Friday, 30 November 2018

UGANDA: When the elitist "Sheilas" badly need the under privileged "Opios"


CHANGE OF GUARDS - Museveni's 32 years of military dictatorship has so much divided the country that the gap between the haves and have nots is widening day by day. 

The HAVES are mostly  beneficiaries of Museveni's policies of patronage and exclusion disguised as "creation of a middle income society".  They are closely associated with the ELITES who who are a small group of powerful people who hold a disproportionate amount of wealth, privilege, political power and skill in society.   They have fallen victim of Museveni's propaganda that the HAVE NOTS are hooligans bent on scavenging on their wealth. 

The income inequality is on the rise with the have nots on the other falling victim of Museveni's propaganda machine that associates them with Hooliganism and the political opposition.  They are subjected to constant harassment by security forces.  In some instances, the harassment is instigated by the so called elites like for instance the chasing of vendors off the streets and constant mysterious market fires. 

While the HAVES and ELITES can afford better and expensive private schools and hospitals for themselves and family,  lavish weekend outings at beaches, concert and musical events, the underprivileged sections of society are living on one poor meal a day. During such lavish weekend entertainments, they even have the privilege of hiring beautiful young ladies for company and comfort while some underprivileged young men are taken along as DJs and meat roasters. 

Consequently, the HAVES have developed political and economic apathy towards the plight of the HAVE NOTS. 
The HAVE NOTS have resorted to economic survival in a hard way.  These are the same youths who either after being harassed from the city relocated to or are traditionally engaged in fishing on the islands of Lake Victoria.  Even though, these are the same victims of state inspired brutality on the lake that has been going on without anybody to speak out for them.  

Religious teachings describe all human beings as equal and this was manifested during last weekend's boat catastrophe.  The HAVES and ELITES had taken a boat cruise on L. Victoria when tragedy struck leaving scores confirmed dead while several are not yet accounted for.   

During the tragedy, it was the other HAVE NOT class of fishermen with their small boats who arrived first to save the lives of some drowning HAVES and ELITES.  They did a commendable job and some even lost their lives in the process of trying the save the lives of the ELITES.  

Interestingly, the list of the ELITE victims who perished has among others the following;  SHEILA Bisase, SHEILA Gashishiri, SHEILA Natukunda and SHEILA Mbonimpa. Is the name SHEILA now a trademark in Uganda that is associated with the HAVES?  Thanks to God, SHEILA Gashumba is missing on that list.

The list of the HAVE NOT rescuers has the likes of Opio Olone, Owetcho John, Komaketch and Onyango among others. 

The incident overshadowed the 2nd Anniversary of the infamous Kasese Massacre where Museveni's security forces killed over one hundred locals in cold blood.  It is not a surprise that the elites chose to go partying on the same occasion.  

A day of national mourning has been declared and flags flew at half mask.  The HAVE NOT youths were seen trying to manually pull the wreckage of the boat while the police looked on.  The police has handed over about 29  and is still stuck with another 35 unclaimed powerful cars that had been left ashore by the revellers of the tragic boat cruise.  

The underprivileged HAVE NOTS are crying foul over the survivors failure to return to them with a token of appreciation.

For those who think that by thriving on any form of sectarianism and discrimination you are immune, you should know that all human beings need each other. 


Thursday, 29 November 2018

UGANDA: What was late Kaweesi's stand on alleged Rwandese dissidents saga?


CHANGE OF GUARDS - Around late August 2018, Museveni's top confidant, Gen. Kalekyezi was charged in the military court with among other charges, aiding and abetting of his subordinate officers to kidnap and illegally return Rwandese exiles to Rwanda.

This followed a series of unsubstantiated accusations that he was being propelled by Rwanda to overthrow Museveni.  Consequently, he was sacked around March 2018, arrested and detained around June 2018.  A number of his top lieutenants in the police were also arrested in the same connection and are under incarceration.

Around March 2017, his defacto No. 2, AIGP Felix Kaweesi was mysteriously shot dead as he left his home in one of the suburbs of Kampala.  Despite the numerous uncoordinated arrests of different suspects; most of them Muslims, no viable breakthrough has been made in resolving that high profile murder.  There has been unsubstantiated pointing of fingers at Gen. Kalekyezi citing power struggle allegedly on grounds that Kaweesi was scheduled to be his replacement.  Museveni's intelligence outfits have reportedly made desperate attempts to link Gen. Kalekyezi to the murder of Kaweesi.

Kagame and Museveni have been bickering over the latter's alleged backing of dissident RNC militants.  Uganda has routinely arrested and harrassed Rwandese nationals in Uganda on allegations of espionage.  Rwanda in return alleges that its dissident RNC is facilitated to recruit from Rwandese refugees in Uganda.  It is against this background that Rwanda allegedly enlisted the help of Gen. Kalekyezi and his top police lieutenants to help monitor and disrupt the activities of RNC.    

While Gen. Kalekyezi is well known to have direct blood relationship with the Kigali establishment, it was only until his death that Kaweesi's Rwandese blood became public.  While Gen. Kalekyezi is an ethnic Tutsi of Uganda's Bafumbira tribe, for Kaweesi it is not clear whether he was a Tutsi or Hutu.  Whatever the case, given his seniority, influence and personal closeness to Gen. Kalekyezi, if the links with Kigali are true then there is no way Kaweesi's input wouldn't have been sought.   

The big question is in the event he had been contacted, would he have accepted to render a helping hand or he simply snubbed the idea!!  In the event of the latter scenario, it would obviously fatally endanger his life.  The speculation that by the time he was killed, Kaweesi had been desperately trying to meet Museveni;  if true, did he intend to disclose the sensitive Gen. Kalekyezi Rwanda connection!!

Even if he would not have been directly contacted by either side, given his senior position and ethnic background, Kaweesi ought to have known. 


Tuesday, 27 November 2018

UGANDA: Museveni's redundant Gen. Tumwiine struggles to be relevant


CHANGE OF GUARDS - Museveni's irrelevant Security Ministry has directed all district police commanders and security agents to report all murder cases to the ministry.

