Friday, 31 August 2018

UGANDA: Museveni's military courts to cure his Chief Justice's empty threats


Museveni's Chief Justice who is the head of the Judiciary has warned that courts of law will no longer entertain tortured suspects to be charged.

“In court we want to receive people who are alleged to have committed an offence but we don’t want you to bring people in court when they are bleeding, who are unable to walk, with broken backs because they were tortured; those people only belong to the hospital,” he said.

He also warned security officers thus;

“I think people must understand that what you do to someone today can also be done to you tomorrow.”

Chief Justice Bart Katurebe has his son in Museveni's army, Brig. Octovious Butuuro who was rushed through the ranks on account of his relationship. Brig. Butuuro was one time the Deputy Chief of Military Intelligence before he was posted to Army Industries as MD. At the right time, Ugandans will also probe his son's tenure at CMI.

However, Katurebe's empty threats are misguided because there is another Chief Justice in the country; Museveni and his chain of military courts. The tortured victims will continue to appear before military courts and be detained in military barracks. Moreover, every Ugandan is a potential subject of military law. 

Katurebe should just apologize to Ugandans for having upheld the fraudulent election of Museveni in 2016.


RWANDA: RNC in panic over Gen. Kalekyezi's release


Museveni's former police chief, Gen. Kalekyezi was sacked, his movements restricted and later charged with the forced return of Rwandese refugees to Rwanda. He had been a stumbling block in the RNC's covert activities in Uganda and its relationship with the Museveni regime. The dissident Rwandese RNC celebrated over that victory.

However, its joy has been short lived by the surprise release on bail of Gen. Kalekyezi. It is a heavy blow to them but they still have a way out. RNC dissidents have been and remain Museveni's major source of intelligence gathering on suspected hostile activities by the Kigali regime. Therefore fear of being dumped does not stand.

The RNC however, can still pursue Gen. Kalekyezi using the earlier petition that they lodged before the ICC. If he dares to go abroad for specialized medical treatment he may be arrested and arraigned for crimes against humanity.

UGANDA: A country is at war when Intelligence Chief goes to "battle front"


“The military involvement is very minimal. The Chief of Military Intelligence collects intelligence; he can choose to get on the ground and see what is going on.”
Army Spokesman quoted by - 30/8/3018
Indeed, the Chief of Military Intelligence (CMI) would be one of the last people to physically go on the ground in a combat situation. Museveni's CMI, Brig. Abel Kandiho was physically in the middle of heavy deployment in the city centre today amidst heavy army deployment to quell protests. What is most baffling is the fact that he was donning a full combat gear including camouflage uniform and helmet (see photo).

The last time Ugandans witnessed a top army officer donning combat helmet was at the fall of Iddi Amin in 1979 and during the swearing in of Gen. Tito Okello and at that time, David Oyite Ojok was in combat mood after defeating Iddi Amin and in 1985 Gen. Tito Okello was also sworn in after leading a rebellion against the Obote II government. A combat helmet is designed to protect the head against bullets. Helmets are usually worn by field soldiers during combat action. Structurally, the higher one ascends in rank, the further he goes from the actual battle field.

The Chief of Military Intelligence (CMI) heads a big network of staff members. From informers, Intelligence Staff (I.S) at different levels of military formations, Unit or battalion intelligence officers, Brigade I.Os, Division I.Os, and at headquarters level there is his deputy, Directors and their assistants for different departments, staff officers and a number of operatives. Kampala city in particular is demarcated into different Military Intelligence zones manned by his staff members. All these different players under his command are supposed to gather information and feed him. In turn, he processes this information and feeds both the CDF and the President.

Therefore, for the whole CMI to physically be on the ground amidst violence in the middle of the city, it signifies the extent of the regime's panicky mood and hence its vulnerability. For the army spokesman to downplay such a development is hypocrisy of the highest order. When the CMI dons full combat gear and goes on the ground to collect raw intelligence, then it means that the centre can no longer hold.


Tuesday, 28 August 2018

UGANDA: Is Gen. Jeje Odong an idiot


Gen. Jeje Odong is an Itesot from Ngora. He joined the army in 1979 after the overthrow of Iddi Amin. He was posted to Kabamba School of Infantry as the Military Intelligence Officer. It is said that he provided intelligence to Museveni's guerrillas for the February 6, 1981 attack on Kabamba that launched the five years Bush War. Consequently, Jeje Odong was arrested by the government and incarcerated in Luzira Prison for the next four years. It was after the military takeover by the Okello junta of July 1985 that Jeje Odong was freed.

Six months later when Museveni's NRA overthrew the Okello junta, Lt. Jeje Odong was posted to Kabamba as an instructor. Shortly after that, he was posted to Mbarara as the Commandant of the training school. From Mbarara, he was moved to the General Headquarters as Director of Supplies. He was one of the ten army delegates to the Constituent Assembly that debated the 1995 constitution.

Later, he was made the army's Chief Political Commissar before he contested for the Amuria parliamentary seat. He was appointed to the cabinet under the Ministry of Defence. In 1998 he relinquished both the parliamentary and cabinet position and was appointed the Army Chief. His reign as Army Commander witnessed the army's bloody expedition into the Congo. He had the more powerful General Kaziini as army Chief of Staff and overall commander of the Congo expedition. He was bypassed from both top (Museveni) and bottom (officers under his command) in most of the undertakings.

When Museveni's army clashed with that of Kagame in Kisangani, both countries set up a joint probe team to establish the cause. Gen. Jeje Odong chaired the probe team and was deputised by the then Rwandese Chief of Staff, Gen. Kayumba Nyamwasa. In September 1999 the team presented its report that highly implicated the Museveni's army and in particular Gen. Kaziini as having been the source of trouble. Museveni convened his High Command which castigated Gen. Jeje Odong as being a traitor before outrightly rejecting the report. Instead, Museveni appointed a fresh five man probe committee headed by the then Minister of State for Defence, Steven Kavuma. It is now 18 years since and the five man probe has never submitted its findings.

Since then, the sidelining of Gen. Jeje Odong became humiliatingly more visible. The Chief of Staff, Gen. Kaziini was the defacto army chief.

Around August 2001, as Army Commander, Jeje Odong told the Justice Porter Commission that was probing the plunder of resources in Congo that the UPDF High Command, chaired by President Museveni, summoned and reprimanded Kazini for the offence. Odongo said Museveni had directed all officers and men not to engage in business or meddle in the administration of the war-torn country.

Odongo said Museveni sent the order to him, Kazini, the state defence minister and all army units on December 15, 1998. He said Kazini defied the orders and appointed a governor, Lotsove Adelle Mugisa, for Ituri Province on June 18, 1999. It was this creation of Ituri Kibali province, the appointment of a Hema governor and the preferential treatment of Hemas that led to the bloody ethnic clashes in Ituri.

"His actions were not with my express authority. It was not right for him to appoint her. But in a High Command meeting, the matter came up. He was told not to get involved in the administration of the DRC. He was reprimanded for the action."

Gen. Odongo further said that Kazini was also in charge of the aircraft chartered by the defence ministry to fly troops and equipment to and from the DRC. Odongo held a UPDF officer, Major Musinguzi Katafiire, accountable for supervising the flights out of the Entebbe airbase during the operation.

