Internal Affairs during the International Refugee Day at Nakivaale Camp on 21/6/2018.

Who are those Rwandese that are scavenging in Uganda? Why are Rwandese refugees in Uganda targeted by their home country but the Congolese are not?


change of guards

Friday, 22 June 2018

UGANDA: Did Kalekyezi plot to overthrow Museveni???


There is alot of speculation surrounding the so called "arrest and detention" of Museveni's top most cadre, defacto Vice President and former police chief, Gen. Kalekyezi. Some circles even suggest that he had been plotting to overthrow Museveni with the aid of Rwanda. They go further to allege that at the time of his so called arrest, he was fleeing to Rwanda. Another wild allegation is that the gun that was used to kill Kawesi was recovered from Kalekyezi' residence as if he had kept it for the purposes of display in his museum. The unfortunate part of it is that all this information is originated by the agents of Rwandese dissidents who have a bigger stake in Kayihura's downfall.

The matter is made worse by the Museveni's regime's silence over the matter. However, one issue that is clear is that Gen. Kalekyezi was assisting Rwanda to monitor the activities of Rwandese dissidents in Uganda. As for the alleged plot to overthrow Museveni, circumstantial evidence points to a different direction. The only available option was by way of an assassination and he had built enough capacity but then why did he have to wait for all that long?

Since his sacking, he very well knew that Museveni would arrest him not for a trial and conviction but just to hoodwink Ugandans, the refugee donor community and the ICC. Why didn't Kayihura escape to Rwanda all that long; moreover with ease since his home village is at the Uganda Rwanda border in Kisoro? 

History has shown that Museveni does not handle those whom he suspects to be eyeing the presidency with soft gloves. Kayiira was shot dead by "unknown gunmen", Gen. Moses Ali was incarcerated in the underground cell in Lubiri barracks for years, Col. Kashilingi was left on hand leg cuffs for years in Makindye barracks, Col. Oliver Odweyo died in detention, Col. Kawuma died in detention, Col. Matovu died in detention, Col. Mande almost had his testicles crashed before being dumped in Makindye, Gen. Tinyefuza was dumped in Makindye and later Luzira. What about the most recent brutal humiliation of Rwenzururu King! The list is endless but in all the instances, the victims would be subjected to untold brutality on arrest and during detention.

For Gen. Kalekyezi, a helicopter had to be dispatched twice to pick him from his upcountry home. A self contained house had to be prepared with military aides, television and he has access to use his mobile telephone. The said house is located within the residential staff quarters and not the known detention facilities. That's what differentiates a cadre treason suspect and an ordinary treason suspect.

A " drone surveillance" over Makindye barracks reveals that at the quarter guard (main entrance) on the left-hand side is a block that has eight tiny isolation cells. These cells are used as torture chambers for suspects who are picked and isolated for torture from the main detention facilities inside the barracks. They are used to hold those suspects whom the authorities do not want to be seen by other inmates so that forced disappearance is eased. Also, they are used as a temporary holding ground for suspects who are brought in at night and for security reasons the authorities do not want to open the main detention facility.

Further, it is at the quarter guard cells that the authorities conduct follow up interrogation and torture to extract more information from those victims who are already in detention. It is very common for operatives from the earlier mentioned intelligence outfits to make regular visits to Makindye and order to produce some suspects for further interrogation and torture. If a victim is lucky he is interrogated from these isolation cells where the interrogators exercise some restraint. During interrogation at the isolation cells, the victim is stripped naked, handcuffed to the iron bars of the door leaving only the toes to touch the floor. If the victim is not cooperative, he will be left in that state for the whole night for the mosquitoes to do the interrogation. However, if the victim is unlucky he is driven off to the safe houses in town from where he may never be seen again.

Passing this quarter guard cell into the barracks, about 25 meters on the left is the infamous Go-Down cell. It is not clear whether the structure was build by the Buganda Kingdom or by the Iddi Amin government. It is used to house civilians incommunicado. The structure is a huge concrete building block with a high and wide metallic sliding gate. Inside the structure on the immediate left are two huge cells with burglar proof glass windows. The same applies to the right side. These ones are rarely used except for accommodating the terminally sick. Directly opposite the gate about 15 meters away are the infamous three underground cells from which the entire structure derives its name – Go-down.

