Tuesday, 19 February 2019

UGANDA: Opposition against Museveni hit by Kisangani syndrome


CHANGE OF GUARDS - Kisangani syndrome refers to a situation where supposed allies abandon pursuance of the common objective and instead resort to undermining and fighting each other.  It originates from the 2nd Congo War in the late 1990s when the Rwanda and Uganda troops fought three rounds of bloody battles in the city of Kisangani.  Four years earlier, their two armies had invaded Congo claiming to pursue their respective armed dissidents.  Their joint efforts succeeded in overthrowing Mobutu but when they attempted to overthrow his successors,  they got stuck after they turned their guns on each other.  Museveni's Army was overwhelmed by Kagame's army but the former has never accepted the defeat thus the ongoing diplomatic row. Eventually, they both withdrew from Congo without achieving their common objective.

Similarly, the opposition in Uganda has for decades been struggling against Museveni's 33 yeas old military dictatorship.  They have failed to come to terms with the plain fact that being an entrenched  military dictator, Museveni cannot be dislodged from power through the ballot.  In desperation, they have always been bickering over presentation of a single presidential candidate. In the run-up to the February 2016 polls, they came close to agreeing on a joint opposition candidate under TDA before the FDC made a last minute pull out.  The poll results gave a totally different picture; that the alliance would still be meaningless.

Now the new kid in the block is the youthful legislator, Kyagulanyi a.k.a Bobi Wine who has expressed interest in contesting for the presidency come 2021.  He has no political party affiliation but is appealing to the youth. There is also the four time presidential contender, Dr. Besigye of the FDC.  He is actively continuing with his agenda of calling upon Ugandans to get rid of the "Museveni Junta".  There are other political players in their respective groupings.  Within the DP, there are factions bickering against each other.  Within the biggest political party, the FDC there is a dissenting faction led by former Party President, Gen. Muntu.  Currently, the epicentre of the bickering is between the Bobi Wine and the Dr. Besigye camps. The former has been joined on the list of petitioners/plaintiffs/complainants that have for a long time accused the latter of overstaying in the position of 'Opposition Candidate'.  They argue that being a four time looser, he should give way to a new face preferably Bobi Wine.

True, Dr. Besigye has contested against Museveni four times without success.  His nomination is a matter of internal FDC arrangements. Those within FDC who felt dissatisfied left the party a few months ago and are in the process of registering and launching a new political party.  What is a bit puzzling is the call by those outside the FDC for Dr. Besigye to leave the stage. The danger here is the high possibility of portraying Dr. Besigye as having the capacity to overshadow any other opposition contender for the presidency.

Like had been the case during the 2nd Congo War, when the allied forces lost focus on  targeting the fall of Kinshasha but instead fought each other for the control of Kisangani, the opposition in Uganda is fighting each other over who is to be the main opposition face instead of focusing on how to dislodge Museveni from power.


Monday, 18 February 2019

UGANDA: Why Museveni's Gen. Elwelu will not be killed by "his girlfriend"


CHANGE OF GUARDS - Gen. James Kazini was Museveni's army chief who led the Congo expedition that was characterized by gross human rights abuses, bloody killings, forced displacement and plunder of natural resources.  The International Court of Justice (ICJ) found Uganda culpable and ruled that it should pay Congo a sum of US$ 10b.

It was also feared that other international judicial bodies could pursue the line of holding the individual key players culpable.  Obviously, such a line of inquiry would not spare Museveni as the Commander In Chief from whose orders Gen. Kazini was acting.  Although the Museveni government did not challenge the ICJ ruling, it has never paid a single coin to the government of DRC. Instead it is buying time with requests of the amount of US $ 10b to be revised.

Gen. Kazini shielded Museveni and his young brother's (Gen. Saleh) involvement in the atrocities and plunder in the Congo in return for protection against criminal proceedings.  Instead around the late 2009 he was allegedly murdered by his girl friend at her residence. His death closed the chapter of who was responsible for the Museveni army's evils in the Congo.  Any probe now or in future will be told that "it was Gen. Kazini who was responsible but unfortunately he died in 2009".

In November 2016, Museveni's army raided the Bakonjo King's palace in Kasese and indiscriminately took hostage men, women and children.  It stripped them naked tied their arms behind before indiscriminately killing more than one hundred and setting the dead bodies ablaze.  The naked women were driven over 400 kms to be detained in Jinja.  The operation was overseen by Museveni's son (Gen. Muhoozi) and commanded by the then regional Commander Peter Elwelu.  The then Army chief, Gen. Katumba Wamala vehemently disassociated himself from the incident.  It remained publicly unclear as to who gave directives to Elwelu to attack and gruesomely abuse, maim and kill.

Gen. Katumba Wamala was consequently sacked, Peter Elwelu promoted to Maj. Gen. and elevated in terms of command responsibility.  Two years later he has been promoted again to the rank of Lt. Gen.  All this is in return for his shielding Museveni and his son as had been the case with Gen. Kazini.

However, in April 2017 Museveni was cornered in an interview with Aljazera TV when he lost his cool and let the cat out of the bag.  Here below, find the excerpts of that interview:

Vall : The man who led the assault on Kasese said, his name is Peter Elwelu; he was a brigadier in the army at the time and instead of him being now in the court, he was promoted to General and he is now the commander of the Land Forces.  If you have those people in the court, why don’t you also have those people who opened fire on your citizens alongside those people in the courts now to answer to the questions?