Unknown to Gen. Odong, Museveni was behind all of Gen. Kaziini's undertakings. Two months later, in November 2001 Odong was sacked and instead replaced by Gen. Kaziini as Army Commander. Gen. Odong's sacking came at a time when Museveni was planning an open attack on Rwanda and needed Gen. Kaziini to have full control of the army. The then Army Spokesperson, Phenekasi Katirima issued a statement that;
"Gen. Jeje's leadership was weak on soldiers' welfare and discipline in spite of its many achievements. There was leakage of classified army information. There are many reasons why Lt. Gen. Odongo was moved to a new appointment. There was need to heighten discipline and also to improve on the soldiers' welfare."

However, this angered Gen. Jeje Odong who during the handover ceremony linkened the blame on him to ".........grasshoppers caught in a bottle which eat each other instead of finding out who put them into the bottle."
He further said that;
"President Museveni, as the commander-in-chief, knows the reasons why the changes were effected."

Gen. Jeje was later to retire from the army because parliament had rejected his appointment to a cabinet position. But when it came to Gen. Aronda, Museveni stood his ground that Aronda did not have to retire from the army first and indeed Parliament approved him. Since then, Gen. Jeje has held various cabinet positions including the current one of Minister of Internal Affairs.

Under Odong's docket is the Uganda Police that for over a decade ago had been commanded by the more powerful Gen. Kaleyezi. With the police force directly reporting to Museveni and Gen. Kalekyezi, the defacto Minister of Internal Affairs and number two to Museveni, Gen. Jeje must have suffered the same humiliation as had been the case in the army with Gen. Kaziini. Unfortunately, Odong had spent so much time creaming his face and head and learnt nothing. Recently when Museveni restricted Gen. Kalekyezi's movements, Gen. Jeje was quick to chest stamp. He told reporters that Gen. Kalekyezi had a case to answer. He said that it would be laughable if there were no reasons for which Kayihura and other top police officers were arrested and detained.
“It would be preposterous, really preposterous, for me to walk into your house and pick you for no cause at all. The fact that my colleagues, police officers have been brought in for questioning, presupposes that there is a prema facie problem.”

A few days later he addressed Parliament over the long detention without trial of Gen. Kalekyezi. He responded thus;
"There is this requirement, but sometimes by nature of the matter at hand, it may not be easy to fully, fulfil that requirement, and so sometimes we will request your indulgence and understanding,"

However, he must have been grilled by the power that be because two months later in August while addressing reporters he declaimed to comment on Gen Kalekyezi"s continued detention.
"I am always careful because to prematurely talk about it could be misconstrued."

Now, that Gen. Kalekyezi is off the hook, what happened to the earlier "primafacie case" that had been disclosed by Gen. Jeje!!!!
Will Gen. Jeje Odong be dismayed if tomorow he is required to handover the Ministry of Internal Affairs to Gen Kalekyezi!!!
If Gen. Odong learnt nothing from his working under the Musevenism, then he is an idiot!!!


UGANDA: To what extent is "Kenya" financing riots in Uganda?


Uganda's military dictator has today penned another lamentation alleging a plot to sabotage Uganda's economy. This development comes at a time when Kenyans in Nairobi and Mombasa have carried out peaceful demonstrations to show solidarity with oppressed Ugandans. Some of their statements read;

"President Museveni's time is up. He is the last of Africa's dictators and he must go."


Countrymen, Countrywomen and Bazukulu.

Greetings again. Yesterday while talking about the Security forces and the Bobi Wine group, I made reference to financiers of rioters who hope to damage the economy of Uganda which is, finally, taking off by developing fast.
I referred to the fact that the Permanent Secretary to the Ministry of Trade of Kenya told me recently, during the visit of the Kenyan Deputy President, that, in recent months, Uganda has been exporting more to Kenya than Kenya has been exporting to Uganda. I asked him to send me the figures and they are here below:
Uganda Kenya
Jan 2018: $186m $96m
Feb 2018: $149m $121m
March 2018: $115m $132m
April 2018: $131m $92m
May 2018: $228m $132m

Except for March, in all the other months, Uganda has been exporting more to Kenya than the other way round.

Yoweri Kaguta Museveni

Obviously, Museveni thinks that by allowing the demonstrations, the Kenyan government is sponsoring riots in Kampala.


UGANDA: Who exactly withdrew charges against @HEBobiWine in General Court Martial?


“ I don’t have powers to release Bobi Wine. Once somebody is arrested, charged and remanded, it is only two authorities who can release such people in any way: the Courts or the DPP withdrawing charges if the evidence is not enough. ”

Museveni - responding to some people who were pleading with him to release Bobi Wine.

Under Article 102 of the Constitution, the DPP is provided for as an autonomous institution mandated to handle and prosecute all criminal cases in the country in any court, except the court martial. Among other duties, the DPP is also mandated to terminate all criminal proceedings in courts of law. The DPP performs this function personally and not even his deputy can do it.

Since Museveni's army courts are established outside Article 129 of the constitution and cannot be taken to be impartial and independent. The independence of the judiciary is in built under Article 28 of the constitution whereby once a judge is appointed, he can't be directed by the president unlike members of the Army courts who can be directed, re-deployed or demoted. Museveni's UPDF Act does not mention anywhere about the Director of Prosecution in the army. However, Museveni's UPDF has its own Director of Prosecution who exercises the same functions as the DPP.

Interestingly, last week the DPP gave his unsolicited legal opinion to the Judge Advocate of the General Court Martial over the charge of possession of firearms against Hon. Bobi Wine. He told the military court that it was prudent to drop the gun charges against Bobi Wine since he was to face a treason charge in another court but based on similar facts (see attached letter).

The army Prosecutor, Maj. Raphael Mugisha simply informed court thus;

"I have instructions that the proceedings before this court, under Regulation 65 of the Uganda People’s Defence Forces Procedure, be terminated and the accused person (Bobi Wine) be handed to police." Were those "instructions" verbal or written as required by law??

Consequently, the General Court Martial terminated the proceedings and set Hon Bobi Wine free before he was rearrested shortly after and produces before the civilian court to face treason charges.

The DPP's letter was very clear; he did not withdraw charges but gave a legal opinion to a sister judicial body. The constitution bars him from extending his mandate to the Court Martial. The court martial Prosecutor did not expressly disclose who had given him the instructions to terminate proceedings and hand the 'accused" person to police.

Last month, around mid July 2018 the army's Director of Prosecution (DP) discontinued charges against Lt Col Deziderio Balidda and two others. The Prosecutor of the General Court Martial, Maj Raphael Mugisha simply announced in court that on July 5 he received a nolle prosecui (instructions to withdraw the charges) from the Army Director of Prosecutions.

“Mr Chairman and members of court, the director of prosecution has instructed me not to continue with the charges against all the three accused persons because the state has failed to gather pinning evidence against them,”

The accuses senior officer attached to Field Artillery Division in Masindi District was on November 29, 2016 arraigned before the General Court Martial and charged with offences related to breaching national security - recruiting soldiers into rebel activities. He was jointly charged with Warrant Officer II Robert Wanyama and Pte Ivan Asiimwe, a gun repairer at the artillery base. They all pleaded not guilty. He was also accused of disclosing secret information to unauthorized people. The alleged offences attract a maximum sentence of death upon conviction.