The Go-downs have strong metallic sliding doors and stair cases leading under ground about five metres. They have 30 metres high walls that touch the high roof where very tiny ventilators are located. Both during the day and at night detainees ease themselves in plastic buckets. Every evening waste is left to flow into the cells up to a quarter metre high. Guards are posted even on the roof during day time and can be seen from the 2 metres away main road to Lukuli Nanganda and the surrounding neighbourhoods.

Bypassing this Go-down on the right is the Commanding Officers office. By passing it on the righ about 20 metres away is the main kitchen for the suspects and on the left, is the clinic. From the clinic, upward about 10 metres away is a strong metallic gate leading to another detention facility called Zimwe. It derives its name from the contract to build a high concrete fence all around that Gen Kaziini awarded to Zimwe Construction. It's located at the barracks’ peripheral bordering with the main road and the civilian residential quarters outside the barracks.

This facility used to have four huge concrete structures with each one having two different big cells called wards. The cells are self contained in terms of toilet and laundry. Among the Old Boys of Zimwe wing is Col. Samson Monday who was housed in Ward D. Also, one of the wards is called Ituri because that is where the PRA suspects were housed after being rearrested from court by the black mambas following their release by courts of law. The fourth structure was constructed around 2005/6 to provide for senior army officers at a time the army was contemplating to detain Dr. Kiiza Besigye and was also stuck with Brig. Tumukunde’s detention at the Officer’s mess at Acasia Avenue in Kololo. All detainees held in Makindye barracks prison put on the light green prison uniform and shorts.

These are the only detention facilities inside Makindye Barracks and Gen. Kalekyezi is not detained in any of them. Instead, a staff officer had to be hastly evacuated and the house refurbished to give room for Gen. Kalekyezi's so called detention. The VIP treatment accorded to him by Museveni does not suggest treason or any form of serious crime. Gullible Ugandans are now waiting for Museveni to produce Gen. Kalekyezi in court for unknown crimes as if Museveni committed no offence against them. Why not commence private prosecution against Gen. Kalekyezi in any court and see if Museveni will let him appear in such court if you want to prove whether he is detained or not.

The regime's silence is due to the fact that they are stuck with the nature of charges to prefer owing to fear of serious credibility and diplomatic implications. Even if he is not taken to court, already Museveni has achieved a lot in terms of the usual publicity.


Thursday, 21 June 2018

UGANDA: NBS TV Uganda has added Live At 1 Full News Bulletin - 21/June/2018 video

Live At 1 Full News Bulletin - 21/June/2018

Full News Bulletin

UGANDA: NBS TV Uganda has added Substance Abuse video

Substance Abuse

Substance Abuse is a major problem in our country however, it has not been addressed enough.

Today in History - June 21 June 21, 2018 at 09:00AM -- Library of Congress

Today in History - June 21

On June 21, 1934, Samuel Herman Gottscho snapped this photograph of the north facade of the Nebraska state capitol in Lincoln, Nebraska.  Continue reading.

June 21 marks the beginning of summer in the Northern Hemisphere.  Continue reading.

On June 21, 1945, Japanese troops were defeated on the Pacific island of Okinawa.  Continue reading.

Click here to search Today in History for other historic moments.

Read more on Today in History - June 21

UGANDA: Why Tamale Mirundi is in a defensively panicky mood


Museveni's controversial renegade media handler, Tamale Mirundi has distinguished himself as an excellent analyst of political developments in Uganda. His logically evidence based and accurate analysis of events has won him a lot of popularity, sympathy and love from Ugandans. There is no doubt the Museveni regime must be regretting as to why they sidelined him.

To ensure his security, Tamale Mirundi cleverly denouced the regime (NRM) accusing it of being managed by mafias. He always prays that one day the mafias will one time be cornered by a new regime that will replace the current one. He rightly accuses them of being "genetically arrogant". However, he has maintained his defence and praises for Museveni, his son Gen. Muhoozi and the former IGP, Gen. Kalekyezi.