Museveni: That means he was doing his duty…

Vall: To kill more than 100 people…

Museveni: To deal with…

Vall: And now he was promoted

Museveni: Yes, I am the one who promoted him…

Vall: And two days ago, the US government refused…they blocked his going to Malawi to attend a conference on security because of that.

Museveni: I don’t know about the United States. Uganda is big enough for Maj Gen Elwelu to operate there; I don’t know why he is dying to go to the United States but…

Vall : He wasn’t going to the United States, he was going to Malawi and he was blocked by the Americans because they are supervising that conference; because of what he did in Kasese, so he is accused.

Museveni: Well, I am not a prefect about American actions, I am a leader of Uganda and I am telling you that Elwelu did his duty and there is now peace in that area.

Vall: So it was pacified because it was crashed?

Museveni: It was definitely justified but definitely, all this will come in the court.

From that interview, Museveni exonerated Gen. Elwelu.  Unlike in the matter of Congo atrocities where blame was heaped on Gen. Kazini, for the Kasese cold blooded murders and gross abuses of human rights,  Gen. Elwelu can't be solely found culpable as long as Museveni is still alive.

Therefore, it would be useless for the 'girlfriend' to kill Gen. Elwelu because Museveni's actions and more-so the self confession during the said TV interview are sufficiently incriminatory.


Saturday, 16 February 2019

UGANDA: Why Museveni's top most female Gen. Nalweyiso is a corporal (PHOTOS)


CHANGE OF GUARDS - Lt. Gen. Priscivia Nalweyiso was born in 1954 in Gombe. She is an illiterate who only knows how to write and read her name in capital letters. In 1974, she separated from her only marriage to a soldier which marriage had been blessed with four children. During the 1980 general elections she was a local DP mobliser in one of the villages in Gombe. In 1982 she joined Museveni's NRA Bush War in Lueero and became one of the few female combatants. Already, there had been other females in the bush notably Mrs. Gertrude Njuba and Oliver Zizinga who were Museveni's aides, Jovia Saleh, Dora Kuteesa and a few others. There was also a group of teenage girls who had been kidnapped from Masulita Secondary School with the aid of their headmaster now Col. Jacob Asiimwe who was an NRA collaborator.

NRA soldiers and more especially the top commanders prayed on these females for sexual satisfaction thus causing friction and conflicts. In 1983 it was decided to expell all the females out of the NRA bush camps save for Dora and Jovia who were wives to Pecos Kuteesa and Saleh. The development caused a lot of discontent with some if the top commanders accusing Museveni of discrimination and dictatorial tendencies. Leading the aggrieved party was now Gen. Ssejusa who was consequently reprimanded. Some of the expelled females left with babies fathered by top Commanders.

The non combatant females were facilitated to leave the Bush while the female combatants were quarantined under the watchful eye and supervision of now Gen. Nalweyiso. Female combatants would rarely engage in active combat but would help the sick in the sick bay. These few female combatants were part of the NRA group that moved to Rwenzori mountains in 1984/85. After the fall of Fort Portal and other parts of western region, the quarantine on these female combatants was lifted. They were dispersed in different units just to excite the public. That is how in a single battle for Mbarara barracks the NRA lost five female combatants before all females were pulled back from combat actions. Nonetheless, quite a good number of young girls from the Batooro, Bamba, Bakonjo and a few Kanyankole flocked the NRA. The sexually starving NRA soldiers pounced on them since there was no policy to protect them. They could not even be allowed to concentrate on training as many were being sexually abused with impunity. A few found some solace in being involved in the once infamous NRA Choir. Nalweyiso was at this time involved with the welfare of the sick and injured in different hospitals in Kilembe and Fort Portal.

Upon the capture of Kampala in January 1986, the presence of female combatants and kids within the NRA ranks was the most attractive. Consequently, girls from all parts of the country enlisted to join the NRA. Still there was not in place a clear policy on ensuring protection of these female teenagers from sexual abuse. The NRM Vice Chairman, Moses Kigondo had been mandated to grant permission to any male combatant who wished to marry a female combatant. The frictions amongst the combatants over relationships with these females continued. A number of civilians also admired and made advances on some of these female combatants. Because of poor welfare, the female combatants also found it more paying to enter into relationships with civilian men.

A few much younger female combatants were taken to Mbarara as pioneers of the Kadogoo School. For the rest, a fresh quarantine was put in place that saw about 800 female combatants hoarded into Bombo barracks under the supervision of now Gen. Nalweyiso in what came to be known as the Women's Wing.

Around 1987 the NRA registered its first university graduate, Agnes Kasami. Upon completion of her basic training, Gen. Tumwine who was the Army Chief took her up as his Aide but only to end up fathering a kid with her. Consequently, Agnes disappeared without trace from the military scene. The Women's Wing at Bombo simply faded away as many such female combatants simply deserted, married off, died of AIDS and redeployed in different units. For Nalweyiso, she could not get any serious assignment/posting. She would only be made a member of different administrative committees and court Martial.

She was not afforded any kind of formal military training either locally or overseas. Instead, she kept rising in ranks without holding a single administrative or command position. By 2000, Nalweyiso,  like many other Bush War fighters on Katebe (rendered redundant) ran out of patience and requested to leave the army. As usual, her request was turned down but Museveni realised her source of anger and hunger. Museveni made her a Senior Presidential Advisor on Defence and security around 2001. Her role has been changing over time; from Museveni's Private Secretary In-charge of classified expenditures to Principal Secretary In-charge of the welfare of Veterans and serving soldiers.