In such capital offences and more so those aligned to politics, whether in courts of judicature or military courts, withdraw of charges can only be done with the direct consent of Museveni. Such consent is either prompted by pressure from either local or international circles as the case may be or after the accused has been compromised. In some cases, such withdraw of charges takes the form of a coerced grant of amnesty whereby CMI simply stage manages the Amnesty Commission.

Though the constitution makes the office of the DPP and independent entity, it has been and continues to be used at a tool to propel Museveni's repression. Around August 2017 aggrieved Ugandans commences criminal proceedings against the then police chief, Gen. Kalekyezi's and a couple of other officers for torture. The DPP was at hand to sabotage the initiative by seeking to take over the prosecution. The Makindye Court Chief Magistrate, Richard Mafabi ordered the DPP to file a formal application if he wished to take over the criminal case that had been filed against Gen. Kayihura and 7 other officers. This was after the DPP sent a letter to the Makindye Magistrates court expressing his interest in taking over the matter.

In his letter the DPP invoked article 120 of the constitution which mandates his office to take over any criminal proceedings instituted by any person in a court of law. The Magistrate adjourned the matter to 29th August to allow DPP file a formal request to take over the matter. Instead the DPP made an application to Kampala High Court seeking to review the decision of Makindye Magistrate’s Court which had denied him automatic right to take over the prosecution of the case.

Justice Murangira ruled that the DPP is mandated to do take over any criminal matter under article120 [3],[5] and [6] of the constitution hence setting aside the Chief Magistrate's order. Chief Magistrate Mafabi had mysteriously died two months earlier and the High Court ruling marked the end of the matter.

Who exactly withdrew charges (if there was any such withdraw) against Hon. Bobi Wine in the court martial; was it the constitutional Director of Public Prosecution (DPP) or the army's Director of Prosecution (DP)??? Courts don’t withdraw charges and therefore the Court Martial did not withdraw the charges against Hon. Bobi Wine.

Museveni is the chief prosecutor in both civilian and military courts. He is the one who instituted and sanctioned proceedings against Hon. Bobi Wine and owing to pressure he withdrew the same charges. That's why it is not clear as to who withdrew the charges in the Court Martial. For fear of a possible legal challenge, days later the army simply came out with a public statement that it was no longer interested in Hon. Bobi Wine.

"Contrary to the tag that ran during the

Live@9 on NBS TV Station, this is to reaffirm that the UPDF General Court Martial will not resurrect those charges that were leveled against Hon. Kyagulanyi,” the army Spokesperson, Brig. Karemire said.

On the other hand, Hon. Bobi Wine's legal team should scrutinize this matter or else they were duped and may be in for a big surprise.


Sunday, 26 August 2018

UGANDA: Museveni unleashes another bunch of "Educated" tormentors - @HEBobiWine #FreeBobiWine


Over the weekend, Uganda"s military dictator presided over the passing out of 3,958 newly recruited UPDF soldiers who have completed their one-year basic military training at Kaweweta. Of these, 36 soldiers are female and overall, 108 are university graduates, 500 have Advanced Level School Certificate; 300 possess Ordinary Level School Certificate while a number of others have Diplomas and Certificates.

Of all the past regimes, the Museveni military regime has excelled in attracting the most educated soldiers. However, the sad sad part of it is that these so-called educated soldiers have excelled in the worst human rights abuses, robberies, theft of public resources, corruption and general abuse of office. Everywhere, they have been during Museveni's military expeditions outside Uganda, reports of rape, sexual exploitation, smuggling and outright diversion to personal use of field logistics emserge.

Domestically, the army has excelled in state inspired gross abuse of human rights. It is used by the Museveni regime to brutally suppress any form of political dissent. For Ugandans, news of such passing out of new soldiers signifies a replenishment of Museveni's tools of repression. The usual propaganda aside, never in the history of Uganda has the country witnessed such a repressive army and the worst is in the offing.


UGANDA: Museveni exploits US military aid to boost his repressive machinery @HEBobiWine #FreeBobiWine


The U.S.-Ugandan military partnership dates back to the administration of Bill Clinton, which used Uganda as a conduit for military aid to rebels in southern Sudan battling the Islamist government in Khartoum. Museveni positioned himself as a bulwark against militant Islam, a move that paid additional dividends when the United States became concerned about the rise of al Qaeda in eastern Africa after the 1998 embassy bombings in Kenya and Tanzania. The 9/11 terrorist attacks and the African Union’s authorization in 2007 of a peacekeeping mission in Somalia (AMISOM), which has partially rolled back the al-Shabab threat with the help of generous U.S. assistance, further solidified the alliance.

This partnership grew post-9/11. Uganda was identified as one of the partners who had common interest in combatting this terrorism. But at the same time that it was drawing closer to the United States on the counterterrorism front, the Ugandan military became embroiled in conflicts in neighboring Democratic Republic of the Congo and South Sudan that put it at odds with its American partners.

In Congo, the Ugandans were accused of looting the country’s natural resources while in South Sudan they fought on behalf of President Salva Kiir in the country’s civil war even after the United States called on them to withdraw. Ugandan peacekeepers in Somalia have also been accused of serious human rights violations, including sexual violence and torture. Its expedition in CAR has also been associated with similar atrocities.

The United States gives an estimated $750 million in aid to Uganda annually — an estimated $170 million of which goes to military assistance and cooperation. For over a decade now, the United States has trained more troops from Uganda than from any other country in sub-Saharan Africa, with the exception of Burundi. Some of the resources were, according to the report, spent on efforts to professionalise Uganda People’s Defence Force (UPDF). The US also provides training in human rights to the UPDF yet its record in that regard continues to deteriorate.

It is this peace keeping and the leverage on military aid that Museveni is using to strengthen his repression. Much of the military aid has been concentrated on his elite SFC whose sole task is to keep him in power. Therefore, because of the regional peacekeeping role the U.S.A has kept a blind eye on the excesses of the UPDF. The only time the U.S attempted to take action was when it reallocated aid and canceled a military exercise with Uganda in the wake of Uganda’s harsh anti-homosexuality bill in 2014. Since then USA has not publicly threatened to do the same in response to Uganda’s repression of nongovernmental organizations, crackdowns on journalists, attempted silencing of opposition leaders or tampering with elections. It’s plain for the world to see that democracy is backsliding in Uganda.


AFRICA: Why Tanzania rejected Museveni's smuggled sugar


Under the EAC Common Market Protocol, sugar is supposed to enjoy preferential treatment at 0 per cent Import Duty within in EAC partner states because it is wholly produced in Uganda. However, Tanzania decided to impose duty of 25 per cent, a violation of the EAC rules of origin and the Common Market Protocol.

The sugar (alleged to have been smuggled into Uganda from Kenya) that had been exported by Kakira Sugar Works had in May exported 12,000 bags (600 tonnes) of locally manufactured sugar to Tanzania but it was denied entry and forced to return. This prompted Museveni to rush to Tanzania for a one day visit.

At the end of the talks, Museveni came back empty handed.

President Magufuli had stood his ground and at a joint press conference he stated thus;
“We were informed of smuggling of sugar products to Tanzania from Uganda. This is why we issued an embargo to stop the illegal activities. Apparently we came to realise that the sugar products which were entering the country from Uganda were not manufactured in Uganda, but elsewhere despite being labeled as manufactured in Uganda."

Exactly one year ago, we ran the below-reproduced article over a smuggling racket involving sugar into Uganda through Somalia.