During the Gen. Kalekyezi and Gen. Tumukunde power struggle, Tamale Mirundi openly sided with the former. On 14/10/2017 we ran a piece titled: GEN. KALEKYEZI AND MIRUNDI PLOY AGAINST GEN. TUMUKUNDE HALTS SERIAL MURDER OF WOMEN ( the full text of which follows this piece).  This followed a well crafted story amidst the serial murder of women, that Tamale had foiled an attempted kidnap of one of his wives.  He boasted to have used his own technical means not only to identify but to track down the alleged kidnappers.  He insisted that he could only share this information with Museveni.  However, Museveni ignored Mirundi but the murder of women came to a stop. Interestingly, the police never bothered to follow up on Mirundi's claims. It looks like Museveni understands Mirundi's sarcastic support and opted to just ignore him.

Following the recent murder of the Arua legislator, Col. Abiriga, Museveni was overpowered by emotions and panic when he initially asserted that he had been killed by the opposition. He argued thus;
" Abiriga's killing demonstrates stupidity of those opposed to NRM. It was a political assassination because of his commitment to NRM. Why doesn't NRM kill MPs of the opposition ".
Appearing on NBS TV, Tamale Mirundi responded;
"..... when I see people saying that the opposition is behind this I just laugh at some foolish Ugandans." 
Since then, Museveni toned down on pointing at the opposition as the suspects in the Abiriga murder.

Different regime officials have used the opportunity to decry the alleged misuse of mainstream and social media by allegedly inciting violence. The Minister of Security, Gen. Tumwine accused the media of "contributing to terrorism and creating alarmism. The figurehead regime Secretary General, Kasule Lumumba accused the media of " fueling a hate campaign against Museveni and the NRM" before appealing to Museveni to impose restrictions the communist China way.

In response, Museveni has also repeatedly warned of impending "tough new laws" his regime was to formulate so as to "control the noise of fools. Idiots who are just on radio and social media." In one of the tweets, he said; I have also observed creeping indiscipline on air. People threaten violence and get away with it. The Minister of Information must deal with this." The said Minister of Information is Frank Tumwebazi who happens to be one of Tamale Mirundi's "Mafia Walutwetwe" punching bags. Already on 15th June the communication regulatory authority, UCC cautioned media houses that they "give wrong elements platforms to express hatred, discontent and inciting violence." There is no doubt Tamale Mirundi is one of such wrong elements not because he misinforms or incites the public but because his message is convincingly unmasking the regime.

What bothers Tamale Mirundi most is the arrest of Gen. Kalekyezi and his cohorts. It has been reported that a machine that used to privately intercept telephone communication was recovered from Kayihura.  Mirundi rightly fears that this development may link his October 2017 assertion that he had used undisclosed private technical means to track the alleged attempted kidnappers of his wife. Consequently, he has now painfully gone on the defensive denouncing and condemning Gen. Kalekyezi. Mirundi is even suggesting to leave radio and TV talk shows and leave the city to settle in his home village in Kalisizo. He even goes an extra mile by alleging that Gen. Kalekyezi at one time even arrested and detained his wife but only to be saved by Rugunda.

Watch the space.


Friday, 13 October 2017

Gen. Kalekyezi and Mirundi ploy against Gen. Tumukunde halts serial Murder of women - #Uganda