As reported by Chimpreports, the regime's online propaganda mouthpiece, other security agents ordered to report to the ministry are District Intelligence security officers (DISOs) and Residence District commissioners (RDCs).
“You are requested to report to the Ministry of Security on any murder case in your district every day,”

The Minister of Security, Gen. Tumwiine has assembled under his empty office a team of former intelligence operatives who have in the past failed the efficiency of state security.  One such officer is Charles Aine, the Staff Officer in the Security Ministry who told district officers that the security operatives from the ministry shall immediately start to jointly investigate the murder cases.

“The officers at the ministry will later make a follow up on the details surrounding the murders."

It is further reported that all district security agents have been provided with secure communication lines where they’ll relay their reports to the Security Ministry and Directorate of Internal Security Organization.

This unfortunate development comes at a time the country is grappling with a breakdown of security of person and property.  It is another gamble by Museveni to fix the irreparably defective security situation.  The regime is turning a blind eye on the fact that the security problem can only be fixed by settlement of the social, economic and political question.  Otherwise, structurally the police fall under the Ministry of Internal Affairs while ISO and RDC's fall under the Office of the President.  What about CMI and SFC who are currently the lead agencies in investigation of such crimes!!  Moreover, Registrar of Births and Deaths has traditionally been under the Ministry of Justice.

Many months ago, we analysed the irrelevancy of Museveni's Ministry of Security as below:

Change of Guards
March 9, 2018

Why Museveni’s Ministry of Security is a redundant docket
Under Museveni’s military dictatorship you have the Ministry of Defence and Veteran Affairs (MODVA), the Ministry of Internal Affairs, the Ministry of Security and the Intelligence Services (ISO and ESO) as his core security infrastructure. MODVA has only one department, the Army. The so-called MOD subsidiary, National Enterprises Corporation (NEC) is just a department of the army and a tool for swindling public funds.

There is nothing like the docket of Veteran Affairs because it was only recently created in order to hoodwink the army veterans who are languishing in untold misery. It is only meant to keep a close watch on Army Veterans as they grow old and die off one by one.
Moreover, the Minister In-charge of Veteran Affairs Col. Bright Rwamirama was the army’s Chief Controller of Finance (CCF) and chief swindler at the time they were sent into disgrace with 16 pieces of iron sheets in the early 1990s. MODVA has a civilian cadre Minister and his deputy who is a retired Colonel who commanded the Artillery Regiment during the Congo expedition. MODVA’s everlasting lion’s share of the national budget is a conduit for swindling public funds by the regime through its so called classified expenditures.

The traditional Ministry of Internal Affairs (MIA) is comprised of the Police Department, the Prisons Department, and the Directorate of Citizenship and Immigration. It is headed by a Minister and his deputy. The Police Department is headed by the Inspector General of Police (IGP), the Prisons Department is headed by the Commissioner of Prisons (CP) while Citizenship and Immigration is headed by a Commissioner General (CG).
The statutory intelligence services are the Internal Security Organization (ISO) which is responsible for gathering intelligence within the country and External Security Organization (ESO) which is responsible for gathering intelligence beyond the national frontiers.

Since time immemorial, owing to Museveni’s militaristic approach to public affairs he has always relied on Military Intelligence (CMI) for intelligence gathering both within the country and beyond the frontiers and civilian policing yet it is a unit of the army. By doing so, he has more often undermined the operational efficiency of the statutory intelligence and security organs including the police. ESO is traditionally concerned with the monitoring of the “northerners” who fled to the diaspora after Museveni took over power 32 years ago. That is why its directors have always been “northerners” – Oketcho, Maku Igga, Emmy Alio, and now Ocwet.

The army as the only department of the MODVA is headed by the Chief of Defence Forces (CDF) and is stronger than his line Minister and is only answerable to Museveni. The Police is headed by the IGP who is stronger than his line Minister and is only answerable to Museveni. The Prison Services boss is stronger than his line Minister and only answerable to Museveni. By virtue of being the President, Museveni is the Commander In-Chief of the armed forces (army, police, Prisons and other auxiliary forces).

All the heads of the three lead Intelligence agencies (ISO, ESO and CMI) are directly answerable to Museveni. At one time he created the office of Coordinator of Intelligence Services headed by Gen. Ssejusa and Brig. Sam Waswa. It was not coordinating any intelligence agencies but instead it is the two Generals who were being monitored by the same agencies.

The Ministry of Security has always been redundantly in existence. Different people have headed it and some of them without any experience in security matters. It is only recently when he appointed his former spy chief Gen. Tumukunde that the same ministry looked active.  Actually, it wasn’t the Ministry that was active but Gen. Tumukunde as an individual. This was so because he had the full blessing and backing of Museveni to carry out his security errands.

Otherwise what is the structure of the Ministry of Security when the two intelligence agencies are strictly answerable to Museveni? Who is the Permanent Secretary and who are the commissioners and directors under that ministry?
However, given the circumstances under which the newly appointed Minister of Security Gen. Elly Tumwine and more so being a renown sycophant, we are likely to see a dreaded Ministry of Security only comparable to former President Obote’s Chris Rwakasisi.

While Gen. Tumukunde had some sense of judgment, Gen. Tumwine is a disastrous robot.  He will simply be doing Museveni’s political cum security errands of blackmailing, harassing and persecution of political dissenters.
Watch the space.

For those who heeded our call to "Watch the Space" nine months ago, there you are now.


Monday, 26 November 2018

UGANDA: Opportunities that come with the Lake Victoria boat tragedy


It was very tragic for 30+ people to die on L. Victoria when their boat capsized over the weekend.  The Police Director of Operations, Asuman Mugyenyi issued an unfortunate statement thus;
        "Police stopped the boat owners from sailing but they overpowered the Police. Sometimes when you are a law enforcement officer and you are faced with a situation of mob justice, you should step back...,” 

Mugyenyi owes Ugandans an apology for such a reckless statement.  However, it is not a surprise for such a statement to come from a top and monstrous police officer who oversaw the coldblooded slaughter of over one hundred locals in Kasese exactly two years ago today.  

The question is why didn't such the law enforcement officers step back in Kasese on November 26, 2016!!  The boat tragedy has helped to overshadow the 2nd anniversary of the coldblooded Kasese Massacre that falls on 26th and 27th November.  Both local and international attention was expected to be focused on revisiting that ugly incident.