Change of Guards Blog | August 31, 2017

Since 2015 Uganda and Kenya trade relations have been dominated by the ‘sugar politics’. Kenya has persistently suffered a deficit whereby its local sugar production could not meet the demand. Uganda was cleared to export an average of 9,000 metric tonnes of sugar to the Kenyan market.
However, around late 2016 Kenya blocked Uganda’s sugar exports to the Kenyan market accusing it of exploiting regional trade agreements. Kenya claimed that Uganda was simply importing sugar from Brazil and Egypt which is repackaged before being exported to Kenya. Note: Kenya produces more sugar than Uganda but because of poverty, Ugandans consume less sugar than Kenya thus supply in Uganda exceeds local demand.

In many Africa governments, affordability of sugar by individual households is a key barometer of an ordinary person’s wellbeing. At the height of the sugar price crisis, a kilo of Sugar in Kenya rose from Ksh. 200 (7,000 Ug shs) to Ksh. 350 (13,000 UG Sh.) and in Uganda it rose from 5,000 to 7,000. This disparity boosted smuggling across the Kenya-Uganda border.
For the last two years now, Uganda has repeatedly and vehemently denied the allegations of sugar repackaging and exporting to Kenya. In July 2017 Museveni ordered leaders of sugar producing districts not to grant any new licences to new sugar factories unless there is sufficient supply of sugarcane. He had earlier decreed that for any new sugar factory to be established anywhere it must be at least 50kms away from an already existing one. This directive was contested by out growers, prompting a bitter row with district leaders. They argued that the directive is unfair as it favours well to do sugar producers and not the ones trying to come in.

Museveni is all out to protect the three traditional sugar producers who have sustained his 31 years’ stay in power. He warned that police would step in “to protect the territorial integrity of sugar factories” if his directive is not heeded.
Last week the proprietor of the newly established Atiak Sugar Factory, Amina Hersi Moghe accused the three leading sugar factories of illegal importation of sugar for resale in order to meet the demands. Her revelation corroborates the earlier argument by Kenya that Uganda was repackaging and exporting sugar imported from Brazil and Egypt. The Somali by origin, recently got a 64M shillings bail out from Museveni before he described her as “a gift from God to the people of Amuru”. Coupled by her high level political, economic and social connections, the assertion is very credible.

On the eve of the Kenya general elections, Raila Odinga told NBS Television that Uganda was exporting to Kenya the sugar it smuggles into the country through Somalia. Given the Museveni regime’s historical reputation of involvement in plundering and illicit trade wherever it has military expeditions, Odinga’s assertion could be true. The Old Airport at Entebbe, which is exclusively used by the army, has in the past played a significant role in aiding smuggling. We have heard of commanders selling arms, ammunitions, food and fuel supplies, training for Al-Shabaab etc. and why not smuggling?


Therefore, obviously after being smoked out of Kenya, Museveni had ventured into the Tanzania route. As the saying goes;
"You can fool some of the people all of the time, and all of the people some of the time, but you can not fool all of the people all of the time."


UGANDA: Museveni's army forcefully shave Lakony' private parts


In May 1999, the Monitor published a photo of a naked woman who was being forcefully held on the ground as one of the soldiers shaved her pubic hair. The said photo had allegedly been given to The Monitor by someone who claimed that it had been taken in Gulu army barracks. A 24 year old female resident of Gulu, Candida Lakony Ochola came out and claimed that she was the lady being shaved in the said photograph. She went further to claim that the soldier doing the actual shaving was her former boyfriend W.O II Nelson Kisaale who was at the time based in Gulu Barracks under the SIB. The army vehemently denied the allegation and the three top tier journalists that included the current leader of the opposition, Wafula Ogutu were arrested and charged with libel after the security forces ransacked the Monitor offices.

The alleged victim, Candida Lakony was taken to Museveni in State House for security protection where she spent two days. On the third day, Museveni handed her over to the Police for prosecution on charges of giving false information to the Police. Before the Buganda Road Chief Magistrate’s Court, Candida was represented by Jacob Oulanya (current deputy speaker of parliament) of Mao and Oulanya Advocates. The regime contracted Earnest Kenneth Career a forensic expert to analyse the photographs. The expert submitted his findings and testified during the trial to the effect that neither was it Candida nor Nelson Kisaale in the said photograph. Among the prosecution witnesses was the then Garrison Commander of Gulu army barracks, Capt. Charles Opioid who informed court that indeed at one time Candida Lakony’s head and not the pubic hair was shaved by the army in Gulu barracks as a routine punishment for women who misbehaved in the barracks.

In November 1999, Candida Lakony was convicted and sentenced to imprisonment for one year. During the sentencing process, her Lawyer Jacob Oulanya pleaded with court to hand her a lenient sentence owing to the fact that she had spent over five months on remand and that the trial had revealed how women were being tortured in Gulu Barracks. A few days after serving her sentence, Candida Lakony died of a strange illness. Her former boyfriend, Nelson Kisaale is now a Senior Army Officer under the notorious CMI. While the trial of Candida had lasted only five months, the trial of the three Journalists for libel was to last the next six years characterised by convictions, appeals and counter appeals until it was finally dismissed by the highest court in the land. At the time Ugandans viewed the incident as an isolated Candida Lakony affair but almost two decades now, a repeat of history is knocking on their doors and they are yelling on top of their voices.


Friday, 24 August 2018

UGANDA: Of Kenyans's solidarity with oppressed Ugandans & future of EAC


In a rare turn of events, a cross section of Kenyans took to the streets to protest Museveni's military dictatorship. The groups included members of Law Society of Kenya, Amnesty International, student leaders, and Ugandans living in Kenya. The peaceful protesters assembled at Freedom Corner before leading a procession through Nairobi city to the Uganda Embassy. They had several messages, among them;
"President Museveni's time is up. He is the last of Africa's dictators and he must go."

It is very rare for citizens of an African state to openly express solidarity with their oppressed counterparts in a neighboring state. It has been a practice for only states to either stand with either dissident groups struggling against repressive regimes or with the regime itself. Save for ganging up against Apartheid South Africa in the past, African governments rarely side with oppressed citizens of their neighboring states. They have even uniformly adopted a foreign policy of "non interference in the internal affairs of foreign states". The African Union also strongly backs that policy.

That aspect of foreign policy traces its background from the fact that since most African governments are repressive, they have an obligation to protect each other. It is against the above background that they have been advocating for the withdrawal from the ICC. They also hypocritically condemn NATO's assistance to Libyans to get rid of Gaddafi.

This attitude has also been used in some instances to not only forcefully return those who flee and seek protection in neighboring states but to curtail the political activism of such exiles. The AU identifies such activism by exiles as 'hostile acts' to their home countries. That is why most africans fleeing persecution find more security in the western countries than their neighboring African countries. The ordinary citizens or civil society organisations of one country have never had a say in repressive tendencies of neighboring country. What Kenyans have done is a landmark precedent.

Museveni has been the lead advocate of the East African Community integration. Much as he had hoped to become its first president, his main interest is to ensure that his oppressed citizens don't find a base in any neighboring country. He is more preoccupied with securing a regional military/security alliance that will avert a situation similar to when Tanzania invaded Uganda to overthrow Iddi Amin in 1979. At the same time he has taken the lead in destabilizing neighboring countries so as to create client regimes for reasons of securing his oppressive regime.