By end of September, a total of 23 women had been gruesomely murdered in different parts of Kampala. The police and other security agencies failed to come out with a satisfactory explanation over the unresolved murders.
The relief came when the police chief, Gen. Kalekyezi conspired with the disgruntled former Museveni Press Secretary, Tamale Mirundi to link the kisoon killings with the Minister of Security, Gen. Henry Tumukunde.  The two Generals have had bad blood over control of the huge security budget, influence, political ambitions and catching Museveni's attention.
Tamale Mirundi was sacked by Museveni in July 2015 over allegations that he was supporting Museveni's political rivals. Since then, he has aggressively been attacking whoever he believes was behind his woes. However, aware of the potential danger, he has hypocritically maintained a public defence of a support for Museveni. It is the hope that one day he would resigned be reassigned by Museveni that made him fall in Gen. Kelekyezi's trap.
A ploy was hacked whereby at the end of last month Tamale Mirundi went public claiming that one of his wives had narrowly survived a kidnap and murder plot by those who had been killing women around Kampala. He deliberately made no formal complaint with the police but bragged that he had foiled the ploy. He went ahead to brag that he was to personally investigate the incident and burst the racket. Shortly after he came out with public statements to the effect that he had identified the serial killers, their modus operandi (MO) and their entire criminal racket.
He said; "I cannot trust anyone with my info be it the police chief, the Army chief or Minister of Security. The only person I share information with is President Museveni. I don't die for nothing. I need a Presidential Handshake because I've been making my own research on this. The information I have about murders I can only tell the President."
Museveni simply ignored Tamale Mirundi’s blackmail prompting the latter to panic. He opted to don the Museveni party uniform in all his public appearances in the hope that he would attract Museveni's attention. The humiliated and frustrated Tamale Mirundi opted to publicly disclose some details of his so called private investigations.
He revealed from the mobile phone printouts of his so-called murderers, their connections. He claimed that they were using cheep mobile phones that can not be easily tracked by security and moreover the ones that had been deactivated by security agencies/UCC. He went ahead to claim that it was only with assistance of those with strong security connections that their phone sets were deactivated and able to use unregistered SIM cards.
Strangely, the police picked no interest in his assertions. Having realised that Museveni had opted to ignore him, he initially claimed that the murderers had been using their victims in recording sexual films before killing them to erase evidence. Later he claimed that an Australia based Ugandan (most likely Dr. Kiyingi) was behind the murders. He confidently declared that because of his efforts, there will be no more murder of women in Kampala. Indeed, the serial murders have ceased but instead, it is the machete wielding men in areas of Masaka that have resumes.
Had Museveni accepted to meet Tamale Mirundi for the "highly classified intelligence", Gen. Tumukunde was to have been the culprit. The motive would have been that "he is doing it to undermine the police and Police chief, Gen. Kalekyezi. The battle between the two Generals has now taken a new bloody twist involving a Rwandese lady who claims to be in possession of information pertaining to the murder of Felix Kaweesi by Gen. Kalekyezi. This time around Museveni has deployed his Special Forces to disentangle the belligerent Tumukunde's ISO forces and Gen. Kalekyezi's Special Police squads. This new development provides the humiliated Tamale Mirundi with smokescreen under which to withdraw his murder hoax.

Monday, 18 June 2018

UGANGA: Behind Museveni's fresh attack on the UN & DRC over ADF - PHOTOS


CHANGE OF GUARDS - In his recent State of the Nation address, Uganda's military dictator renewed his verbal attack on the UN for allegedly preserving the ADF rebel group in eastern DRC. This time around, he also directly accused the government of Congo for the same. He said; "The terrorists of ADF are still in Congo, preserved there by the UN and the Congo government." His bold inclusion of the Congo government regardless of the diplomatic repercussions was out of excitement over the release of former Congolese warlord, Jean Pierre Bemba by the ICC.

During the Second Congo War in the late 1990s, Gen. Kaziini identified and encouraged J.P. Bemba to start a rebel movement. Typical of Gen. Kaziini, he wanted a warlord and rebel movement that he had total control over unlike the then main Kisangani based, RCD under Prof. Wamba Dia Wamba. RCD was being remotely controlled by Museveni's political leaders like Otafiire, Mayombo, Wapakhabulho etc.

Gen. Kaziini convinced Museveni who sanction the support of MLC as another rebel group with bases in the northern Orientale Pronvince. Jean Pierre Bemba was taken to Jinja Barracks and given a two weeks crush basic military training. The Uganda army recruited, trained and armed the MLC fighters. In a September 2000 Press Conference at its base in Gbadolite, MLC supreme leader thanked the Uganda army for helping it raise a force of 20,000 fighters (the Museveni regime owned New Vision reported). Soon, MLC expanded its influence to Equateur Province as Gen. Kaziini undermined the Prof. Wamba led RCD.

