Thursday, 28 February 2019

UGANDA: Why Museveni rates Gen. Kasirye Gwanga hopeless, Gen. Kyaligonza dangerous


CHANGE OF GUARDS - Gen. Matayo KyalIgonza deserted Addi Amin’s dreaded intelligence out fit, the State Research Bureau (SRB) in the mid 1970s and joined Save Uganda Movement (SUM) - one of the Anti-Amin fighting groups that was headed by Eteker Ejalu. Under SUM Kyaligonza was responsible for a number of heinous crimes that were committed in the country designed to discredit the Iddi Amin regime. His group plotted to blow up the Owen Falls Dam. He attempted to assassinate Iddi Amin at Nsambya Barracks by hurling a hand grenade at Iddi Amin's jeep.

When Iddi Amin was overthrown, Kyaligonza joined Museveni’s Uganda Patriotic Movement (UPM) and was its local Chairman for Hoima District. When the UPM genuinely and miserably lost in the 1980 elections, Kyaligonza opted to join Museveni in the five years guerrilla war.
During the war, Kyaligonza was in-charge of a special task force code named Black Bombers (BB) that was responsible for terrorising Kampala city. In his book, Agony of Power, on page 14 he states thus “My unit, BB and the 7th Battalion made Kampala city very unsafe . By 3.00 p.m all shops would be closed and this became the order of the day.”

In another book by one of his former aides, Pecos Kutesa, he states that under the direction of Matayo Kyaligonza, they planned and attempted to blow up the national fuel depots to torch the city but by good luck they contained no fuel at the time. They again plotted to blow up the main city water reservoir at Muyenga. In one of the several killing sprees by Kyaligonza in Kampala during the war, he personally shot dead Hon Bamuturaki, the DP Member of Parliament (MP) for Mwenge county. On that fateful evening at Kisement in the Kololo area of Kampala city, Kyaligonza had ambushed a UNLA army officer in the urinals but he mistakenly took Hon Bamuturaki for the target officer and shot him dead. Of course the then UPC government of Milton Obote government took the blame.

Kyaligonza was twice captured by the government security machinery but he would still manage to escape from them and find his way back to the bush. During the final assault on Kampala in January 1986, Kyaligonza commanded the NRA’s 7th Battalion that proceeded to Jinja. He became the 151 Brigade Commander based in Mbale. He oversaw the mop-up operations against former soldiers and counter insurgency operations in eastern region. He ferried truckloads of stolen cattle from Teso region to his home in Hoima but most of them died due to change in climatic conditions.

Kyaligonza was very brutal towards captured insurgents, former soldiers and suspected civilian populations. His attitude towards the insurgents was to guide NRA’s future operations against insurgents in the eastern region culminating into some of the most bizarre incidents like the burning of people in a train wagon in Mukura. When the NRA introduced formal ranks in the late 80s, Kyaligonza was made a Brigadier and is reported to have been very unhappy citing sectarianism. He had hoped to have been on the same rank with the likes of Saleh, Tumwine and Rwigyema who became Generals straight away. By the time Museveni swiftly and tactfully removed him from command positions in the eastern region, intelligence reports had indicated that he was planning a rebellion. Later, Kyaligonza was retired from the army and he joined active politics representing his home area in the National Assembly.

When Kyaligonza lost the seat, the going became tough and later he had to kneel before Museveni to come to his rescue. He approached the then CMI, Noble Mayombo who advised him to write a letter to Museveni which Mayombo personally delivered. In the letter, Kyaligonza narrated how life had become so difficult for him to the extent that he could not even afford to pay school fees for his children.

Kyaligonza’s pleas to Musevei came at a time when there was a rumour of a rebellion by PRA and senior army officers who were running to Rwanda. To contain him, Museveni acted very fast by posting him to diplomatic service; first to Kenya and later to less strategic Burundi where he is currently the Ambassador.

In 2012, Museveni promoted Kyaligonza to the rank of Maj. Gen from Brigadier which he had held for 26 years (1987 - 2012). Kyaligonza castigated the promotion as senseless.