Museveni, who this time around did not rush to the scene, issued a statement that avoided mentioning how the police had " stepped back" but  as usual outlined the opportunity that has come with this tragedy.
       ".......... This is why, apart from the anti-bad fishing campaign which the UPDF has been carrying out for some months now on the lakes, the government has also ordered the electronic registration and monitoring of all the boats so that we can know who is where on the lake and why."

To better understand this argument, we make a flashback thus;
Change of Guards
Sunday, April 8, 2018
at 1:10 PM


"These routes on the lake prompted me to believe and realize that the government of the time had no control over the territory of Lake Victoria."
Museveni telling residents of Bukasa Island how he used L. Victoria to leave and enter the country during his Bush War - March 2018

Lake Victoria harbours Uganda's southern and south-eastern border with Tanzania and Kenya respectively. Owing to the location of the Capital Kampala on the shores, this makes the lake an area of strategic security interest. It has vast islands and landing sites whose main economic activity is fishing which contributes 3% of Uganda’s GDP.

During the reign of Iddi Amin, Lake Victoria was a location of high security interest owing to the presence of exiled dissident main bases in Tanzania and to some extent Kenya. In the early days of the anti-Iddi Amin struggle, a canoe carrying 85 dissident fighters belonging to Save Uganda Movement (SUM), who had taken off from the Tanzania side of the lake capsized a short moment after taking off. At one time the Iddi Amin regime appointed a former British soldier, Maj. Bob Astles as head of the Anti-Smuggling Unit whose major focus was on L. Victoria.

Following the fall of Iddi Amin, Maj. Bob Astles was charged with murder of a 16 years old fisherman, Henry Musisi allegedly on 31st May 1977 at Kikoko landing site but was acquitted by the High Court in October 1981.

During Museveni's Bush War (1981 - 1986), L. Victoria was the major route that linked the fighters with the outside world. With Kenya having been the hub of the rebel's External Committee, Museveni and most of his top fighters often exited and re-entered the country via the same lake. Logistical supplies like the NRA radio equipment was smuggled into the country via Lake Victoria. A chain of fishermen, canoes, rebel contacts along the landing sites etc. were coordinated by now retired Brigadier Andrew Lutaaya. Being a port of Ssese Island, Andrew Lutaaya, like most islanders, was a master of the lake.

On page 144 of his Sowing the Mustard Seed, Museveni recounts:
     "I stayed with the boat boys and Kutesa on the Island until night fall. At around 10. p.m. we decided to hire a canoe. We landed 200 metres north of Kasenyi landing site where our boat boys knew a certain family nearby."
It is during one of these treacherous journeys that after surviving a boat wreckage, Lutaaya gave the shivering Museveni a bottle of beer as a remedy. Years after coming to power Museveni rewarded some of these fishermen and contacts from Nsadzi Island with fishing nets, boats, engines, cash capital and motor vehicles.
Recently Col. Fred Bogere told The Observer that in 1981 after completion of military training in Libya, their group tried three times to enter the country from Kenya via Lake Victoria. After failing twice due to arrest by Kenya authorities and landing near Luzira Prison respectively, they succeeded on the third time when they landed in an area in Mukono that was under the control of Gen. Kyaligonza's Black Bomber.

In the mid 1990s, Museveni created an Anti-Smuggling Unit (ASU) headed by Brigadier Andrew Lutaaya whose major focus was Lake Victoria. He was arbitrarily replaced by Gen. Kalekyezi and the Unit renamed the Special Revenue Protection Services (SPRS). The unit was so brutal in the execution of its mandate that many citizens lost lives, property and a livelihood. The unit was more concerned with security monitoring than revenue protection.

With growing political dissent over Museveni's military dictatorship, he felt that some Ugandans may resort to use of arms to cause regime change. He created a Beach Management Unit (BMU) under the Police that was charged with monitoring security on the lake shores. In February 2017 he disbanded the BMU and replaced it with the Fisheries Protection Unit (FPU) under the army. Under the cover of fighting illegal fishing, the unit imposed a ban on fishing. It has been indiscriminately killing, torturing, illegally detaining, destroying property and ordering locals to vacate the fishing villages and landing sites. By July 2017 in Masaka area alone, over 1,000 had been evicted by the army from the fishing villages on grounds that they were not gazetted.

On 10th December 2017, 14 Members of Parliament from the fishing communities met Museveni and demanded the withdrawl of soldiers whom they accused of torture and general hostility. By January 2018 more than 10 arbitrary and gruesome killings by the soldiers had been recorded. On 9th February 2018, the Speaker of Parliament demanded for an explanation from the Ministry of Defence over the mandate of the army in fighting illegal fishing. This followed an appeal by the Mukono South M.P, Hon. Muyanja for relief aid to his displaced constituents after their 100 houses and property were indiscriminately set ablaze. It is reliably reported that the soldiers between fishermen and other local residents not involved in the fishing were affected.
The high-handed soldiers claim they have orders from Museveni to use excessive force. Ever since, no single soldier has been made to account. In an exclusive interview with the Daily Monitor, the Commander of FPU, Maj. Nuwagaba had this to say; “.... the law gives us leverage to charge you as economic terrorists. If you are caught, you will be treated like Kony." He went ahead to defend the brutality thus; ".... if one brings an axe to hit me, I will use skills to dislodge him.

Some of them take alcohol. If you are not careful they can cut off your head. As a responsible UPDF officer how can I allow a person without a national I.D to cut me? Reasonable force cannot apply when a person is armed with a panga."

In April 2016 security agencies at the Uganda/Rwanda border turned back a group of 34 Rwandese nationals who were armed with speed boat engines and their fishing gear headed for Kiyindi landing site in Mukono. It was reported that already the estimated population of 600 Rwandese who had settled at Kiyindi were deeply involved in illegal fishing and other criminal activities.
The development came inspite of the policy of free movement of nationals of EAC member states. In February 2018 Museveni and Kenya's Uhuru announced plans to set up a joint monitoring mechanism over the lake using radar.

     "I was smuggling weapons through this borderline here. You should have scanners. We are working to put monitoring stations. We shall have a Lake Victoria monitoring plan too. We need eyes to see what is happening on Lake Victoria."
Reliable sources reveal that a cartel of "Mafias" are using soldiers from the FPU to push their rivals out of business.