In October 2002 there was a coup attempt in Central African Republic (CAR) led by the former Army Chief of Staff, Francois Bozize. The CAR President, Felix Patasse asked for help from the MLC rebels who were accompanied by the Uganda army's 19th Batallion that was based in Gbadolite. The mercenaries managed to beat off the uprising but committed horrendous war crimes. The attempted coup leader, Francois Bozize was taken captive and flown to Kampala. Museveni flew in a military helicopter to Gbadolite; the only time he went to Congo during the conflict. He congratulated the 19th Battalion that had just returned from CAR. He ordered planeloads of fresh meat to be flown from Kampala to Gbadolite for the soldiers of the 19th Battalion to feast.

In Kampala, Francois Bozize who was in the company of his son who could speak English and acted as his interpreter was accommodated at a CMI "safe house" in Muyenga under tight security. Shortly after, Museveni facilitated his connection to Chad from where he led a successful rebellion and ousted President Felix Patasse in March 2003. His son Jean Francis Bozize (the other interpreter) became his Minister of Defence. He later made a State Visit to Museveni bringing along with him the controversial Cpl. Masaba who had defected the UPDF and sought asylum in CAR.

In Congo, the MLC joined government and Jean Piere Bemba became the Vice Presidebt following a peace deal that ended the Second Congo War. But still, Museveni had not given up on Congo; he had sanctioned the preparation of a special force that was to help Vice President J.P. Bemba overthrow Joseph Kabila. The scheme was overtaken by events. This is the force under the West Nile based 409 Brigade that gullible Ugandans were made to believe that Gen. Kaziini had been raising a personal force intended to use in overthrowing Museveni. Gen. Kaziini was so hopeless that he could not even have thought of overthrowing Museveni.

In 2006 Jean Pierre Bemba lost an election and in 2007 he fled the country to Belgium from where he was indicted by the ICC over war crimes and crimes against humanity allegedly when his troops intervened in CAR in October 2002. In 2016 he was convicted by the ICC over the same charges and sentenced to 18 years imprisonment. A few days ago, the Appeal Chamber of the ICC overturned the conviction on grounds that he could not be held criminally liable for crimes committed by his troops.

The ICC prosecutors had done a shoddy work while carrying out their investigations. Bemba's MLC militias had no military capacity to intervene in CAR and suppress an attempted coup by rebellious soldiers. It was Museveni's army firepower by 19th Battalion that halted the coup in CAR and committed the atrocities that ensued. There is no way any of the Congolese conflict warlords could be indicted and convicted by the ICC without the joining of the Museveni army onto the charge sheet.

Jean Pierre Bemba is highly expected to change the already fragile political landscape in DRC. The Southern region based and Rwanda's confidant, Moise Katumbi is currently the leading Kabila opponent. The coming of J.P. Bemba on the stage would give Museveni a fresh stake in the political life of DRC. This explains why out of excitement he boldly attacked the government of Joseph Kabila for "preserving ADF". Unless the international community, the Congolese and J.P Bemba address Museveni's sinister schemes, we are likely to see a Third Congo War.


Sunday, 17 June 2018

UGANDA: Tracing Gen. Kalekyezi's links with Rwanda


CHANGE OF GUARDS - The Museveni regime's top cadre and former police chief, Gen. Kalekyezi was sacked and currently under arrest over alleged links with Rwanda. Museveni believes that Rwanda was propping up Gen. Kalekyezi to overthrow Museveni. Gen. Kalekyezi has also been serving Rwanda's interests by monitoring and failing Museveni's support for Rwandese dissident activities against Kagame. In the same regard he had facilitated the kidnap and forced extradition of the anti-Kagame dissident refugees back to Rwanda. Other than that, there were no other reasons for his sacking and there is not any other reason for his arrest. With regard to gross human rights abuses against Ugandans, there is nothing you can solely blame Gen. Kalekyezi that was not sanctioned by Museveni.

The alleged link to the Kawesi murder is just a cover for the above political crimes that threatened Museveni's hold on power. Museveni also wants to appease the donor community in regard to treatment of refugees which is a major source of forex. By neutralizing Gen. Kalekyezi and his network, Museveni aims to creat an environment where Rwandese dissidents will be able to organise without the roving eye of Rwanda's agents. That is why much of the information filtering from the tightly guarded arrest and detention of Gen. Kalekyezi is only coming from the Rwandese dissidents as Ugandans are kept in the dark. It is merry making and jubilation within the Rwandese dissident community. For the Ugandan victims of Gen. Kalekyezi's gross human rights abuses, you will have to wait for justice much longer because the reasons for his arrest and detention are far different from what you anticipate.