Gen. Kyaligonza had anticipated much better from Museveni. During a CEC meeting in October 2014 to sort out Museveni’s Sole Candidature scheme, Gen. Kyaligonza aggressively attacked Hassan Basajjabalaba (SEYA) who was in support of Amama Mbabazi by abusing him Kumanyoko. He went ahead to call Mbabazi’s wife stupid. He told Mbabazi thus; “You are lucky that I am not the President; otherwise by now you and your wife would be in Luzira Prison.” Mbabazi was purged by removing him from the position of the regime Secretary Generalship on charges of vying to contest against Museveni. Hoping that Museveni would respect the age limit of 75 years, in another interview with The Observer, during the same month of October 2014, Kyaligonza stated thus; “Museveni will step down, one, naturally; two, by law; three, by depreciation. In any case, he has declared his age.”

Shortly after, it was Kyaligonza’s turn to be purged from the influential CEC. Museveni sent his son-in-law, Odrek Rwabwogo to vie for the position of Vice Chairman Western Region against the incumbent, Gen. Kyaligonza. Treating it as a second betrayal by Museveni, Gen. Kyaligonza furiously protested forcing Museveni to rescind his decision.
In an interview with The Observer in September 2015, Gen. Kyaligonza had this to say;
“But there is one thing which he (Museveni) might not be able to defeat, is age because time will come; age will catch up with him, with me; the young man (Rwabwogo) whom you call the Young Turk, will also join the old people; they will also go.”

In another interview,  he further attacked Museveni and Rwabwogo thus;
“Let the president call a meeting of NRM top organs of the National Executive Council and Central Executive Committee and we discuss the matter [Sucession]” (…) “Our dear president has also made it very clear. Presidency is not like hereditary club. He should call NEC and CEC and let us discuss. We used to discuss matters in the bush really” (…)

“If I meet him (Rwabwogo) somewhere and he says that I know nothing will give him a hot slap” (…). "Who is that one? Odrek? I don’t know him, I have never even seen him,” he said. “Is he the one who gave me work? He should tell such things [about retiring] to his father in–law [Museveni]. We are the ones that brought his father-in-law in power. Don’t make me talk too much” (…) “When I get annoyed, I really get annoyed and I say the truth. I never sugar-coat in order to make people happy. We [historicals] don’t want familiarity because when we came [into power] we didn’t disrespect people,” (…) “ “Look at all those people who are attending [Col Kizza] Besigye’s rallies. They want to support a cause because they are tired”.

Before Museveni made a last minute intervention, Kyaligonza gave Rwabwogo another punch;
“You have never really chaired L.C1 and you want to become Vice Chairman Western region? Your father-in-law is the Chairman of NRM, your mother in law sometimes attends CEC as an invited guest. Rwabwogo is like any other human being who marries from the first family. Maybe if Museveni was still producing, my son would marry a daughter from his family.”
The Observer – interview with Gen. Kyaligonza in Jan 2016.

Gen. Kyaligonza had anticipated that Museveni would respect the constitution but was shocked when around late 2017 Museveni violently amended the Constitution to scrap the age limit. While appearing on the CBS FM Radio talk show, Kyaligonza called on Museveni to “stop pretending to be very busy and should listen to what people are saying. He went ahead and said Museveni should use this chance to (to retire) now when we still love him and not to give a chance to everyone to say he is tired.” He cautioned that the “age limit removal is taking the country down a road which spells doom.” He blamed the parliamentarians for “bringing and forcing a bad bill on people”. He criticized the Speaker for the violence that ensued on the floor of parliament.

Obviously, Gen. Kasirye Gwanga cannot take such a principled stand for fear that he will lose not only bread but protection. For Museveni, Gen. Kyaligonza has not only always been but continues to not only be dangerous to himself but the revolution. He deserves no protection but to be dealt with decisively.

Watch the space.