As for the "classified expenditures", State House has a Comptroller who is In-charge of Finance. However, given that the source of much of Museveni's huge amounts of money that he randomly dishes out is the army and security sector in general, Nalweyiso is well suited to coordinate the flow of cash. For quite some time now, Museveni has been claiming to promote the professionalisation of the army. Among other measures in this regard is the recruitment and placement of more educated men and women into administrative command positions. Nalweyiso has never had any substantial military training. She has never been exposed to administrative or command positions. She can't effectively command any field military formation - Section (11 soldiers) to a Division (10,000+ soldiers). She can't represent the army in parliament because she is an illiterate. She can't lead a peace keeping operation in a foreign country. She can't be a Military Attache at any of Uganda's Embassies abroad. She has been appearing on local Luganda language radio programmes mobilising for Museveni but she can't appear on any English program to articulate national issues.

Nalweyiso is simply a General in the army just because she participated in Museveni's sectarian Bush War. The best package for Nalweyiso after capturing power should have been to award her with a rank of a Corporal and a retirement package into civilian life. Otherwise continuing parading her as a rare female General from Uganda just because she only knows how to fire a gun, salute Museveni and handle his secret finances is a big shame. What if top world academies start inviting her to deliver lectures!!! Will she be delivering papers in Luganda language or Kiswahili which she doesn't know but above all whose contents she doesn't comprehend.

The good news is that the Baganda have a top General in the army.


Tuesday, 12 February 2019

Why African Leaders can't dare redraw the "Bad Colonial Boundaries" (PHOTOS)


CHANGE OF GUARDS - From Nov 15, 1884 - Feb 2, 1885, European imperial powers converged in Berlin to define their spheres of influence in Africa. This conference that has been dubbed The Partition of Africa by historians, paved the way for the founding of protectorates and colonies in Africa. This colonial division was concluded with the annexation of Egypt in 1914. This partition ignored the ethnic composition of Africa. As a consequence, a significant portion of the population belong to groups split by colonial partition. Closely related ethnic groups found themselves in different colonial regions/spheres.

With the attainment of independence from the late 1950s through the 1960s, independent African states were born out of fragmented colonial boundaries. Selfish and greedy African leaders have only stopped at lamenting over how the colonialists had divided Africans. No leader has ever dared to suggest a mechanism to correct the "wrong colonial boundaries".  As a consequence, these borderland communities have been the major victims of discrimination and economic deprivation from their respective central governments.

Co-ethnic groups across the border have been used in aggression against neighboring countries. Imagine if the area occupied by the so-called Banyamulenge in eastern DRC had been geographically located in Rwanda!! Africa has witnessed the highest number of calls for secession by certain communities. Similarly, the existence of separatist movements and rise in Jihadism and Islamic State insurgents as well as such borderland communities being prone to violence and civil strife must be taken in context of history. The latest incident is the cold blooded massacre of hundreds of ethnic Bakonjo of Uganda by Museveni's army on accusation of harbouring a secessionist agenda.

With 825 different ethnic communities, almost 28% of these communities are cut by national boundaries. Just take a look at these few examples;
- The Tuaregs and Libya's civil war.
- The Banyarwanda of Congo, Uganda and Tanzania.
- The Somalis of Kenya and Ethiopia.
- The Acholi of Uganda and South Sudan.
- The Senufu of Mali, Ivory Coast and Burkinafaso.
- The Alur of Congo and Uganda.
- The English and French Speaking Cameroonians.
- Afar people of Ethiopia, Eritrea and Djibouti.
- The Makonde of Mozambique and Tanzania.
- The Luo-Nuer of South Sudan and the Jikany Nuer of Ethiopia.

What about Iddi Amin's attempted annexation of Kagera from Tanzania, the Nigeria-Cameroon conflict over Bakasi Peninsular, the secession of Western Sahara, the bloody Biafra conflict in Nigeria and many more examples.

Here below, we examine why post independence African leaders don't want to tackle the issue:-

History has proven that most of the leaders who were at the forefront of ending colonialism were simply self-seekers. They had only been envious of the powers of colonial administrators. Once the African leaders assumed those powers, they proved to be worse than the colonialists that they had replaced. The so-called liberators retained all the colonial laws and in some cases strengthened them to suit their situation. They retained and still exercise unlimited powers in suppressing all forms of rights and freedoms, kill, maim, detain without trial, banish, and exile their citizens. They rebuke any external forces that try to come to the aid of the oppressed Africans by branding them Western Imperialists /neocolonialists.

These African leaders truly enjoy their positions, powers and privileges. They enjoy titles like Head of State, President, Prime Minister, Commander in Chief, etc. They enjoy being above the law thus immunity from both civil and criminal proceedings. They enjoy the powers to appoint and fire different government officials. They enjoy unlimited control of state resources, signing Death Warrants and pardoning of convicts, usurping of both legislative and judicial powers, 21 Gun Salute and inspection of Guard of Honours and owning a Presidential Jet and attending the annual UN General Assembly in New York and AU in Addis Ababa.

3. MILITARY SCARE CROWS They enjoy building of armies under the guise of defending their territorial integrity but in actual sense such armies are just mere scarecrows meant to scare their own citizens and neighbouring countries. Their militaries take a big chunk of the national budget and are,  in most cases, used as a conduit for swindling of national resources. Their armies have never targeted attacking the so-called imperialists but instead are used in aggression against each other that accounts for civil wars and huge refugee influx. Even when they ganged up against the white minority rule of South Africa, they couldn't assemble a continental force to confront the South African Defence Force.