Therefore, the unforunate incident helps to overshadow the 2nd anniversary of the Kasese massacre.  It diverts public attention from the ongoing probe of economic madness by the central bank's closure of seven commercial banks.  The public had started questioning as to why the defunct UCB and Cooperative Bank were not included in the scope of the inquiry.  Above all, the tragedy provides gounds for Museveni to expand his ongoing electronic surveillance scheme to the lakes.  Not to mention the associated land grabbing and ownership of beaches and islands.


change of guards.

Sunday, 25 November 2018

Who are the Rwandese refugees in Uganda?


“You keep scavenging in Uganda looking for what? Why don’t you build your country instead of going to Uganda to be beaten? What do you want there? We lived in Uganda as refugees, left Uganda and shed our blood liberating your country. Let them also come here.”
   Gen. James Kabarebe - June 2018.

From 1959 to 1973, the political turmoil in Rwanda saw thousands of Rwandese Tutsi  refugees flee to Rwanda's neighbours including  Uganda.  They were settled in several refugee camps that were set up in western Uganda. With the help of their Tutsi kinsmen who had earlier spontenously migrated and settled in western and central regions, some newcomers also found permanent settlement outside camps.  Many settled in areas of Buganda as casual labourers and that is how Masaka and the Luweero Triangle ended up becaming Banyarwanda strongholds.

All the post independence governments in Uganda sought to use the Tutsi refugees in their political manoeuvres.  The Tutsi refugees also wanted to take advantage of their hosts' opportunism not only for survival but to also get a way of regaining power back in Rwanda.  Consequently they took up positions in the economy, civil service, security services and partial integration through marrying off their girls to indigenous Ugandans. Their influence came to prominence when Museveni opted to massively use Tutsi refugees in building his army that helped him gain the presidency three decades ago.

Eventually in 1990, the Tutsi refugees in Museveni's army invaded Rwanda and overthrew the Hutu government culminating into the 1994 Rwanda Genocide.  The dislodged Hutu fled to different neighbouring countries except Uganda which they regarded as the aggressor.  It is only a handsome of entrapped Hutu refugees who ended up at Bakivaape camp in Isingiro district.  However, with the help of the majority Hutu Bafumbira in Uganda, some Rwandese Hutu melted into Ugandan society.  The Bafumbira Hutu had  been close to the ousted Hutu regime of Rwanda. Following the ascendancy to power by the Rwandese Tutsi in Rwanda, the former Tutsi refugees in Uganda returned to Rwanda in big numbers.

The new Tutsi establishment in Rwanda generalized the Hutu who had fled the country in their millions as genociders. With the backing of the Mobutu regime in Congo, the Hutu refugees embarked on efforts to regain lost power in Rwanda.  This gave rise to the joint invasion of Congo around 1996 to neutralize the Hutu threat and oust Mobutu.  This forced many Hutu to involuntarily return to Rwanda while others fled further into the jungles and even to other countries like Congo Brazzaville, Cameroon, Zambia and others.

The Museveni regime which at the time regarded itself as the guardian of the new Tutsi regime in Rwanda, would also help in picking a few Hutu refugees in Uganda and informally hand them over to Rwanda.  The situation remained the same until when their two armies fought against each other in Congo's Kisangani city.  The misunderstanding shifted to their respective capitals with fleeing politicians and senior army officers being hosted against each other.  Kagame assumed the presidency and Museveni who had opportunistic preference for the ousted weak Hutu President Bizimungu shifted his advocacy to Hutu rights.

The two regimes almost went to war but only to be averted by the intervention of the then British Foreign Secretary, Claire Short.  Despite various bilateral conflict resolution mechanisms put in place, the two strong men sustained an underground sour relationship.  The matter was worsened by the birth of the Rwandese dissident Tutsi led RNC that sought to make alliances with the Hutu dissidents to oust the Kagame regime.  Kigali has accused Museveni of providing sanctuary, moral and logistical support to RNC.  This development gave breathing space to Rwandese Hutu refugees in Uganda who saw a now friendly host country.

More Rwandese (both Hutu and Tutsi) continued to flee and seek sanctuary in Uganda by claiming political persecution.  However, many more also flee for economic reasons.  Even those Rwandes Hutu who had fled to Congo and elsewhere have over the years found sanctuary by relocating to Uganda.  Many conceal Rwandese identity and claim to be either Congolese or Burundians.  Others don't even avail themselves to the authorities but simply bribe their way and find permanent settlement outside refugee camps.  Others just use refuge camps as a mere stopover as they look for where to settle among Ugandans. That is how areas like Mubende, Kyegegwa, Mpigi, Kibaale and Lake Victoria Islands have come to be dominated by Banyarwanda.

All along Rwanda had been pushing for the denial of refugee status to Rwandese.  In this regard, it had entered into bilateral arrangements with neighboring countries including Uganda.  It had also successfully lobbied the UN to invoke its Secession Clause and remove refugee status from all Rwandese refugees anywhere in the world.  This development came at a time Museveni had adopted the policy of using refugees to attract donor funding and to divert international community's attention from his military dictatorship.  He couldn't entertain Kagame's 'nonsense' of depleting his newly found forex earning venture.  While the rest of the world recognized the UNHCR Cessation Clause that took effect on 31/12/2017, for sinister motives Museveni just looked the other side.

For Kagame, the continued flocking of Rwandese refugees to Uganda was a breeding ground for RNC dissidents.  In order to monitor and curtail their activities, he enlisted the services of Museveni's Police under his former blue eyed Tutsi police chief, Gen. Kalekyezi.  While the police under Gen. Kalekyezi monitored these refugees, Museveni's CMI was accused of aiding the dissident RNC.  CMI succeeded in convincing Museveni that Rwanda was propelling Gen. Kalekyezi for some mischief.  Kalekyezi and his top lieutenants in police were sacked, detained and charged over forcefully returning refugees to Rwanda.

The now desparate Rwanda is in a blackout about what its refugees are doing in Uganda.  It is against this background that early last week Rwanda's Minister of Foreign Affairs described the relations between the two countries as "complicated".  He went further to assert that;
        "We have cases of Rwandans travelling to Uganda who have been facing violence while suspected criminals have been finding refuge there.”
He emphasized: “We look forward to untangling the situation.”