Wednesday, 27 February 2019

UGANDA: Origin of NRA Brig. Tadeo Kanyankole woes


CHANGE OF GUARDS - This piece is a reaction to Charles Rwomushana's post on his Facebook page posted on February 26, 2019 at around 9.00 a.m. I commend the "former Head of Department of Political Intelligence in the President's Office" for copying and pasting the article verbatim from The Observer of January 30, 2014 as written by Edward Ssekika. The article is an insightful and informative piece into the military career of Brig. Kanyankole.

I am a bit concerned over some partS of the article that reads;

"After the NRA took power in 1986, Kanyankore was put in charge of the army shop, an appointment he tried to resist because he was not trained in business management. Was this a deliberate trap to catch him in a position for which he was ill-prepared? Perhaps yes, after all, the then NRA chief political commissar had alleged that Kanyankore was recruiting Catholic youths from western Uganda with the intention of overthrowing the young NRM government. Kanyankore was eventually arrested, charged in a case he least understood, convicted and sentenced to three years, imprisonment at Luzira, after which he was dismissed from the army he had nurtured, in disgrace. Surprisingly, even after serving his sentence, the then army commander refused Kanyankore to enter his office, when all he wanted was to say “bye” to him as a former bush war colleague. That army commander, like the chief political commissar, both ended up turning their backs on the same NRA/UPDF that the late Kanyankore had put on a professional pedestal despite the scarce resources and bad times."

The motive of Rwomushana's posting lies in the fact that he deliberately opted not to disclose the identities of the said NPC and Army Commander of the time whom he tries to link to Kanyankole's woes. Obviously, he is insinuating that it was Dr. Beisgye and Muntu who were the said NPC and Army Commander respectibely at the time.

Kanyankole's woes started in the last quarter of the Bush War and not after the NRA had captured power. Like many former soldiers who had served under the Iddi Amin regime before joining Museveni's NRA, Kanyankole was assigned the task of overseeing the training of others. He was assisted by other former Iddi Amin soldiers like Italikire Kiiza, John Many Kaganda and a couple of others. The training wing was under Nkurumah Unit that was commanded by Ssejusa. The two had serious misunderstandings that threatened Kanyankole's life. Some resemblance of calm came about when Ssejusa was appointed Director of Military Intelligence (DMI) leaving Kanyankole to take over command of Nkurumah Unit.

Although Kanyankole was one of the eight Member of the High Command (MHC), by the time the NRA opened the Western Front in 1985, Kanyankole had been rendered redundant (Katebe). However, overwhelmed by the huge numbers of recruits flocking the NRA after the fall of most of the areas of western region, Kanyankole resumed his role as the chief trainer this time assuming the title of Chief of Training and Recruitment (CTR) while Italikire Kiiza was the Commandant of the training wing. The NRA training wing was shifted from the Rwenzori Mountain to Semuliki Game Reserve in Ntoroko. However, when it was suspected that the government troops planned to attack the training wing from across Lake Albert, the recruits were vastly evacuated to Kicwamba Technical College in Fort Portal. After a few weeks at Kicwamba, the recruits were ferried to Ibanda and eventuality settled in Buhweju which also happened to be Kanyankole's home area.

In Buhweju, two training camps were set up at Nsiika Saza ground and Bitsya which was a tiny swampy place with deep ponds left bare by artisan gold miners. There was no suitable training ground, no adequate water and firewood for such a huge population of recruits. With the recruitment and training centre now deep in the heart of Ankole's Bairu stronghold, the old Bahima and Bairu differences were activated. Coincidentally, with the western region now liberated, top NRA commanders intensified their bickering, this time over power and influence. Museveni visited the Catholic dominated Buhweju in late 1985 and addressed locals where they asked him to fight the Protestants (UPC). Museveni accused Kanyankole of being behind the inciting of locals into such sectarian sentiments. It is in this regard that Kanyankole was accused of rejecting the recruitment of Bahima, Banyarwanda and protestants in preference for the Bairu and Catholics. The allegations went further to claim that Kanyankole was plotting to sell the revolution to the Catholic dominated DP.