They spend a huge chunk of their budgets on sustaining intelligence services that claim to spy on fellow African countries who have nothing worthy calling secrets other than schemes to undermine each other. These secrets services are instead preoccupied with suppressing internal dissent by their own citizens. Related to the role of the security forces, there is the equally disgusting Immigration Services who find a lot of pride in rounding up fellow Africans whom they label as aliens.

Though many of these African leaders pronounce their respective territories to be republics, they enjoy a monarchical status. They rule together with their families and cronies who enjoy immense economic benefits at the expense of the impoverished citizens. They impose heavy taxes on citizens so as to get what to steal and to sustain their luxurious lifestyles. Not forgetting the brutality associated with curbing smuggling by mostly these borderland communities.

It is against the above background that all past attempts at having a political confederation of African states was failed and continues to be failed by the same selfish African leaders.

In 1961, seven African states (Ghana, Libya, Egypt, Algeria, Mali, Guinea and Morocco) met in Casablanca. They pushed for a political unification of African states through a transfer of power from national governments to a supernatural Pan African authority. They even suggested formation of one army. They were branded Radicalist Casablanca Group by the rest of the leaders who favoured retention of their sovereign states. Those leaders who opposed the Casablanca Group also met in Monrovia in May 1961 to push for economic cooperation and harmonious coexistence but without political federation. The two camps of Casablanca and Monrovia got entangled into the Cold War between the USA and Russia.

It was only Ethiopia's Emperor Haille Selassie who saved the situation when he brought together the two groups to give birth to the Organisation of African Unity in 1963 (OAU). Since 1963, other than the leaders meeting annually to issue anti-imperialist rhetorics and passing of empty resolutions, the ordinary Africans benefited nothing from the OAU. They were only preoccupied with assurances of non aggression through the entrenched principle of 'non interference and national sovereignty', hence why it was called the "Club of Dictators".

They focused on the so called 'liberation of South Africa' from the White minority rule while their respective governments were worse than the the Apartheid South Africa. The so called OAU Liberation Committee and the Front-line States that championed the independence of Mozambique, Zimbabwe, Namibia, South Africa and Angola did more damage to their own citizens. They closed African harbours to South African ships, closed their airspace to South African Aircrafts and pressed the UN to expel South Africa from the WHO. It is now the same leaders who are flocking to South Africa to access first class medical facilities and tap into its economic boom.

After the death of Nkurumah in 1972, it was Libya's Gadafi who took up the mantle of championing the African unity. In 1974, the OAU founding leader, Emperor Hailed Selassie was assassinated and buried in a pit latrine by Col. Mengstu Hails Meriam. That same year, Col. Mengistu hosted all the African leaders for the OAU and the they praised him for the warm and generous hospitality.

Without shame, last week the same African leaders unveiled a statue of Emperor Haile Selassie in Addis Ababa. By the time Gaddafi died recently, he was being resisted by some fellow African leaders. Uganda's military dictator, Museveni took the lead by accusing Gaddafi of pushing for an Arab/Islamic agenda on the African continent. No wonder the OAU was disbanded giving rise to the AU in 2002.

Even where some selfish leaders have advocated for regional blocks, political federation is impossible because none is willing to relinquish his 'kingdom'. Instead, they are motivated by the need to secure their grip on power by having friendly neighbourhood under the cover of a regional grouping. It is a mechanism to enforce the OAU/AU principle of non interference and non intervention in the so called 'internal affairs' of a member state. The EAC political federation is a dream never come true.

Therefore, the so-called struggle for independence was just a way of replacing the colonial rulers with the black monarchical rule. That is why after the departure of the colonial administration, the continent suffered political, economic and social degeneration. Africa will never unite owing to greed and selfishness of some of its leaders.


Saturday, 9 February 2019

UGANDA: Gen. Kasirye Gwanga arrested by @MugishaMuntu and freed by @KagutaMuseveni


CHANGE OF GUARDS - Maj.Gen.Mugisha Muntu said that if he was the CDF, Maj Gen.Ggwanga would have been behind the bars by now for pulling out the gun in public and shoot.

Gen. Muntu's tenure as Museveni's Army chief (1989 - 1998) was marked by the Katebe syndrome. Katebe referred to the practice of army authorities rendering some of its personnel more especially Senior Officers redundant. Such a development would be a consequence of administraive misconduct, abuse of office (theft of resources), and in some cases it implied disloyalty to the institution and Museveni in particular.

The affected officer would be suspended pending investigations. Unlike in the traditional public service where such a suspension would go with half pay, in the army the officer would retain his full salary, privileges and fringe benefits. H/She would only miss the opportunity to use his office/position to access public resources for stealing. Accumulation of wealth by way of stealing public resources gained prominence from around the early 1990s.

Being a strict disciplinarian, Gen. Muntu attempted to fight theft and general indiscipline by suspending such officers pending investigations. However, Museveni would shield them from prosecution. In most cases, Katebe lasts for years but after undergoing what is termed as rehabilitation, Museveni redeploys and promote them. Such a move leaves the army chief unpopular among the undisciplined senior officers. For Museveni, this was very healthy because past regimes' popular army chiefs have rallied soldiers to overthrow Presidents.