Uganda's foreign affairs ministry was quick to respond thus;
     "If people come running here as refugees, there are screening processes that have to be undertaken.  If Rwanda has information about these people’s criminal records, let them share it with us.”

During the previous week, the uninformed Minister of Refugees, Hilary Onek crossed the redline when he publicly declared that Rwandese refugees in Uganda were to be stripped of their refugee status.
He explained that government is considering cancelling their refugee status and instead issuing them with temporary permits.
     "We are going to turn them over to the immigration department so that their long stay in Uganda will be subjected to immigration laws because immigration laws in Uganda say that you are given a visa to stay for three months. Thereafter you have to justify your further stay in the country,”

However, his junior line Minister, Musa Echweru contradicted him thus;
             “These ones came when the RPF government took power. They are not running away from the genocide but the current system of the Kigali government,”

Obviously, Onek's statement must have provoked serious reprimand and consequently he has been forced to swallow his earlier statement thus;
             “It is not correct to report that Uganda is set to eject or close refugee status of all Rwandan Refugees.  Uganda is cognizant of International Refugee Law, more so, the provisions of article 33 of the 1951 UN Refugee Convention that prohibits expulsion or return of a refugee in any manner whatsoever, to the frontiers of territories where their life or freedom would be threatened.”

It is not yet over and Hillary Onek may pay the heavy price the same way the former Minister of Internal Affairs, Rose Akol did when she questioned the issuing of national IDs to Rwandese.

Therefore the figure of 14,000 Rwandese refugees in Uganda represents the honest and unlucky ones who declared their true identity - which is a very small fraction of what would legally amount to Rwandese refugees in Uganda.  Even if compelled to return to Rwanda, they can just disappear overnight within Uganda or turn up again this time round as Congolese or Burundians and the game will be over.  Moreover, going by the 1995 Constitution, Museveni granted citizenship to all Rwandese by recognizing Banyarwanda as one of the indigenous communities of Uganda.  What about the EAC protocol that allows free movement and settlement of all citizens of the regional block!!!


Friday, 23 November 2018

UGANDA: Why Museveni's kitchen IGG, James Tweheyo is an IDIOT


CHANGE OF GUARDS - The  Constitution of Uganda 1995 created the office of the Inspector General of Government (IGG) with a mandate to, among other functions, fight corruption.  Museveni runs a government that thrives on institutionalized corruption, abuse of office, embezzlement of public resources, nepotism, patronage etc.  The loyalty of his regime cadres is determined by how much ill gotten wealth they have accumulated.  Recruitment of new members and enticement of fence sitters is premised on access to ill gotten wealth. With Museveni as the patron, the vice has succeeded in becoming an acceptable norm amongst Ugandans more, especially regime cadres.

In his June 2018 State of the Nation Address, Museveni expressed displeasure at IGG's performance.  He went ahead to name James Tweheyo as the Head of the newly created Anti-corruption Unit under State House.

The constitutionally mandated IGG, Irene Mulyagonja, responded immediately telling Daily Monitor in June that the corrupt and powerful ‘big fish’ were hiding behind Museveni to frustrate her investigations.

“I still have a lot to do in fighting corruption. There are people who present the front that we are not competent enough to investigate them. Maybe they think my officers are too junior to investigate them…."

Last week, Museveni's Minister of Finance and Economic Planning, Matia Kasaija told an accountants’ meeting in Kampala that he knew of people who had “stolen [in government] and even in their own private companies.

He said;
     "Somebody was telling me people keep billions of shillings in their houses; what if thieves break in the house or if it catches fire?”

The Head of a new Anti-corruption unit, James Tweheyo told The Observer that he was “not ashamed to say the minister is condoning corruption if he cannot name” the officials he says are stealing money.
      "It is not enough to say I know and then keep the information to himself…,” Tweheyo said. “It is not fair. He should better come out and tell us if he knows so that they [corrupt officials] can be prosecuted."

Earlier, the same frustrated Minister of Finance, Matia Kasaija had told Museveni's Land Probe Committee that;
       "There are some ministries where if I am signing off their money, I sign when my hands are shaking because I don’t know whether the money will reach where it is supposed to be,”

Much earlier, in February 2018 during a high-level meeting in Entebbe, the same Minister had disclosed that he was “amazed by people wanting to get rich overnight, others wanting to take things by force.  Systems allow stealing money because there is a weakness somewhere..”

During the August 2016 regime retreat at the Institute of Indoctrination in Kyankwanzi, Museveni's then Director General of Internal Security, Brig. Balya presented a 50 page indictment of Museveni over institutionalized corruption.

He said;
     "Pervasive graft involving bureaucrats coupled by deteriorating public service delivery are a security threat. Corruption could lead to loss of legitimacy and trust in government because of corruption disenchanted citizens can resort to mass demonstrations, violence, and mob justice in some countries; governments have collapsed because of this. Corruption makes the government in power irrelevant to the general population.  Corruption undermines service delivery thus facilitates political and economic sabotage of government programs.  Where trust in government institutions is poor, people's willingness and ability to engage in gainful activity also reduces - a recipe for poor sections of society to sink further into poverty since they are highly dependent on services provided by government. Unchecked corruption can lead to insecurity and uncertainty and undermine democratic and developmental gains of the regime in power. Corruption leads to elite capture (where technocrats and connected individuals turn institutions, opportunities and resources to their private advantage) and on the other hand, patronage and clientalism entails a situation where a small but highly organised group controls power and uses its influence to benefit from public resources at the cost of the would be beneficiaries."

During the same retreat, the IGG Irene Mulyagonja  presented another that also indicted Museveni thus;
          "When public officers are implicated in corruption they are simply moved to other offices. If we are going to keep the bad apples in public service, how are we going to clean out corruption? We need a strong anti-corruption tone from the top most offices of the land."

Consequently, Brig. Balya was sacked and banished to South Sudan.  However, since the position of IGG is constitutional, Museveni could not outrightly sack Mulyagonja but instead opted to undermine her authority by forming a parallel body under James Tweheyo.

In April 2018, the Museveni Regime Secretary General, Richard Tadwong expressly put forward his frustration at a public function thus;
       “Corruption, greed, nepotism are the things that are making Ugandans more disgusted in the leadership of our party in government. If we can’t restrain or control, our greed in how we use public resources, how we steal with impunity, then Ugandans will push us out of power. The hills of Kampala are expanding with buildings but schools and hospitals are shrinking, so where do people get money from? And the owners of these buildings are Commissioners, Permanent Secretaries, Ministers and Directors, people are disgusted.”