Obviously, the authors of such allegations must have been Banyarwanda or Bahima. The army's Chief Political Commissar (CPC) was Amanya Mushega while the National Political Commissar (NPC) was Kahinda Otafiire (both Bairu). The overall commander of the western region was Fred Rwigyema. The Acting Director General of Intelligence and Security was Jim Muhwezi while the Director of Military Intelligence was Mugisha Muntu. This is not to mention the role of other key players like Paul Kagame, Aronda and others in the intelligence community. Kanyankole vehemently denied such allegations but argued that he had turned back some Banyarwanda and Bahima recruits who had physical disabilities like squinched eyes and lame.

Museveni did not immediately take action against Kanyankole. The NRA training wing was shifted from Buhweju to Bihanga Prisons. On the morning of his swearing in on January 26, 1986 Kanyankole was called to Museveni's residence in Kololo to take him through the presidential swearing in ceremonial drills. The group photo (attached) of Kanyankole standing close to Museveni during the first days of the Army Council sittings at State House speak for itself. However, Museveni was all along waiting for the right time to pounce on Kanyankole. As his colleagues were assigned to lucrative staff and command positions, Kanyankole even lost his career position of Chief of Training and Recruitment in August 1986. He remained on Katebe (un deployed) until ,1988 when he was assigned to head the non existent Army Shop. The Army chief was Elly Tumwine.

In 1989 during the reign of Saleh as Army chief, Kanyankole was arrested and incarcerated in Lubiri Barracks without trial for two years. He was accused of having mismanaged US$ 1m meant to procure clothing's for wives and children of soldiers. Interestingly, security officers ransacked Kanyankole's home for arms but got nothing. He was convicted by the Court Martial chaired by then Brig. Ivan Koreta and sent to Luzira Prison. After serving his sentence, Museveni dismissed him from the army with disgrace during the reign of Muntu as the army chief. It is rumoured that the said US$ 1m was diverted by some very powerful commander close to Museveni. However, as was the norm at the time for senior officers to acquire personal wealth, Kanyankole may have also put a few shillings to personal use.

This provided Museveni with the opportunity to pounce on Kanyankole. Kanyankole's case is similar to what befell ISO's Maj. John Kazoora. Defusing the pressure from colleagues, Kanyankole vehemently refused to go to Museveni and apologize so that he could be "rehabilitated". In 1999, Kanyankole died a pauper surviving on begging and small handouts from friends to even buy food. He never sold his soul to Museveni thus he died on his feet and not on his knees.

Dr. Besigye who was mainly pre-occupied with treating fighters, being Museveni's personal physician and running errands between the Bush and Europe was no where near Kanyankole's woes. At the time Kanyankole was accused of stealing the Army Shop funds, the National Political Commissar (NPC) was Eriya Kategaya. But even if it had been Dr. Besigye, the office of NPC had nothing to do with the army which had its own Chief Political Commissar (CPC). The NPC fell under the NRM Secretariat while the CPC and the Army Shop fell under the NRA.

Tadeo Kanyankole was a pioneer victim of Museveni's systematic control of the Bairu and Catholic influence in the security forces. Kanyankole was persecuted by Museveni and not the army. As army chief at the time, Muntu could not risk affording Kanyankole a befitting farewell or else he would have faced the wrath of Museveni. Muntu would have suffered what befell Col. Chihandae when he attempted to plead for his colleague and neighbour, Col. Kashilingi.


Sunday, 24 February 2019

UGANDA: When Okurut wanted to kill Otai in defence of Kyaligonza (VIDEO, PHOTOS)


Otai Deogracious Peter
The soldier that beat me up even wanted to cut me with a sword but by God's grace it missed me and fell in the middle of the road. The soldier is called according to his tag Okurut

The above is a lamentation by a national broadcaster (UBC) employee who was today beaten up by soldiers accusing him of taking photos of their assault on a female Traffic Police Officer. Going by the names, both the victim and his attacker are Itesot by tribe.

The soldiers were guarding Gen. Matayo Kyaligonza whose car made a U-turn and the female Traffics Officer on duty wanted to take action. Instead, Gen. Kyaligonza slapped the said Traffic Officer as his guards manhandled her.