It is this frustration that led Gen. Muntu to reject Museveni's offer of Minister of Defence and eventual early retirement from military service. Reminiscing this frustration at a public rally in Kamuli in August 2012, Gen. Muntu broke down in tears;

"When I recall the times I was forced to arrest my relatives and friends . . .” Muntu started, breaking down mid-sentence.

He cried before the audience, prompting FDC vice president (Eastern region), Salam Musumba, to walk to the front of the room to comfort him. The meeting resumed five minutes later, after Muntu had composed himself.

Therefore, even if Gen. Muntu would have arrested Gen. Kasirye Gwanga, Museveni would have shield him from prosecution, redeploy and promote him.


Wednesday, 6 February 2019

UGANDA: New tourism attraction is sexy women - the beauty of nude Ugandan women (PHOTOS)



“We have naturally endowed nice looking women that are amazing to look at. Why don’t we use these people as a strategy to promote our tourism industry?” State minister for Tourism, Mr Godfrey Kiwanda, said - February 2019.

Whether in Kasese or at Nambole Stadium, the Museveni regime has always made the endowment in the beauty of Ugandan women public.

In November 2016, Bakonjo women in Kasese were brutally taken hostage by the Museveni army, stripped naked and transported naked to Jinja for detention. This happened as hundreds of bodies of their slain husbands, brothers and parents lay naked with hands tied at the back.

For those who were away for holidays on Mars, we attach the 'tourism attracting' photos of the said incident. It is only gullible Ugandans who stay on Mars that are expressing rage at the Minister's statement.


Tuesday, 5 February 2019

Why South Africa is heaven for victims of repressive black African regimes


CHANGE OF GUARDS - Until the 1990s when Nelson Mandela was released from 27 years of imprisonment and the political developments that followed, South Africa was conspired by most black African governments as the devil of Africa.  These governments described South Africa in the most derogatory way;  "racist, minority white rule, inhumane, segregative" etc.  The so called liberation of South Africa shaped much of the foreign policy of most of these governments.  The OAU Liberation Committee was based in Tanzania which was also a member of the Frontline States.  Condemning the "white minority rule" of South Africa was the qualification for African statesmanship. 

With the emergence of the Cold War, several black African independent states who postured as being communist aligned pretended to champion the liberation of South Africa more than their counterparts.  
They competed over hosting of black South African freedom fighters of the  ANC and PAC groups.  As they focused on liberating the 'devilish' White racist rule of South Africa, back in their respective countries they were busy suffocating their own citizens with tribalism, regionalism, racism, autocracy, discrimination, plunder of state resources, arbitrary arrests, torture and detention without trial, curtailing all forms of freedom, banishment of political opponents and extra judicial killings. 

While Mandela and group survived and captured political power in a "racist White minority" South Africa, political opponents of leaders of these black African governments did not survive.  Many were summarily executed, gruesomely murdered, detained without trial, banished , forced into exile etc.  Congo's Patrick Lumumba, Kenya's  Oginga Odinga and group, Uganda's Muteesa, Ibingira and group, Kiwanuka just to mention but a few. 

Enactment of the most repressive laws to suppress any form of freedom was the most lavish activity.  Since the time when the Whites made political concessions, we have witnessed several former victims lead the country; Mandela, Mbeki, Zuma and others but in black independent African governments no opposition politician survived to make it to the top political scene.   They did not survive the strong repressive arm of the so called liberators of South Africa. 

The foundation that was laid by the so called racist white minority government in South Africa has enabled the country to achieve a sound economy, independent judicial system and strong democratic institutions.  Its human rights record, rule of law, and democratic governance is comparable to non in West, Central, and Southern Africa.   

As the black African leaders who were yesterday's liberators of 'oppressive white' South Africa continue with the plunder and oppression in their respective countries, victims are finding a safe heaven in South Africa. In the entire African continent, it is only in South Africa where those fleeing persecution from black African governments can find a safe heaven.  In most black African governments, such victims would face the threat of forceful return to the countries they fled.  The likes of Uganda's Dr. Besigye, Sudan's Rieck Marcha, Rwanda's Kayumba Nyamwasa, Congo's Moise Katumbi just to mention but a few have all found safe heavens in South Africa.

In 1969, under the Organisation of African Unity (OAU), these black Africa governments enacted a Convention Governing Specific Aspects of Refugee Problems in Africa that came into force in June 1974.  With this convention,  

      "Independent African governments undertook to prohibit refugees residing in their respective territories from attacking any member state of the OAU by any activity likely to cause tension between member states, and in particular by use of arms, through the press, or by radio."

At the time, South Africa was not a member of the OAU but two decades later the same leaders of black African governments are always begging South Africa to curtail the freedom of those who have sought safety in South Africa. At the same time, they are busy procuring the same military arsenals that were being used by the minority white rule to control riots and have been banned in South Africa.

As such victims enjoy international protection in South Africa, the leaders persecuting them also flock there for the best medical attention for themselves and their families.  Their economies are to some extent sustained by taxes from South Africa's companies, investors and remittances from immigrants labourers who work in South Africa.  The dream of most unemployed youth from these countries is to reach South Africa.  While the youth from North and West Africa are venturing the treacherous journeys across the Sahara and Mediterranean Sea to reach Europe, their counterparts from the Horn of Africa, central, eastern and southern states are crossing the Limpopo to make a living in South Africa.  They are attracted by a sound economy that was built by the whites while the black African leaders were busy liberating South Africa. 

Oppression has no colour, race, region, nationality or religion.  Whether by Asians, Black African, Whites or Arabs, it is a crime against humanity. 