In Kenya, peaceful demonstration is governed by the constitution and the Public Order Act. Article 37 of the constitution makes demonstration a fundamental right. It can only be restricted by a court of law (Art. 24 (1) & (3). Section 5 of the Public Order Act stipulates regulations of public meetings and processions. S. 5 (2) requires requires the organisers to notify the police three days in advance so that it provides security. Therefore, there is no doubt that the anti-Museveni demonstrations in Nairobi were conducted with full approval of the government.

Museveni's relations with Kenyatta have been opportunistically cordial. Museveni did not wish to see Railla Odinga take the presidency of Kenya. Being a strong believer in tribalism, he did not want the 'troublesome' Luos of Uganda to have a Luo president in Railla Odinga for Kenya. The treacherous rescinding of the oil pipeline project through Kenya to the coast and instead relocating it to Tanzania did not go well with Kenyatta.

According to Museveni, the Kenyatta government ought to have blocked the anti-Museveni demonstrations in Nairobi. He must be treating this development as an act of hostility. We are likely to see a diplomatic protest or to avoid international attention, behind the curtains bickering. Being a shrewd survivor, Museveni must be more worried of his political opponents establishing external bases in Kenya more than anything else. For the months of January, February, March, April, and May(2018), Uganda exported more to Kenya than the other way round. The enemies of Uganda are really worried about the growing strength of this economy

As to why citizens of other neighboring countries have not come out to openly express their solidarity with oppressed Ugandans, your guess is as good as mine.

Viva Kenyans, Viva President Uhuru.

change of guards blog

UGANDA: Gen. Kalekyezi's fate to be determined by direction of Museveni / Kagame relations


After months of incarceration, Museveni's top cadre and former police chief, Gen. Kalekyezi was today presented before the military court. He was charged with offences to do with Rwanda, notably undermining Museveni's support for Rwanda dissidents who are fighting the Kagame regime. As we had earlier argued that such criminal proceedings "WOULD ONLY BENEFIT RWANDESE DISSIDENTS" the cries of Ugandans who suffered at the hands of Gen. Kalekyezi have been ignored.

Owing to diplomatic and credibility implications of such charges, Museveni must have painfully taken the path of a trial. The timing of the court proceedings is designed to overshadow the ongoing crisis that the regime is facing over its latest brutality. As for Gen. Kalekyezi's fate, his total freedom is still a long way to go. The worst of Museveni/Kagame relations is in the offing and Gen. Kalekyezi is not about to switch sides. Neither is Museveni about to abandon his support for Rwandese dissidents.

change of guards blog

Thursday, 23 August 2018

UGANDA: Museveni sacked his security managers over Hon. Zaake's escape


Following his defeat by the opposition in the Jinja East by-election in April, Museveni sacked both the Regional Police Commander (RPC), Twishime and the District Police Commander (DPC), Mbabazi. They were accused by the Political and Electoral Reforms Unit of police for siding with the opposition.  Like it had been the case in Jinja, he suspected that his security managers of West Nile were siding with the opposition.

Consequently, following his other defeat in the Arua Municipality by-elections by the opposition and the violence that ensured, he immediately sacked the Four top security and intelligence officers in West Nile sub-region. Those sacked include Regional Police Commander Jonathan Musinguzi; the regional crime intelligence officer; the Regional Internal Security Officer, Mr Emmanuel Mugisha, and District Internal Security Officer Elly Tugaine, the DPC Abbas Ssenyonjo.

Museveni personally confirmed the sacking in a statement thus;
“The regional and district police commanders, who should have anticipated the actions of these (Opposition) groups..., have been suspended. The DISO (District Internal Security Officer) has also been removed."

During the fracas that was instigated by his guard unit, several people were shot and maimed including the driver of Hon. Bobi Wine who was shot dead on the spot by a 'stray bullet' that was meant for Bobi Wine (Yasin Kawuma). A panicky button had been pressed and in order to cover up the heinous crimes he ordered for the rounding up of the MPs. Four MPs including the MP elect, Kasiano Wadri were violently arrested together with 35 other ordinary citizens. They were brutally battered and in order to cover-up, they falsely claimed that the same MPs had attacked Museveni's convoy with stones.

Because they did not want the public to see the bad state in which two of the most battered MPs, Bobi Wine and Zaake, they were separated from the rest. While Bobi Wine was hidden in a military barracks, Zaake was assisted by some police officers and medical workers to escape. The dramatic and daring episode saw Zaake end up at Rubaga Hospital in Kampala. This is the major reason why security managers in that region were sacked. Later on, Museveni embarrassingly issued a statement that Zaake had escaped from police thus;

“Hon. Zake’s story is that he colluded with nurses to escape from the hospital in Arua where he had been taken after his violent confrontation with the security forces,” said Museveni.
“The Police has not moved to re-arrest him because he resurfaced in a hospital in Kampala. Let him recover, the charges still await him. Resisting arrest is disobeying a lawful order. It is punishable by a sentence of imprisonment for two years."

In the same vein, they foolishly claimed that Hon. Bobi Wine had been found in illegal posession of two guns. The concoction was designed to justify his being kept in a military barracks so that he recovers before being accessed by the public. All that gimmick of charges before the court martial was in fulfillment of that objective. Now that he has regained his shape, the court martial Bobi Wines pulled out and he has been produce before the public.

After realising that the hastily concocted version of Museveni's convoy being stoned was foolish, he attempted to downplay it thus;
"The fake news generators and even some of the elements of the security forces are concentrating on the stoning of the President's car. Please, that is not the most serious problem here. That President has the capacity, either alone or in company with his personal security, to defend himself, not only against stone throwers but against any attacker."

In a fake show of defiance against extreme local and international pressure, he has claimed that he has no powers of releasing Hon. Bobi Wine yet even an imbecile knows that it is Museveni who has a final say in all the fiasco.

Museveni has categorically stated his resolve to deal with any form of dissent against all odds thus;
"........confronting the rioters may affect Tourism and will give a bad image of Uganda. Yes, in the short-run, it may. However, in the long- run it will pay because opportunists will stop playing around with the stability of the country."


UGANDA: What drives anger in Museveni's agents of brutality???



Ugandans and the international community are stunned by the level of brutality that has been publicly exhibited by Museveni's security agents against innocent citizens. There is nothing new; it's the same brutality that Museveni has unleashed on Ugandans right from the time of his wars to gain the presidency and throughout the time he has been in power. The only difference is that while in the past the regime would be able to suppress such information, it's not easy now owing to social media. This explains why camera wielding journalists have specifically been targeted. While such gruesome images and first hand accounts of atrocities would be suppressed by news editors, it's not the case now because journalists and individuals can share the same on social media and other online platforms without waiting for the approval of compromised news editors.

The military has always been there except that it would hide behind the police, directly provide backup for the police, dress in police uniform, use police vehicles, establish command posts at police installations, etc. Otherwise, it's the military and the intelligence services that have always been the architects and lead agencies in such brutal operations against dissenting citizens. The only difference now is that following the sacking and detention of the former police chief, Gen. Kalekyezi, the regime is treating the police with suspicion thus why police is kept in the background.