In July 2018, following the assassination of Hon. Abiriga, Museveni's Minister Musa Ecweru  told parliament thus;
   “There are many of us in NRM when you do a small thing you think you should be treated as a special person. There are many of us in NRM who have accumulated unnecessary wealth because we think we are entitled. Abiriga has done what he has done but he remained humble. We as NRM need to humble ourselves. If we keep this sense of entitlement, we will ruin the country.”

Just early this week, the Deputy Speaker of Parliament, Jacob Oulanya publicly expressed his disgust over institutionalized corruption thus;
       "One thing is clear, unless we make a formal declaration of never again, we are wasting time discussing corruption. You bring an auditor general’s report to parliament for oversight after 10 years. Ten years! By that time, the people who were accounting officers then, are now members of the accountability committees." Oulanyah added.

A few years ago, then Museveni's Minister of Health,  Gen. Jim Muhweezi told Justice Ogola during the Global Fund inquiry in March 2006;
        " are one of those people who were hiding under your beds when the rest of us were fighting."

From the aforegoing, it can be authoritatively argued that it is plain idiocy for Museveni's bedroom IGG, James Tweheyo to assume that he is more informed about the internal workings of the Museveni regime than Minister Kasaija.

Minister Kasaija is also frustrated by the presence of a parallel Kitchen Minister of Finance at State House, Lucy Nakyobe.  James Tweheyo had for many years been a vocal leader of the Uganda Teachers' Union.  He had proven to be a stumbling block in Museveni's efforts to destroy education thus why the latter had to fish him out.

The earlier Mr. Tweheyo realises that he was not put in that position to fight corruption, the better.  Like his village folks who traditionally flock to Nyabushozi to Kukuura Omuteete and omwaata (weeding) the cattle pastures and banana plantations, James Tweheyo ought to consider himself as such. Like his folks, he should also concentrate on Kukuura Omuteete  and omwaata and be able to buy a bicycle and clothes for his wife after one year of service when he returns to his village. He should forget about fighting corruption or else he is headed for a big humiliation.

Maybe he should take a tour of those sides of Najeera, Kyanja and the neighborhood to get a first-hand taste of the fruits of corruption that Richard Tadwong talked about.


Wednesday, 21 November 2018

UGANDA: Of Joseph Kony's Brig. Ongwen and Museveni's Brig. Elwelu


Dominic Ongwen is said to have been abducted by LRA, aged 10, as he walked to school in northern Uganda.  He rose to become a top commander in the LRA.  He was one of the top LRA commandera accused of crimes against humanity whereby the ICC issued an arrest warrant in 2005.  The US offered $5m (£3.3m) reward for information leading to his arrest in 2013.  In 2015 he was captured in the CAR and is facing prosecution before the ICC in the Hague.  His Commander In-chief, Joseph Kony is still at large but his rebel LRA is no longer active in Uganda.

Museveni's Brig. Peter Elwelu joined the Museveni Army in 1987 and has grown through the ranks.  As the western region bases 2nd Division Commander, in November 2016 he lead the assault on innocent people in Kasese and gruesomely killed hundreds including women and children. He inhumanely took captive more hundreds who are still detained without trial as others continue to die owing to the injuries they sustained during hostage taking.

During the February 2016 sham general elections the people of Kasese had vehemently  rejected Museveni and instead overwhelmingly voted for the opposition at all levels of the polls.  Because of Kasese's strategic geographic location at the border with eastern DRC, Museveni feared that Kasese could become the rear base of an armed opposition.  As a preemptive measure, he moved to create the usual situation of fear among locals.  He accused the traditional leader (King) of the local Bakonjo tribe of harboring rebellious intentions.

With orders through his son, Gen. Muhoozi who is the commander of the elite Special Forces Command (SFC), Brig. Elwelu who was the commander on the ground carried out the gruesome massacres.  The innocent souls who were not instantly killed inside the palace were rounded up, stripped naked, tied hands behind their backs, shot dead and some of the bodies set on fire (see attached picture).  Women captives who survived being instantly killed were stripped naked (see picture) while the men were subjected to severe painful episodes that they wished they had been instantly killed.  The then army chief, Gen. Katumba Wamala vehemently disassociated himself from the orders to attack.

The persecution went on long after the climax of the November 2016.  During his December 2016 meeting with local leaders from Kasese, he was told how security agents continued to intimidate and extort money from victims to the tune of one million shillings on grounds that they were on the list of those to be arrested.  For obvious reasons, Museveni did not dig into such a serious allegation but simply ordered for the arrests to stop.  Out of such fear many people feared to come out and claim their loved ones whom the army hastily buried in mass graves.  In his Christmas sermon the Catholic Bishop of Kasese put the figure of orphans and widows at 300 and 50 respectively.

In the aftermath of the killings, assured by Museveni of protection, Gen. Elwelu publicly said that he did not regret anything, referring to some of the people who had died in the exchange, particularly the Rwenzururu royal guards, as “terrorists.”  He added that he was not bothered by threats of being indicted by the ICC.

The following month Museveni sacked his then army chief, Gen. Katumba for having disassociated himself from the killings.  He also hid his son, Gen. Muhoozi by claiming to have relieved him of the SFC command position.  He went ahead to reward Brig. Elwelu with a promotion to the rank of Maj. Gen. and appointing him the Commander of the Land Forces.

In a May 2017 interview with Al-jazeera Television, Museveni publicly justified Gen. Elwelu's actions thus;

AL-JAZEERA:  The man who led the assault on Kasese said, his name is Peter Elwelu ; he was a brigadier in  the army at the time and instead of him being now in the court, he was promoted to General and he is now the commander of the Land Forces. If you have those people in the court, why don't you also have those people who opened fire on your citizens alongside those people in thecourts now to answer to the questions?

MUSEVENI:  That means he was doing his duty...

AL-JAZEERA:  To kill more than 100 people...

MUSEVENI:  To deal with...

AL-JAZEERA:  And now he was promoted

MUSEVENI:  Yes, I am the one who promoted him......