Sunday, 3 February 2019

UGANDA: Is exiled Col. Mande a member of @HeBobiWine's #PeoplePower???


CHANGE OF GUARDS - Col. Mande is one of Museveni's top Bush War heroes who fell out with him around the mid 1990s.  He was incarcerated before he fled to Rwanda from where he was allegedly linked to the shadowy PRA rebel group.  He was relocated to Sweden as a refugee following Museveni and Kagame peace talks mediated by British Foreign Secretary, Claire Short.  Since then Col. Samson Mande has lived and continues to live in Sweden.

However, from the Facebook page of a one Sam Mande, the following information was publicly shared on 3rd February 2019.

Sam Mande
The 48 laws of people power;
People power Conceal your Intentions from NRM0 and the like
Keep NRM0 off-balance and in the dark by never revealing the purpose behind your actions.
If the enemies have no clue what you are up to, they cannot prepare a defense.
Guide them far enough down the wrong path, envelope them in enough smoke, and by the time they realize your intentions, it will be too late.
Read :
The 48 Laws of Power
by Robert Greene and Joost Elffers.
I read it from Makindye prison in 1996 where I was dumped on false treason and terrorism charges.
Yesterday at 2:28 PM · Public
Muhangi Hillary Karamaare and 50 others

Sam Mande
Nabbi Joseph Kizito that is what you think and that's your opinion and judgement to which your entitled. But what you think and what I know is 100% different. I appreciate the fact that what you know about PEOPLE POWER OUR POWER is very little because we have not said or done much . I would like you to desist from collective condemnation against BAGANDA . I assume that you are also a MUGANDA and wonder if you are saying that you are a traitor by association. If you are how then do you think I and many thinking people should take advice from a traitor?!!! If people have been playing movies take it from me that PEOPLE POWER OUR POWER is real peoples' national movement and not just your usual movies and watch this space. I know the power the people you have conveniently chosen to call genetic professional traders they are fathers, mothers, grandpas, brothers,sisters friends, in laws, relatives, in laws , friends and opinion leaders of the youths who form the 80% of the population of Uganda. I also know how complacent and dishonest most of the intellectual class are. I want to assure you that even God is always not on the side of those with big battalions and fat accounts but on the side of the downtrodden oppressed people of his. He is listening to their prayers. . We shall win . Its a question of time.
Bobi Wine Kyagulanyi Sentamu Drew Ddembe Omar Kalinge-Nnyago Mayanja Fazir Zubair Jnr Annet Kaczynski
Elizabeth Odoa
2 · Like · React · More ·
Yesterday at 6:18 PM

Nabbi Joseph Kizito replied · 2 replies
Dan Morris Tumusiime
But he just revealed everything. Unless he is doing activities that need to be concealed...hahahah
1 · Like · React · More ·
Yesterday at 2:32 PM

Dan Morris... replied · See all 2 replies
Obed Katsigaire
When ever I see what you follow of late, I get a very big disappointment in you bwana Sam Mande . You seem not to have learnt enough of those who got excited with JPAM. Anyway, let's watch this space
1 · Like · React · More · Yesterday at 4:40 PM

Obed Katsigaire replied · 2 replies
Jakech Boris Rwothomio Jakborsondox
Then there is the art of seduction by Robert Greene too
He is top notch ndugu
1 · Like · React · More · Yesterday at 3:17 PM

Arthur Byabashaija
This is one of my best book ever!
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Wisdom Wisdom
You're the best bro
1 · Like · React · More · Yesterday at 3:50 PM
Maliza Atuheire
Thanks for the recommendation Sam Mande
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Yesterday at 3:05 PM

Nabbi Joseph Kizito
Haaaaaa× one million! Good advice! However, no-no-noooooo- no secret is a secreeeeeeet, if in the camp, there's a human-being NAMED A MUGANDA!!!!!!!
Why? Baganda are genetically TRAITORS by TRADE, not only that, but PROUD of the transactions!!!!
Your counsel can be effective if professional traders are not at high command department!
Iam not part of his revolution got ours before him, but l already KNOW what is up to so is the government!
General Monday, think about this, 40% of Ugandans in the USA are NRM Party members and well organized, l mean well organized, and the funny part 29% of the 40% are the genetic professional- traders.
Therefore, Mukulu that's why, l always say that it will take ONLY the hand of GOD to remove President Museveni!
All the moves Honorable Kyagulanyi is doing at the international level, that movie has been seen before and we know how it ended!
Dr. Besigye has played that movie before, so my brother -General, l know you're doing your best, but understand the mindset of Ugandans, especially, the genetic traders who so far have injected in the tribal race card, which is committing suicide to the revolution! Because, that's the only card that unifies all regions of Uganda against it or him!
But, you shouldn't loose faith because, many revolutionaries before him are still doing their thing without focusing on him nor afraid him.
Edited · 1 · Like · React · More · 7 hours ago Data Mode

Replies to Dan's comment on Sam Mande 's post View post
Dan Morris Tumusiime
But he just revealed everything. Unless he is doing activities that need to be concealed...hahahah
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Yesterday at 2:32 PM

Sam Mande
Dan Morris Tumusiime not yet.
PEOPLE POWER OUR POWER is yet to reveal.
If you think you know I pity you
2 · Like · React · More · Yesterday at 3:19 PM
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Saturday, 2 February 2019


CHANGE OF GUARDS - The unresolved question of Banyarwanda in Uganda continues to dominate all aspects of social, economic and political sphere of the Uganda landscape.