Gen. Kyaligonza is one of Museveni's Bush War top commanders. He was the first top NRA commander to take command f the NRA in the eastern region that includes Teso. There was some kind of resistance by the Iteso and Kyaligonza ruthlessly subdued them. More significant was the looting of cattle from the Iteso. As the commander of 151 Brigade at the time, Matayo Kyaligonza personally stole and looted truckloads of cattle from the Iteso which he ferried to his home in Hoima. Unfortunately, they died due to abrupt change of environment.

Having lost their livelihood in cattle keeping, Teso is grappling with abject poverty while its sons are attempting to slaughter each other in defence of Kyaligonza. As usual Okurut will be sacrificed and Gen. Kyaligonza will walk free. Moreover, Gen. Kasirye Gwanga set the precedent of impunity.


AFRICA: Why Museveni abandoned support for Kenya's FERA rebel army


CHANGE OF GUARDS - When Museveni came to power in 1986, Kenya was the first victim of his regional military aggression. Kenya was suspicious of Museveni’s association with Gadaffi and Museveni’s links with the communist block. With the insurgency in the north and northeastern Uganda, about 2000 Ugandan refugees fled to Kenya. Ugandan dissidents based in Kenya carried out attacks on Local Council officials in the areas of Busia and Tororo. Dissident groups like FOBA and individuals like Aggrey Awori were identified by the Kampala regime as being behind the attacks.

Museveni amassed troops along the border and around December 1987 the tensions escalated into a three days military confrontation. Uganda troops overpowered Kenya Police and GSU and attacked Adongosi police station, two kms inside Kenya from Busia border post. Consequently, Uganda’s trade, transport and communication links were temporarily disrupted. Uganda cut off electricity supply to Kenya. Kenya imprisoned and sentenced to nine years a Kenyan Journalist on charges of spying for Uganda. The standoff was resolved through talks between Museveni and Moi but it was not yet over.

In Early 1990s, Kenya accused Museveni of harbouring and facilitating the military training of Kenyan dissidents. Uganda hosted a Kenyan dissident, self styled Brig. John Steven Ochieng Amoke alias Brig. John Odong. Kenya alleged that he was the head of the rebel group, February Eighteenth Revolutionary Army (FERA). FERA derived its name from February 18th 1957 when independence freedom fighter Dedan Kimathi was hanged at Kamiti Prison. Indeed Odong had been a state guest in Kampala handled by the then Deputy chief of Military Intelligence, Aronda Nyakairima.

Kenya went ahead to allege that with Uganda’s assistance, over 1,000 Kenyans had had military training in both Libya and the then SPLA controlled territory in Southern Sudan. Museveni turned down Kenya’s request to have Brig. Odong extradited to Kenya to stand trial. Museveni cited international law since Odong was a recognised refugee. Note: If it had been now, under the EAC and in particular the Coalition of the Willing (COWI) and its defence and security pact, he would just hand over the victim to be slaughtered.

Museveni went ahead to claim that he had personally known John Odong since 1972. Twenty Kenyans were charged with treason related to FERA and sentenced to ten years imprisonment. The tension was put down by relocating John Odong to Ghana. It is a fact that Museveni had zeroed in on John Odong after a prominent politician, Kijana Wa Wamalwa proved incapable while Railla Odinga refused straight away.

In August 1993, former Obote II Cabinet Minister and Deputy Director of NASA, Amon Baziira was gunned down along the Nairobi-Nakuru highway. It is said that he was on his way from meeting President Moi at Eldoret State Lodge. Baziira had fled to Kenya after putting in place an armed rebel group, NALU around the Congo side of the Rwenzori mountain. Baziira who hailed from Kasese is suspected to have been gunned down by Uganda’s ESO agents under Kahinda Otafiire who was its Director General at the time. It was around the same time that Lt. Col. Ronald Kawuma was deployed by ESO to infiltrate suspected dissident groups based in Kenya. However, after Kawuma publicly declared war against Museveni he was arrested and incarcerated in the Makindye dungeons from where he died.