Before undertaking such operations, the intelligence services generate information which in most cases is inaccurate, exaggerated and malicious. In most cases individual intelligence agencies compete in packaging their reports to attract the attention of Museveni. In some rare cases it's the 'trusted' Minister of Security who lobbies for the approval of such reports. It's Museveni who gives the final say on the course of action thus 'actionable intelligence'. His son who is the Senior Presidential Advisor on Special Operations has a big input in the scrutiny and actioning of such reports. Such reports carry with them recommendations for the course of action. Once Museveni approves, an inter-agency meeting is convened to draw the plan of action. The plan identifies the mission, objective, personnel, logistical and financial cost. It also establishes a central command centre with a clearly set out command and control structure.

Every army unit has a Political Commissar whose main job is to coordinate political indoctrination of soldiers. The so-called political education in the security forces is nothing but a communist orientation aimed at aligning the thinking of the soldiers to the regime's ideology through brainwashing. In most cases they are told lies like the 'capitalists' (the west) is using the opposition politicians and civil society to destablize the country. That if the government is overthrown or Museveni lost power the soldiers would be killed, imprisoned and dismissed from service etc. That opposition politicians are responsible for stifling the budget that would be used to improve their welfare. That the opposition has hired mercenaries with intentions of causing anarchy.

In most cases it's personnel from the the Military Police, SFC and CMI's special squads who are deployed in such operations. Military Police is re-known even within the army for its ruthlessness and brutality. Depending on the character of its Commander, it is dissented by the rest of the regular soldiers. When Gen. Kaziini was its Commanding Officer, it almost came into a bloody confrontation with the then Lubiri based unit of regular soldiers under Chris Kazoora. In selecting its personnel to go for such operations, the ruthless are most preferred.

In the process of clobbering protesters, they steal their mobile phones, wallets and other personal belongings. The bloodier the chaos, the more gainful it becomes in terms of personal economic gains because abandoned motorcycles and other portable items are lifted from shops. We have seen witnesses footage of security personnel enjoying food abandoned by frightened food vendors. At the end of such operations, soldiers share stories and make comparisons of what booty they will have managed to get for their personal use. In fact in some instances of the so called looting by hooligans is nothing other than by agents of these soldiers who share the loot later. Consequently, it's very common for soldiers to bribe their superiors so as to be included in such operations.

The SFC on the other hand need no motivation other than their dominant ethnic composition. Their mission right from home is to keep Museveni in power or at best to be succeeded by his son, Gen. Muhoozi who is SFC's founding commander.

The fat men in civilian clothes are the intelligence personnel who are attached to such operations. These are the ones who have always been involved in framing, arresting, kidnapping, detaining, torturing, extorting citizens. They are the economic beneficiaries of the regime excesses. They are the authors of false and exaggerated intelligence reports to generate inflated financial costs. They derive their anger from the fear that if the Museveni regime is dislodged they would be made to account for their past. It's this group and the SFC that are the most dangerous category of soldiers.

During briefing, these soldiers are fed on exaggerated threats that they are supposed to confront. They are told that some of them may even be killed. They are told to use maximum force and assured of legal protection from any form of criminal proceedings. However they are sternly warned to as much as possible not to openly demonstrate their actions or at best to conceal their facial identities short of which they would be surrendered for criminal proceedings. They are supposed to be given financial allowance, dry ration in form of biscuits, tinned food and water but instead their superiors end up swindling them and leaving the angry soldiers to fend for themselves from the victims.

While squads are dispatched to the field, a reserve force is always left on standby at the command centre which is usually in Makindye Barracks ready to reinforce. The command centre is manned by the senior leaders of different agencies. It maintains constant communication with the soldiers in the field while at the same time updating the top security chiefs who in turn keep Museveni informed of all developments. In the latest incident, 'the command centre that was using internet generated data to locate the GPS positions of postings by social media activists and then passing it on to the field before the foot soldiers zeroed on such activists. On the ground these soldiers are expected to demonstrate unlimited ruthlessness. One's conduct determines his prospects of future participation in similar operations in. It can even earn one a promotion or a better assignment. Owing to the fact that during action, they are closely watched by their immediate superiors, these soldiers try their best to prove their worth. Should any such soldier be seen to exercise reluctance, leniency or sympathy towards the victims, he risks severe reprimand and at worst being branded subversive which is treasonable.

After every operation, the participants are debriefed - a review of the operation focusing on success, failures, shortfalls, and weaknesses. The debriefing helps to shape the conduct of future similar operations. Commendations, praises, reprimands and even rewards are issued out during debriefing. Where, the army finds itself in a fix from pressure as a result of excessive force, it even detains a few soldiers but with an assurance that they would be set free. And once the dust settles down, they are set free and business continues.

Therefore, the source and level of anger by different players is determined by the different motives. SFC and Intelligence operatives are consciously defending the regime to maintain the status quo. The ordinary Military Police soldier is driven by the superior order and the urge to prove his loyalty.

change of guards blog

Monday, 20 August 2018

UGANDA: Museveni's disciplined army unmasked


The ongoing brutal crackdown on political dissent has unmasked Museveni's army. Since time immemorial, the army has been and remains at the centre of violence under the Museveni regime. From the gruesome violence against UPC party functionaries during his Bush War to atrocities in Northern and North Eastern Uganda after taking over power. From extra judicial killings and gruesome physical tortures under Operation Wembly and the so called war against terrorism under JAT to commando raids of the High Court and Parliament to influence judicial and legislative decisions.

From arresting, torturing and detaining civilians over political dissent to daylight crackdown on peaceful peaceful protests. From trying civilians in military courts to taking over the role of criminal investigations of non military related cases. From training the so called police personnel in combat drills in military camps to soldiers being dressed in police uniform and deployed to do civil policing. From outright deployment of army officers into police structures to turning the police into a paramilitary force or at best a branch of the army. From the Congo to CAR, the same army has repeatedly been accused of gross human rights abuses.

It is only of recent following the full militarisation of the so called police force that brutality has been associated with the Uganda police. Otherwise, all along the traditional police has specialized in corruption while the army was excelling in gross human rights abuses. It is unfortunate that gullible Ugandans forget so quickly that they have been exonerating the army in brutality and only pointing fingers at the police. He below, please find an article we wrote in the same regard in August 2016.

Change of Guards - Friday, August 5, 2016 at 8:15 PM


Ugandans are up in arms condemning 'Police' brutality. The current agitation was sparked off by an incident on 12th July 2016 when security personnel indiscriminately beat up harmless civilians who were cheering up the release from detention of the leading opposition figure, Dr. Besigye. The Police Chief commended his officers for a job well done. Though parliament was divided on the matter, majority of the regime sycophants defended the police actions. The army representative in parliament through Gen. Pecos Kutesa contended that ".....the opposition and their followers provoked the police who were carrying out their constitutional duties. The police should not be blamed." A few months ago upon being selected as army representative in parliament, the army's political commissar told the media that ".....for us we do not participate in controversial discussions. When the debate is political, we keep mum." Civil society and the general public condemned the brutality. Some of the religious leaders came out to condemn the brutality but majority of them kept mum for fear of loosing out on Museveni's donations of posh cars.