Today, the question of Banyarwanda is one of the cornerstones of the Museveni regime's foreign policy.  The question of who are the Banyarwanda of Uganda and Rwanda continues to dodge even many scholars and researchers.

What is clear however, is the fact that Banyarwanda is not one of the indigenous communities of Uganda.  There is that category of the early immigrants to Uganda who were escaping wars, famine and in search of pastures.

There is the second group of Banyarwanda from Kisoro district who became Ugandans when Kisoro was added to Uganda in 1911.

There is a group of economic immigrants who immigrated to Uganda to escape forced labour in Rwanda and to search for casual labour in plantations and from rich landlords especially in Buganda and Busoga.

There is a group that came to Uganda as refugees following Rwanda's political upheavals of 1959 onwards.

The latest group is comprised of those who have continued to come and settle since the 1995  Museveni constitution gazetted Banyarwanda as one of the indigenous communities of Uganda.

After a mutual understanding was reached between Britain and German, on May 14, 1910, the Anglo-German agreement was signed, officially giving Kigezi area in Uganda to be under British rule.  Thus, it was the Anglo-German agreement of 1910 that officially made the Bakiga and Banyarwanda (Bafumbira) in Kigezi citizens of Uganda.

 While the Bakiga are said to have immigrated from Rwanda and Congo many centuries ago and adopted their own identity - language culture and customs, the Bafumbira were only separated from Rwanda in 1911 but they retained their identity with Rwanda to this day.

Kisoro is the only district that is inhabited almost exclusively by Banyarwanda.  Its ethnic composition is not different from that of Rwanda thus majority Hutu, minority Tutsi and a very small percentage of Twa. Until 1969, the people who lived in present Gisoro area, now Kisoro District, were not known as Bafumbira, but Banyarwanda-Ugandans.

Before 1910 when Kigezi became part of Uganda, the people who stayed in the south-west of Kigezi (Bufumbira County) were known as Rwandans, while those living in Busanza were known as Zairwas because that territory was in Belgian Congo, now DRC.

However, many came into the area after the 1897 war and famine in Rwanda. Just as when the Banyarwanda arrived between 1400 and 1897 and settled in Rukiga and were called Abarukiga (people of Rukiga).

When Western education penetrated that area (now Kisoro District), especially after the First World War, books used in Gisoro for teaching were written in Kinyarwanda and published at Kabgayi Catholic Mission near Kigali, Rwanda.  The trend remained until after Uganda got independence in 1962.

In 1959, there was genocide in Rwanda. Some Tutsi fleeing the genocide entered Uganda and settled among their relatives, especially in Bufumbira County.

During the 1969 population census, there was confusion and misinformation. The Tutsi refugees in Bufumbira feared that by mentioning their true identity, they would be identified as refugees. They told the enumerators that they were Bafumbira. And so the enumerators documented them as Bafumbira. In that year, the matter was brought before Parliament of Uganda for clarification.

So, from 1969 a new tribe called the Bafumbira came into existence. Today, the Bafumbira are recorded as the 6th tribe of Uganda in the 1995 Constitution.  However, due to scarcity of land and more so the need to conceal their Banyarwanda identity, many Bafumbira migrated to other areas of Uganda more especially Ankole, Tooro, Buganda and Bunyoro.

While the majority of Hutu Bafumbira maintained close relationship with the majority Hutu reign in Rwanda, the minority Tutsi Bafumbira supported the Tutsi dominated RPF during the 1990 - 94 Rwanda war.  The status quo has not changed to this date where the Bafumbira Tutsi like Gen. Kalekyezi and group are serving the interests of the RPF regime while the Hutu like Minister Philemon Mateke and Lawyer Edgar Tabaro are for the Rwandese dissident groups.

Bafumbira aside, Museveni created Banyarwanda as another ethnic group No. 20 in the 1995 Constitution. These constitutional Bafumbira and Banyarwanda have provided the smokescreen for a new wave of Rwandese (both Hutu and Tutsi) to flood Uganda seeking settlement.

Their new found lands are in parts of Tooro, Buganda and Bunyoro.  In 2009 in Bunyoro, indigenous Banyoro complained to Museveni that they were unhappy with the uncontrolled influx of the Bafuruki and even foreigners into the district. They demanded an immigration policy.

Museveni said that very soon he would flag off the issuance of national identity cards which would curb illegal entry of non-Ugandans into the district and the country at large.  He even advised the Bafuruki to start speaking Runyoro before ring fencing elective leadership positions to the indegenous Banyoro.  Interestingly, one such Mufumbira, Edgar Muvunyi Tabaro is the Attorney General of Tooro Kingdom.

The 1995 Museveni Constitution included the free movement and settlement of citizens in any area in Uganda but in late 2017 Museveni opportunistically ordered the army to evict thousands of Balalo with their tens of thousands of the cattle from Northern Uganda.

The controversial land question in Uganda also revolves around the question of Banyarwanda. It is not by coincidence that the rampant land grabbing is prevalent in the Banyarwa new-found lands in parts of Buganda, Tooro and Bunyoro.  Museveni's outright rejection of a federal system of government is premised on land and the Banyarwanda question.

The 1961 Munster Commission report recommended a federal arrangement for the kingdom areas and a unitary arrangement for the non-kingdom areas.  The recommendation was adopted in the 1962 Independence Constitution.