Some individuals attempted to take the matter to the ICC but nothing has yielded results.  There have been behind the curtains negotiations to free the Bakonjo King but for fear of ICC, Museveni is buying time by  detaining the surviving victims without trial.  It is now coming to two years and business is back to normal.
The world is unfair and whoever does not speak up for the Kasese Genocide is an enemy of humanity.

Therefore, who is worse; LRA's Joseph Kong and his Brig. Dominic Ongwen or Museveni and his Brig. Elwelu!!!!!

change of guards

Monday, 19 November 2018

UGANDA: Why Gen. Saleh has pitched camp in Fort Portal


"Question: Gen Saleh’s activities in the region, especially the several MoUs he has signed with local leaders, have sparked mixed reactions among some locals and leaders, who are questioning the contents, motive and legality of the agreements being signed."

   Daily Monitor - November 10, 2018

To better understand as to why Gen. Saleh has pitched camp in Fort Portal, we wish to draw your attention to the nine months old article reproduced here below;

Change of Guards
Friday, February 9, 2018
at 4:52 PM

Within a period of one week, Uganda's military dictator is scheduled to visit Fort Portal twice. He was there last week to attend the Birth Day celebrations of the mother of his lead boot-leaker, Andrew Mwenda. He is going back tomorrow (February 10, 2018) to preside over the launching of a number of projects, some of them private.

During his recently concluded scheme to amend the constitution for his life presidency project, the people of Kabarole district vehemently rejected the obnoxious move. Leading the opposition were the two local Anglican and Catholic Church Bishops, Reuben Kisembo and Robert Muhairwe respectively and the two area Members if Parliament, Alex Ruhunda and Sylivia Rwabwogo.
Hon. Alex Rugunda told parliament,
     “The people of Fort Portal asked me not to touch Article 103(b).......we need to constitute a team to negotiate with the President about peaceful transition."

Reacting to threats by the regime to take disciplinary action against its members who had refused to vote for the amendment, Hon. Sylvia Rwabwogo had this to say;
       “If they want to punish me let them punish the people of Kabarole who sent me to represent their views, what wrong did I do to......"

In one of the several statements that were made by the Catholic Bishop of Fort Portal Diocese, Bishop Robert Muhiirwa while at Namugongo in November 2017 had this to say;
    "The word of God must not be played with. The leaders of this country must not joke with the bible. They held a bible in their right hand and swore to defend the constitution. Therefore, with my authority as Bishop of the Catholic Church, the constitution must not be altered to fit the desires of an individual. The leaders must defend the constitution because they used the word of God to swear."

Earlier, during the consultative meeting by Ministers and MPs from Tooro at Buhinga stadium in Fort Portal, the same Bishop Muhirwa accused many of them for being Museveni sycophants thus;
        “Even if Museveni tells those MPs to sleep in the toilet, they will sleep in it; except Rugunda and Sylvia who respect the constitution. We have to learn discipline. The constitution is above Museveni .... this time round he found us alert. Batooro welcomed Museveni in 1986 when he was returning from the bush but if he changes the constitution, Tooro will welcome another person that comes to liberate the country."

He singled out Ministers Adolf Mwesige and Mutuuzo whom he described as sycophants and Museveni's boot leakers.
The Anglican Bishop of Rwenzori Diocese in Fort Portal, Bishop Reuben Kisembo, among other dissenting public statements, wrote an open letter to Museveni urging him to find a successor instead of amending the constitution for his life Presidency. In his opening statement he challenged Museveni over his constant rhetoric that the religious leaders should not talk about politics thus;
        “......politicians don't have the monopoly of determining political matters/affairs of our country."

In the same letter he pointed out that Judicial officers who are scared to challenge the President and Members of Parliament before highlighting the role of security agencies in "intimidating, threatening, harassing, torturing, arresting, imprisoning or even eliminating" those opposed to amending the constitution. He concluded by reminding Museveni that the 27 people who took up arms to fight the then government were a minority just as the minority MPs who were opposed to the amendment of the Constitution. He cautioned against using tax payer's money in buying off MPs, buying guns and teargas as propellants of the Constitutional amendment.

Around the same time, Museveni had held a rally organised by another boot-leaker, Hon. Margret Muhanga at Karambi Sub County in Kabarole over the same issue. In May 2017 a local elders’ forum had petitioned the Land Grabbing Probe Committee over forceful land grabbing by both government and powerful regime individuals who are backed by armed security personnel. In particular the elders highlighted the controversial acquisition of private land for Banyarwanda that had been expelled from Tanzania and the gun wielding Balalo grabbing land in Kyegegwa. The lead petitioner, Hon. Alex Ruhunda described government's failing land policy as being driven by "populism and disrespect of the law".
Just last month, Tooro Kingdom's Parliament unanimously resolved to sue the Museveni regime over deliberate refusal to return its assets. Since 2013 Museveni has been buying them through empty promises.

Much as Museveni is mindful of Batooro's resolve, over the years he has been taking them for granted. With the aid of a few sycophants, he has been manipulating the people of Kabarole. In order to use Kabarole and the Batooro as a buffer between the politically troubled core Rwenzori region and Buganda, he has with no success attempted to resurrect the old antagonism between the Bakonjo/Bamba and the Batooro. He is always citing the "injustice suffered by the two communities while they were under the Tooro Kingdom" but to his disappointment it has refused to ignite conflict.

He has split Tooro and Kabarole into small administrative units called districts so as to ease land grabbing by "his people". The recent bold stand exhibited by the people of Kabarole more especially through their local religious and national political leadership is a cause for worry on Museveni’s part. By frequenting Kabarole, he is trying to neutralize the impact and influence of these leaders. By singling out prominent local sycophantic families, he is trying to overshadow the influence of those patriotic leaders.

The Muhangazima family which was historically UPC, crossed to Museveni when Brig. Kayanja Muhanga, Maj. Baguma, Hon. Margret Muhanga and Journalist Andrew Mwenda chose to lick Museveni's boots. During the Birth Day celebration, their 83 years old mother, Constance Muhanga thanked him for " being supportive to the family."
Ugandans remember the  government land scandal where Hon. Muhanga claimed to have sold her goats to raise the ten billion shillings. Her husband who is the Executive Director of National Forestry Authority was two weeks ago detained by the Land Probe Committee over illegal sale of forest land.