Museveni’s military adventures in Rwanda and the Congo helped to redirect his focus from Kenya. From the experience in Rwanda and Congo, Museveni came up with the idea of securing a regional security alliance through the revival of the defunct East African Community (EAC).
Museveni saw a regional integration as a strategic security measure against his political opponents establishing bases in neighboring countries. He also saw it as an opportunity for him to become the leader of the EAC political federation. That is partly why he has continued to hold onto power in Uganda.

At home he was facing an armed rebellion from the predominantly Luo ethnic group whom he had dislodged from power a decade ago.
He had been engaged with the South Sudanese SPLA so as to detach it from its Luo cousins of Northern Uganda. Kenya’s Western region has a number of ethnic communities whose populations are a spillover from Uganda -the Luo, Luhya, Kalenjin, Iteso etc. In 2007 a prominent Luo, Raila Odinga contested for the Presidency in Kenya. Fearing a Luo victory in Kenya for the above stated reasons, Museveni favoured Mwai Kibaki, a Kikuyu.

During the bloody election violence, the section of the Uganda Railway in Raila Odinga’s constituency was uprooted by angry mobs in protest for Museveni’s alleged involvement in elections. Raila Odinga had called in during a live radio talk show, KFM in Kampala and alleged that Ugandan troops were sighted in Kisumu, Eldoret and the other border areas. It was also alleged that Kenyan residents of Malaba had intercepted a lorry full of Uganda army uniforms destined for Kenya.
Uganda bound goods trucks were attacked thus paralysing flow of essential commodities like fuel and other goods into Uganda. Uganda denied its involvement but recently Gen. Ssejusa confirmed that Museveni had sent security forces into Kenya during the 2007 election violence. Later, at Mweya, Museveni admitted his role thus; “Recently there was election in one country. As usual, some people wanted to reject results and cause trouble. Someone who knew our experience in dealing with trouble makers approached us and we rented them equipment. We helped them.”

Brig. John Odong died a destitute in Kinshasha in 2004. Museveni had forgotten all about him and his FERA rebel outfit.


UGANDA: From guarding Mrs. Bazilio's shop to General Manager of Museveni's army shop


CHANGE OF GUARDS - At the time Museveni launched his Bush War in February 1981, Gen. John Mugume Chaaga was a junior soldier in the then government army, UNLA. He had not been selected for the pioneer Officer Cadet training at Monduli in Tanzania because he lacked the minimum academic qualification of 'O' Level. He was one of the junior soldiers assigned to guard Mrs. Bazilio Okello's shop at Uganda House shopping arcade in Kampala. For those who were residents in Kampala at the time, the memory of the conduct of UNLA soldiers manning such installations in the city must be fresh in your minds. Many of you must have come face to face with Corporal John Mugume.

It was while at his duty station at Uganda House that he was approached by then Lt. Pecos Kutesa with a suggestion of joining Museveni's Bush War. He did not hesitate and that very day he left for the Bush War. He survived the Bush War and held different command positions to become a Colonel and Commandant of the Military Police in the late 1990s.

However, being a Munyarwanda from Ntungamo, John Mugume's military career was disrupted by the Kagame - Museveni bickering of the early 2000. He was put on Katebe (rendered redundant) for some good years but being the gentleman that he is, he kept his cool. A few years ago, he was brought back into the fold when he was made the Managing Director of the non existent Army Shop. Last week he was promoted to the rank of Lt. General.

Why not; even Leo Kyanda who was a mere driver to then Brig. Ivan Koreta in 1994 was last week decorated Maj. Gen!!!


Saturday, 23 February 2019

UGANDA: Baganda war veterrans to earn big from @HeBobiWine threat


CHANGE OF GUARDS - The Baganda is a dominant tribe in the central region of Uganda. They supported Museveni's five years Bush War that was concentrated in their stronghold that came to be known as the Luweero Triangle. They paid heavily for supporting that war. They were killed by both the government and NRA soldiers. They lost property and unlike Museveni's Balalo (pastoralists) whose cows that were eaten by the NRA which were documented and after the war compensated and given free land, the Baganda cultivators whose food fed the NRA got a raw deal.