Gen. Kalekyezi's father, John Kalekyezi was deported to Rwanda by the British colonial administration shortly before independence. He was accused of having stolen arms from the armoury at Kisubi and armed a rebel squad to sabotage the visit by the top British monarch to open the Owen Falls Dam. From Rwanda, he found his way to Egypt before he linked with the eastern communist block where he met his death in a plane crash.

Gen. Kalekyezi grew up in Kisoro and adopted the Bafumbira tribe. He joined Museveni's Bush War (1981 -1986) where he enjoyed the preferential treatment that Museveni accorded the Rwandese Tutsi. Upon coming to power Kalekyezi rose to become Museveni's Principal Private Secretary.
When the Rwandese refugees deserted the NRA to invade Rwanda, Gen. Kalekyezi was among the other Banyarwanda who did not go because they had assumed Ugandan tribal identity. However, his cousin Sgt. Jack Nziiza who was also known as being a Mufumbira and had been under DMI's Counter Intelligence was deployed to the Uganda border in Kisoro to monitor the war. He soon defected to the RPF where he rose to become a General and one of Kagame's top confidants. Among the anti-Kagame Rwandese, Gen. Nziza is commonly referred to as Wa Mugande, Nziza (the other Ugandan, Nziza).

The Anglican Bishop of Muhabura, Halelimana, who was another Rwandese Tutsi who adopted the Bafumbira tribe played a vital role in supporting the RPF war. He offered the diocese resources for the furtherance of the RPF war in Rwanda. Throughout the war, Gen. Kalekyezi kept a low profile and did not publicly feature anywhere as having directly offered support.

After the takeover by the Tutsi in Rwanda, Gen. Kalekyezi as PPS was very instrumental in occasional facilitation of Kagame to sneak out of Rwanda and back. Kagame, who was the Vice President and Minister of Defence would pretend that he would be touring those areas bordering Uganda. Gen. Kalekyezi and Gen. Aronda (Deputy DMI at the time) would provide transport and security for Kagame from the border to Kampala where he would spend nights at Gen. Kalekyezi's private residence, sneak outside the country for some secret errands, return and sneak back to Rwanda without the figurehead Hutu President knowing. Not too soon after, the Hutu President was overthrown, detained and Kagame took over.

During the heightened relations between Kagame and Museveni in the late 1990s and early 2000, when those suspected to have links with Rwanda were systematically purged, Gen. Kalekyezi did not feature anywhere. He led the assault on suspected shadowy Rwanda backed PRA hideouts in Ituri from where he allegedly captured a number of PRA rebel suspects. He went ahead to neutralize the Rwanda backed Congolese rebel groups in Ituri where he was at one time threatened to be taken hostage.

It was Gen. Kalekyezi and Gen. Aronda who used their close connections with Rwanda to cement relations between Kagame and Museveni. By having the two Generals at the helm f the army and police, Rwanda felt secure. Gullible Ugandans have always baselesly hyped praise on the opportunistic Andrew Mwenda as having mediated the Museveni/Kagame sour relations. Gen. Kalekyezi played a vital role in negotiating amnesty for the alleged Rwanda backed PRA rebel captives detained in Makindye Military Prison.

Gen. Kalekyezi won Museveni's confidence more when he excelled in transforming the police force into an enforcement organ of the regime. Consequently, he also excelled as the chief persecutor of political dissenters. Gen. Kalekyezi was always careful not to make clear his stand on Museveni son's power inheritance project commonly known as the Muhoozi Project. He simply concentrated on neutralizing, suppressing and persecuting any form of dissent to Museveni's military dictatorship. With Aronda's mysterious death, Gen. Kalekyezi emerged as Museveni's defacto Vice President. No doubt Gen. Kalekyezi brought the Banyarwada predominantly closer to power circles and Museveni liked it owing to the Gen. Tinyefuza factor. This did not go well with the ethnic Hima in the top echelons of power. For them, "Mbwenu mzei yagwisa akagwe; ogu Omunyarwanda ogu Kihura....." (now Museveni is becoming scandalous; that Rwandese Kihura.....). This is what gave rise to the so called Gen. Kalekyezi - Gen. Tumukunde power struggle; it was simply a Hima -Tutsi conflict over supremacy.  This also explains why a Hima and former KMP Commander Frank Mwesigwa has not been arrested.