The 1967 Constitution abolished the federal arrangement.  The Odoki Constitutional Commission of the early 1990s recommended that communities with a common language, culture, geographical features, natural boundaries and economic viability could federate.

A finding that 65% of Ugandans and 97% of Buganda wanted a federal arrangement was made.  Instead, the 1995 Museveni Constitution introduced decentralization before embarking on proliferation of districts from 56 to the present over 110.

A federal arrangement would take care of land issues by making autonomous decisions on own affairs.  Communities would be grouped together into viable regional units, with each unit being made of people who share the same traditions, history, language, culture and traditional beliefs.

That was the driving force behind the 2017 rejection of Balalo by the people of northern Uganda. Hypocrites and opportunists call this tribalism but the truth is that they want to hide and afford their preferential treatment of certain ethnic groups.

The constitutional provision of freedom to live and settle in any part of Uganda coupled by the undermining of traditional institutions and ill-intentioned advocacy for promotion of Kiswahili language are all meant to destroy the ethnic identities of indigenous Ugandan communities.

Why not correct the colonial mistake by returning Kisoro to Rwanda?  Why not adopt a federal arrangement and ammend the constitution to strike off the Banyarwanda so that in the event they opt not to return to Rwanda, their fate is determined by the respective federal entities?

On the contrary, in the event of a federal arrangement, which geographical area would the Banyarwanda fall into!!!!


Thursday, 31 January 2019

UGANDA: Understanding Gen. Kasirye's licence to shoot


Gen (Rtd) Kasirye Gwanga was a Corporal in the Uganda Army (UA) at the time Iddi Amin was ousted in 1979. Gwanda was among the thousands of former UA soldiers who were incarcerated by the victorious Tanzanian and Ugandan exiles armies. Most of the detained forner UA soldiers attributed their humiliating and inhumane mistreatment to Museveni who was the then Minister of Defence under UNLF. When they were freed in early 1980s, Museveni had already taken to the bush for his Bush War. He badly needed the services of these same former UA soldiers.

When Iddi Amin was ousted in 1979, his soldiers who hailed from West Nile region withdrew to their home and eventuality fled to Congo and Sudan. Those from other regions simply hid in their homes while some were tricked into surrendering to the Tanzanian and exiles armies. This last category endured the wrath of Museveni and his backers. A few found their way to Museveni's Bush War - the likes of Tadeo Kanyankole, Italikire Kiiza, Mzee Barihona, Ahmed Kashilingi and a couple of others.

Eventually many detained former UA soldiers were released (including Corporal Kasirye Gwanga) but they shunned Museveni's NRA and instead joined Andrew Kayiira's UFM. That's how even a Munyarwanda, Stephen Ndugutse alias Kalisoliso ended up with Kayiira's UFM instead of Museveni's Banyarwanda infested NRA. When the UFM was dispersed, Kasirye Gwanga did not join the NRA but simply maintained his earlier secret contact with the NRA. It was until around late 1985 when the NRA took control of Mityana that Kasirye Gwanga who had now mobilised a few former UFM fighters surrendered to NRA's John Kazoora.

At the time of NRA's capture of Kampala, Kasirye Gwanga was under the artillery unit that was shelling Kampala from Mutundwe Hill. Kasirye Gwanga came to prominence when he betrayed the Baganda/UFM attempted coup that saw Andrew Kayiira, some Baganda politicians and army officers detained over treason. Unknown to the plotters, Kasirye Gwanga and Drago had been feeding the then Brigade Commander Central Region, Gen. Ssejusa with details of the plot up to the time they were rounded up in Colline Hotel, Mukono. The treason trial failed because the judiciary was still sound but a few days after Kayiira was released, he was assassinated. The UFM and Baganda military agitation was buried together with Andrew Kayiira.

Since then Kasirye Gwanga never got any deployment in command positions despite the advanced military training and promotions. The only serious position he held was Director of Barracks and Stores (housing, accommodation, home appliances) under the Chief of Logistics and Engineering (CLE). At one time he headed local government in Mubende as L.C 5. He thrived on handouts from individuals in State House, CMI and the office of CDF.

Gwanga renewed his loyalty in the early 2000 at the height of the Rwanda/Uganda sour relations. He reported and kept CMI's Brig. Mayombo informed about everything that Rwanda's then spy chief, Col. Karegeya and the exiled renegade Uganda army officers would confide in him. That is how Museveni brought Gwanga on board as a Senior Presidential Advisor on Buganda. At one time, Gwanga retired from the Amy but when the tough got going he rejoined. Even his recent so called retirement is meaningless because his status never changed. What was his role in military service that he retired from?? It was just a reprimand for having shot and burnt a landgrabber's grader. For Mueeveni, Kasirye had set a bad precedent that could be adopted by other citizens to save their land. Gwanda is still armed and commanding his squad of army bodyguards, he is earning from Public Service and thriving on handouts from the army and State House.

Kasirye Gwanga has the license to shoot, maim, destroy, and kill just because he is used by Museveni to hoodwink the Baganda into thinking that they also have their own in the regime's top security hierarchy. Museveni is very much aware that Kasirye Gwanga has never had any ideological commitment to Museveni's regime but is just a symbolic opportunistic Muganda army General driven by survival instincts.

"Police yesterday registered the ninth case against Maj Gen Kasirye Ggwanga in the last 10 years of his shooting impunity but none has ever been investigated to conclusion."
Daily Monitor - 31/1/2019.

You now know the reason.