Among the other functions that Museveni is to preside over tomorrow is the so called launching of the five years + old Kalya Courts Hotel in Fort Portal town. Its proprietor, David Mugambwa is the son of another prominent elder, Isaaya Kalya. Mugamba absconded from news reading on Radio Uganda in 1985 and went to work on the rebel NRA radio in Rwenzori mountains. Among the NRA ranks were other sons of Isaaya Kalya including a one David Kalya who while under ISO, he headed CAA Security Department for over two decades. Upon capturing power David Mugambwa resumed service at Radio Uganda. He got married to a lady of the Ankole royal clan from Rushere who is closely linked to State House. His father served Museveni as District Administrator and retired to private life.

It is this lady from Rushere who introduced David Mugambwa to Museveni who in turn personally assigned him to URA. Based at Busia border post, Mugambwa did not waste time but simply made a lot of money for himself and was sacked shortly after. URA published a notice in The New Vision with his photos warning the public against dealing with him. With a short stint in the field of cargo clearing, Mugambwa hit a jackpot by boosting his loot from URA with fraudulently acquired loans from the defunct UCB with the help of his brother-in-law, Frank Mwine who was the MD. He is one of the leading land grabbers in Kiboga district. With the aid of his father who was a member of the Kabarole district land board, he fraudulently acquired the land on which his hotel stands. His Kalya Court Hotel in Fort Portal is the centre of Museveni's regime activities in the area more especially during fraudulent elections. In return, it is enjoying preferential treatment in terms of hosting regime functions and guests.

As to whether Museveni will manage to once again succeed in manipulating the people of Kabarole or not, time will tell.

Though Gen. Saleh is reknown for being at the center of big financial scandals and land grabbing, this time round he has pitched camp in Fort Portal to reinforce his brother's (Museveni) scheme to neutralize political dissent.  He was assigned by Museveni and is relying on local opportunistic boot-leaking agents in the execution of that scheme.


change of guards

Friday, 16 November 2018

UGANDA: Taking stock of Museveni's Kisanja Hakuna Mchezo


CHANGE OF GUARDS - During the inauguration of his current term of military dictatorship on 12th  May, 2016, Museveni crafted  a slogan to underscore the seriousness with which Uganda would be led this time round. “KISANJA HAKUNA MCHEZO”,  which is a combination of both Kiganda and Kiswahili languages to mean NO PLAYING ABOUT IN THIS TERM OF OFFICE.

He went ahead to hoodwink Ugandans by issuing out strategic guidelines that are meant to stimulate the desired impact for social and economic transformation by 2020.  Instead, two and a half years down the road the truth behind Museveni's Kisanja Hakuna Mchezo is painting an ugly picture different from what was anticipated.

Here below is a summary of the current state of affair:

1.  Arbtrary arrest, detention without trial in both gazetted and ungazeted places (Safe Houses), torture, and summary execution of innocent Ugandans by the police, the army  and other paramilitary groups is the order of the day.  The ISO Safe House in Kyangera is no more secret but a household name and it now even allows some family members to visit victims on top of releasing in bond.

2.  Military Intelligence (CMI) and Museveni elite guard unit (SFC) have taken over civilian policing and are the lead agencies in wanton brutality and gross abuse of human rights.

3.  It is now a norm for the military to rearrest and detain suspects lawfully freed by courts of law.

4.  Trial in military courts and detention of civilians in military barracks is now the norm.

5.  Muslims are systematically targeted in false accusations, extra judicial killing, torture and detention without trial.

5.  Targeted arrest, torture and harassment of journalists is the order of the day.

6.  Systematic undermining of the institutions of the judiciary and legislature in favour of military courts and Museveni's military structures for judicial and policy matters is the order of the day.  Repeated helpless cries by both the Speaker of Parliament and the Chief Justice against impunity and excesses by regime functionaries continue to be ignored.

7.  Museveni's State House is now almost a state within a state with fully fledged parallel state structures with human, financial, logistical and an autonomous military (SFC) back up.  In most cases, cabinet and other executive officials are mere spectators.

8.  Surge in unresolved organised violent crime targeting murder of women and prominent people is a cause for worry.  Foreign investors have been targeted and are considering parking their bags and leaving.

9.  The unchecked deadly panga (machete) wielding bands continue to terrorise parts of Buganda unhindered. Interestingly the affected areas of Greater Masaka are the ethnic Banyarwanda Hutu traditional strongholds.

10.  Alarming proportions of mysterious and unresolved fire outbreaks targeting developmental private property like schools and markets continue to cause loss of innocent lives and property.

11.  Corruption, abuse of office and outright theft of public resources by the privilleged few has reached unprecedented levels.

12.  Systematic land grabbing and forced displacement of poor citizens by the privileged class who are protected by State House and its security forces is alarming.

13.  Sectarianism and nepotism favouring certain ethnic communities and sections of society is threatening to tear the country apart.

14.  Poverty levels amongst the general population is alarming while the public debt is skyrocketing.  Farmers' produce have no market while Museveni is minting out billions of public money to individuals and groups just for purposes of patronage.  The economy is in bad shape as commercial banks continue to be closed.

15.  Poor service delivery in the public health and education sectors is alarming.  It is only the few rich who are linked to the regime that can afford quality education and healthcare.

16.  The political space continues to systematically be suffocated as witnessed by the recent arrest, torture and detention of opposition Members of Parliament.  Not to mention the raiding of Parliament, beating up, arrest and detention of M.Ps to force them into scrapping the constitutional age limit for Museveni's life presidency.  Indiscriminate security swoops in urban areas targeting the youth for detention without trial is also in that direction.

17.  The systematic breakdown of government institutions that have been replaced by the military and State House is a cause for alarm.

18.  Civil Society Organisations are a regular target of all forms of harassment by the regime.  From being labeled agents of alleged foreign distablizing entities, to freezing of their accounts, blocking funding and mysterious breaks into their offices to carry files and other electronic gadgets.

19.  In November 2016 Museveni's army descended on innocent Bakonjo communities in Kasese and left hundreds brutally murdered in cold blood.

The list is endless, the situation is bleak but indeed it is KISANJA HAKUNA MCHEZO. "Do you need change or more of the same?"