Consequently, the police is pretending to take disciplinary action by charging its junior personnel with a disciplinary offense of conduct prejudicial to good order and discipline before their hastily instituted disciplinary committee dubbed court. In all fairness, the brutal actions of the police amounted to torture and attempted murder if it had not been for the military dictatorial regime. The weapons used and the body parts that were being targeted would clearly prove an intention to either kill or cause gravious bodily harm in a formal criminal trial. Private citizens and victims have commenced private criminal proceedings for vicarious liability and conspiracy in the conduct of his men. He is busy using tax payer's money to organize goons so that they carry out street protests against those criminal proceedings and to threaten victims and judicial officers. Using its majority in parliament, the regime blocked the move to institute a special committee of parliament to probe the police brutality.

To crown it all, Museveni has come out to defend the actions of the police officers and instead blaming the leader of the opposition "......otherwise, it would not have been reasonable to charge these young police people for defending themselves against an illegal and violent demonstrators." Museveni who without shame claimed that he had not had time to meet the police chief to find out what transpired is the same person who was seen seated by the roadside making a call to his security chiefs about Dr. Besigye's release.

Circumstantially, he must have been giving orders on how his police should brutalize cheering crowds. FDC's Senior Counsel, Wandera Ogalo innocently opined that ".......either the president is not properly briefed or he is just ignoring the briefs on police brutality for political reasons." Oh, poor Wandera forgets that sometime back while presiding on Heroes day in Iganga, Museveni stated that he knows everything that happens in the country.

It is a fact that the ongoing police brutality is a well set out scheme by the regime designed to instill fear into the population and subdue them into submission to its dictatorship. Therefore, nothing will but instead Ugandans should expect the worst. he pretense of taking disciplinary action against some of its officers is meant to hoodwink the public just as a mitigating factor against the fear of fueling mass protests which it has been trying to suppress since the rigging of the general election in February 2016. What is special with the incidents of July 2016 when for over a decade now the police has excelled in brutalizing citizens in incidents worse than this most recent one??? From Kiboko Squad, Bodaboda 2010, Team No Sleep and others to the most recent, Kifeesi, why had Ugandans never come out strong? Anyway, better late than never. What is most intriguing is the fact that a big section of gullible Ugandans have come out to exonerate the army to the extent of branding it as being a friendly force. True, like is the case with the police, majority in the army do not approve this brutality against citizens but in the absence of an alternative they have no option but to dance to the tune of a small group of mafias that are holding them hostage.

Since coming to power, Museveni set off to destroy by militarizing the traditional police which he considered hostile to his regime. By deploying army officers to top command positions of the police force he has to a bigger extent succeeded not only in militarizing the police but also in systematically getting rid of the personnel from the 'hostile' regions who used to dominate the traditional police. Without shame, almost 85% of the strategic command and administrative positions of the police force are headed by personnel from his western region. He has fused some strategic units of the police with his Special Forces Group under the command of his son, Gen Muhoozi and charged with ensuring that he remains in power at all cost. Police personnel are afforded military training together with the army in military barracks and are now using military combat weapons like mortar heavy machineguns. The camouflage military combat uniform used by the special units of the police is designed to instill fear in the population into submission. The camouflage leaves one wondering if it matches with the surroundings in the urban setting where they predominantly operate.

More army officers who have no any law enforcement background are being seconded to the police to take over command of its vital units. Plain clothed but hooded military personnel from the SFG are being used in brutalizing civilians during opposition processions under the cover of being Crime Preventers but are often visibly commanding senior police commanders. Military intelligence personnel in civilian clothes and hooded take the lead in brutalizing leaders of the opposition and excited onlookers. A number of illegal detention and torture facilities that double as police stations are manned by military intelligence dressed in police uniform. The army's Military Police has since 1986 been doing police work under the excuse that the police lacked capacity but its now 30 years and the military police is becoming an acceptable component of the police thus nobody is questioning their role in the so called police brutality. When and where will they also be subjected to the so called disciplinary action for the recent brutality against civilians??? What about increased military incursions into the police force instead of withdrawing its presence???

Another monster is the so called Joint Security Committee (JIC) and its technical body the Joint Intelligence Committee (JIC) which are army and intelligence services led respectively. They are composed of the army, police, intelligence services, SFG and prison services. It usurped the role of the statutory National Security Council that was enacted by an the NSC Act 2/2000 as an advisory body to the president on matters of national security. All the evils of the so called police against the opposition and citizens are designed by a secret committee of 'inner people' and rubber stamped by this demonic committee. The following examples are in support of this line of argument:

- As the campaigns for the last elections gained momentum, the regime put in place a Joint Election Security Committee comprised of all the security agencies with the army being the lead agency.

- In early December 2015, the army chief, Gen. Katumba Wamala, appeared at the Media Center together with Chiefs of other agencies and disclosed that all security agencies were working together to avert looming election insecurity.

- In early January 2016 Museveni directed the army chief to prepare for a nationwide deployment of soldiers claiming that he had" got intelligence that Besigye and Mbabazi with support of hostile external elements were planning an insurrection in Uganda if they lose the election." Katumba Wamala disclosed that the police will keep law and order while the army will manage the general security. That army officers were to be deployed at every police station to coordinate with other security organs. Further that the army had created a unique battalion with specialized capabilities to deal with terrorism, kidnap, organized crime and general lawlessness.

- In early February 2015, the Commanding officer of the Military Police, Col. Kanyesigye while addressing the media at the army headquarters said that: ".....if anyone tries to destabilize the smooth running of the electoral process, we shall not allow this to happen. We will definitely take action to return the situation to normal. We have on many occasions done joint operations together with the police and other sister security organs. Our comrades - the police and intelligence personnel are on the ground to ensure that peace prevails."

- In mid February 2016 Military Police was deployed in the whole of Kampala as Dr. Besigye was being arrested from Nasser Road.

- The Army Spokesperson, Col. Kulaigye during a televised talk show defended the army deployment thus: "......the police's main role is to maintain law and order but this order has to exist first to be maintained and its us who create it."

- After the elections, Gen. Katumba Wamala disclosed that Besigye was recruiting expendables to burn Kampala City. Appearing at Star Television, he disclosed that Besigye was planning a series of riots and was recruiting youth from slums like Kisenyi and others whom he planned to give waragi and marijuana to help them loot shops. He confirmed that the army had deployed in the city and suburbs. He went ahead to reveal that the army knew in advance and deployed to help the police. At the same fora, Police's Fred Enanga who represented the Police Chief disclosed that foreigners were funding Besigye to destabilize Uganda.

- Museveni addressed a press conference at his home in Rwakirura where he emphasized that he would not allow Besigye to burn down Kampala. He promised to "use both soft and hard means to protect the city and the country." He concluded by promising to wipe out opposition completely in the next five years.ellow Ugandan, are you still sleeping or you now know who and why there is 'Police' brutality more especially in Kampala???? If not, continue sleeping.

The Uganda Law Society has called upon victims to show up for free legal services. This is very healthy but the regime will use both money and intimidation to dissuade them the same way they are doing with the victims in the private prosecutions against the IGP. Maybe, if someone could come up with a public inquiry into all the police brutalities or public inquiries are a monopoly of the regime??? What about a newsletter that exposes all those brutalities????


It is unfortunate that exactly two yeas later, gullible Ugandans are surprised by the army's coming out in full force to openly brutalize peaceful protesters. There is nothing new; what is going on is just a continuation of what the army has always been doing.