In the meantime, the Rwandese dissidents struggling against Kagame sought alliance from the Hima under the patronage of Gen. Saleh. Rwanda government found alliance in Gen. Kalekyezi in monitoring and neutralizing their activities in Uganda. Museveni got torn apart in this complex situation. He resisted a lot of pressure from those who wanted Gen. Kalekyezi discarded. The most embarrassing move by Gen. Kalekyezi was when he intercepted a group of Rwandese refugee dissidents who were heading for Congo via Tanzania and Burundi armed with overwhelming evidence of state facilitation. The group is under detention and the regime is stuck on how to proceed without further straining the already fragile relations.

The matter grew worse when the Rwandese dissidents petitioned the ICC over Gen. Kalekyezi's alleged crimes against humanity - forced return of refugees to Rwanda. They alleged that the judicial system in Uganda had failed to take action. This was enough to force Museveni to act or else he would be labeled an accomplice and lose out on the donor refugee forex. Museveni has had to also succumb to pressure from persistent intelligence reports to the effect that Rwanda had been harboring sinister schemes of having Gen. Kalekyezi overthrow Museveni. Why not; if the Museveni regime was allegedly aiding the anti-Kagame dissidents!

Gen. Kalekyezi is married to a Kenyan national of Rwandese origin and a close relative of the last King of Rwanda. The last time Gen. Kalekyezi was in Rwanda was last year when he had gone to attend the burial of that last King. Since the information that at the time of his arrest Gen. Kalekyezi was planning to flee to Rwanda is from the same dissident group, its credibility is doubtful. What is not in doubt is that the ongoing saga may end up at the usual arrest and detention as Museveni watches the dust settle down. For Ugandans, your turn is not yet for justice from the atrocities of Gen. Kalekyezi and you may have to wait longer but for now you are just spectators in the ongoing Hima -Tutsi struggle for supremacy.


Thursday, 14 June 2018

UGANDA: Why population may not partner with Museveni regime to fight insecurity - VIDEO PHOTOS

"If you say government has failed to provide security, then that's not true. Government or police cannot be everywhere and they can't manage alone. You the people are the ones to help government or police find the criminals. People that witnessed these killings MUST be able to help the government and the police trace these killers and bring them to court."
Gen. Moses Ali - at the funeral prayers of Hon. Abiriga.
"You can't intimidate a ruling party. For them they are looking for support, but we are not. We are the party in government and we have the support of the Magye (military)."
State Minister, Anite during the constitutional age limit amendment -Sept. 2017.

CHANGE OF GUARDS - The Museveni regime knows very well that it is resented by the general population. It is evident that this resentment is not only from the opposition but also from within the ruling regime. Its continued hold on power is premised on the use, misuse and abuse of the institution of security forces. They brutally suppress dissent, maim, detain without trial, kill, extort, rob, grab property including land without any form of hindrance.

While the rest of the population swims in abject poverty, the top brass in security circles enjoy at the expense of the tax payer. The security budget is on top of any other sector and it is used as a conduit for personal enrichment by regime cohorts. While schools and hospitals are in a sorry state, priority is on construction of state of the art office blocks for police offices and military facilities for specialised units.

It is because of this incorporation of the security forces into the regime hierarchy that most regime functionaries see themselves as immortal. The level of arrogance has best been described by Tamale Mirundi as "genetic arrogance". It is arrogance everywhere; in handling crime, in stealing from the public, in suppressing dissent, etc. They seem to send one clear message; " What can you do, we have the support of the magye (military)." Even Hon. Abiriga had a military body guard and moreover one who was his own blood brother!

When they are cornered, that is when they humble themselves and call upon the population to help them fight crime. Why don't you also involve the population in sharing the political and economic spoils??