Sunday, 19 August 2018

UGANDA: Muhoozi obliged to avenge an attack on Museveni


Around March 2015, Museveni warned that whoever chose to hurt him would meet stiff resistance from his son, Gen. Muhoozi Kainerugaba. Museveni made the remarks during the swearing in ceremony of the newly appointed Chief Justice and some cabinet ministers.

He said;

“In the old days if one killed my brother, one was bound to revenge or his spirit will haunt him. When God gave me a son (Brig Muhoozi) long before I thought of being President, I called him Muhoozi. He will avenge me."

Immediately after the chaos that erupted in Arua last week, the police isued a statement through its Spokesman. He said that Museveni’s motorcade had been attacked at around 6:30Pm by what he termed as hooligans, as he left Booma grounds where he held the last rally for the ruling NRM candidate.

“One of his lead cars was attacked and smashed by hooligans that were donning colors of one of the contestants, Kassiano Wadri,” said the police mouthpiece.

Photos released by State House earlier in the evening showed a shattered outer layer of the rear windscreen of the President’s car. The police statement confirmed that one person was shot dead as “Security forces quickly intervened to calm the situation; which became riotous as many were pelting stones to the convoy of the president, which is unacceptable.”

“Unfortunately in the scuffle one person was fatally injured in car number UAT 416K Tundra,” he said. The car belongs to MP Robert Kyagulanyi and the deceased; the MP confirmed was his own driver.

According to the police mouthpiece, earlier in the day at around 4pm, the president had been attacked by the same group of opposition supporters as he was making his way toward Booma Grounds.
The group, he said, this time used a grader to intercept the presidential convoy.
The grader, Reg. No. UAP 064R, which according to Kayima was wrapped in the same colors as those that attacked the president and those that smashed his car at Prisons cell, was impounded and detained at Arua Police Station.

Obviously the Police Spokesman had let the cat out of the bag. The regime has attempted to make up the story exonerating its security machinery but it has miserably failed to add up. That is why in his latest statement, Museveni out rightly expresses his frustration thus;

"The fake news generators and even some of the elements of the Security forces are concentrating on the stoning of the President’s car. Please, that is not the most serious problem here. That President has the capacity, either alone or in company with his personal security, to defend himself, not only against stone throwers but against any attacker."

Of course, such an incident is not only embarrassing to his 32 years military dictatorship, but it also exposes a serious lapse in his security detail. For a presidential convoy to be stoned by young people who were even not yet born when he came to power 32 years ago is a curse. On the other hand, in the event that the situation was exaggerated to justify the violent response, it is boomeranging on the regime's fake image. That is why the version of blocking Museveni's convoy using the grader is not being pursued.

Whatever the case, Museveni came under attack and as he had earlier warned, his son had to avenge. He can only avenge if he is in direct command of the army and that's why Museveni had to fix him at the helm of the army. Forget the mockery of his being a mere Senior Presidential Advisor on Special Operations. He is the overall commander of all the security forces.


UGANDA: Was Gen. Muhoozi behind torture of opposition legislators?


“Muhoozi Kainerugaba is the advisor of special operations and this unit does special operations. This is the same unit that tortured Bobi Wine and Hon Zaake."

Dr. Kizza Besigye

"Maj Gen Muhoozi is now a Presidential Advisor in charge of Special Operations. He left command in January last year when he handed over office as Special Forces Commander to Brig Don Nabaasa. He is not in active command at all. The roles of an advisor are different from the commander’s.”

Maj Chris Magezi, spokesperson of the Office of Presidential Advisor in charge of Special Operations.

To better solve the above controversy, it's prudent to take a close look at the below reproduced article that we posted four months ago.


April 20, 2018

In order to shed off the widespread criticism of grooming his son to inherit the Uganda presidency, in January 2017 Museveni relieved his son from the position of Commander of the elite Presidential Guard Unit, the SFC. Museveni instead created for his son a new position of Senior Presidential Advisor on Special Operations. Muhoozi was and remains the defacto overall commander of the army. He is the defacto Commander-In-Chief of the armed forces since all the heads of different armed forces and Intelligence Agencies report to him by virtue of his current position. Museveni simply wanted to hoodwink Ugandans by simply keeping him away from the public domain while at the same time placing him at the helm of all matters of security. In other words, the scheme to have his son as his successor is alive and kicking.

Special Operations (S.O) is a military term used to refer to military operations that are “special’ or unconventional and carried out by dedicated Special Forces and Special Operations Forces units using unconventional methods and resources. Special Operations may be performed independently of, or in conjunction with, conventional military operations. The primary goal is to achieve a political or military operational objective where a conventional force requirement does not exist or might adversely affect the overall strategic outcome. Special Operations are usually conducted in a low-prifile manner that aims to achieve the advantages of speed, surprise, and violence of action against an unsuspecting target.

The above description of Special Operations accounts for Museveni’s formation of his elite Special Forces Command (SFC) – “to achieve a political objective” where the conventional force (ordinary UPDF) is not trusted enough. Gen. Muhoozi’s involvement with Special Operations dates back to the 2008 – 2009 botched offensive against the LRA in Eastern Congo’s Caramba National Park. The team of SFC combatants has always been with the AMISOM contingent in Somalia. Owing to its sophisticated equipment, it is charged with carrying out specialized operations more especially at night and close quarter combat (built up areas).

In November 2016 the SFC was involved in an operation that saw the attack and killing of over 100 Bakonjo tribesmen at their king’s palace in Kasese. Owing to the worldwide condemnation and threats of dragging the perpetrators to the ICC, in January 2017 Museveni opted to remove his son Gen. Muhoozi from the public limelight by way of relieving him of the direct command of the SFC. The then Army Chief, Gen. Katumba Wamala vehemently denied having given the attack orders to Gen. Elwelu who lead the massacre. Behind the curtains, Gen. Elwelu had been getting orders from Gen. Muhoozi whose components of SFC were actively on the ground in Kasese.

Instead, Museveni made his son a Senior Presidential Advisor on Special Operations. In April 2017 the SFC lead an operation that netted the Labour Minister Kabafunzaki as he allegedly received a cash bribe from a Sudanese investor. In September 2017 the SFC invaded Parliament, beat up and arrested opposition Members of Parliament during the tabling of the Age Limit Bill. The bill that has been made law sought to scrap the 75 years presidential age limit to allow Museveni who is aged 73 to rule for life. In October 2017 the SFC moved in to neutralize the standoff between ISO and Police over the security of a special Rwandese intelligence agent, Christine Umuhoza Mbabazi in Kampala. Around the same time, the SFC rounded up a number of senior Police Officers and leaders of the notorious regime militant group, Boda Boda 2010 in a bid to trim the political influence of the then Police Chief, Gen. Kalekyezi.

In December 2017, the SFC led a special operation that saw the indiscriminate artillery and aerial attacks in suspected rebel ADF camps inside DRC. The operation was called off after it proved fruitless and the ADF remains intact. During February 2018, the SFC was active in a botched rescue mission of kidnapped Susan Magara around Kampala. The kidnappers took the ransom money before eventually killing their victim. Around February 2018 in Somalia’s capital Mogadishu, components of the SFC clashed with elements of the Somali Intelligence services, NISA leaving several dead and colossal damage to property.

Those are some of the Special Operations in which the SFC has been active courtesy of the Senior Presidential Advisor on Special Operations, Gen. Muhoozi.

Whoever, is disputing Muhoozi's role in such deadly operations should outline his job description and achievements so far.