The once booming food and cash crop basket of the country is now the epicentre of abject poverty, poor roads, poor education and health infrastructure. Some 33 years since the end of the war, Museveni deliberately ignored the rehabilitation of Luwero Triangle for two major reasons;
1. It would encourage other regions to support an armed uprising against him.
2. The Baganda in the Luwero Triangle would have value for their land thus would not sell it off to Museveni's cohorts. Luwero Triangle is the worst hit by Museveni's land grabbing scheme.

Before Museveni captured power, lower ranks of his NRA were dominated by the Baganda. The long misunderstanding over Baganda fighters in the NRA being used to do the donkey work reached its climax. Museveni had to tactfully move very fast by inviting the then Prince Ronald Mutebi to visit the liberated zone and assure the Baganda fighters. Some 33 years since Museveni came to power, the influence of the Baganda has been systematically eliminated from the NRA.

There is a group of 5000 so called NRA War Veterans from Kiboga who have been camping (see photo) at Kitagenda Primary School in Lwamata since May 2017. They are protesting the regime's failure to compensate them for the losses they incurred during the Bush War.

As is usually the case, owing to current new political threat by the Kyandondo East legislator, Bobi Wine, Museveni must be preparing to hoodwink these Baganda war veterans with the usual empty promises.


UGANDA: Acholi's Gen. Kony and the defiance against Gen. Ali's Madi Militias (PHOTOS)


CHANGE OF GUARDS - Museveni's impoverishment and land grabbing scheme is taking a new twist in northern Uganda. The Museveni regime has always sided with the Madi against the Acholi in the Apaa land saga. The latest information reveals that Museveni's Deputy Prime Minister, Gen. Moses Ali has formed a local militia comprised of his Madi tribesmen that is terrorising the helpless Acholi.

Consequently, the Acholi paramount Chief boycotted the Army's Tarehe Sita day celebrations in protest over the regime's failure to protect his people. During the same celebrations Museveni warned politicians from using the Apaa land conflict for political capital. While siding with the Madi, the regime has always accused some Acholi Parliamentarians of orchestrating the violence. A security team lead by the Deputy Chief of Military Intelligence (D/CMI) visited the affected area recently and must have submitted its findings to Museveni. Why not ISO and Police to carry out the probe instead of the military!!!

Gen. Moses Ali had been Amin's Finance Minister before he fled the country. When Iddi Amin was overthrown and a new government ushered in, Moses Ali founded a rebel group with bases in Congo and Southern Sudan. He received preferential military aid from Libya's Gaddafi. Following the overthrow of Obote in 1985 Moses Ali joined the Okello government. His troops commonly referred to as the Anyanya put up strong resistance against Museveni's NRA in Mbarara and at the strategic Katonga Bridge.

In December 1985, Gadaffi convened a meeting between Museveni and Moses Ali in Tripoli where it was agreed that Moses Ali withdraws his troops from Katonga Bridge so that the NRA could easily cross over. Indeed Moses Ali withdrew his troops and Museveni's NRA overran Katonga and captured Kampala. Museveni appointed Moses Ali to the cabinet as his 1,000 soldiers were incorporated into the NRA. However a few years later, Moses Ali was arrested and incarcerated in a military barracks for years over treasonous allegations.

At the end of the trial, court found him only guilty of illegal possession of two guns and was sentenced to two and a half years imprisonment. In 1992, he finished serving his sentence and was released before he made a comeback to the political arena. Since then, Museveni made him his permanent Deputy Prime Minister. He also rose in military ranks until his retirement at the ceremonial rank of General. Museveni uses him as bet to lure local support in the region. That is the background of Moses Ali's impunity.

On the other hand, the Acholi who dominated the UNLA were the major target of Museveni's NRA Bush War. Upon Museveni taking power in 1986, the Acholi formed self defense groups against persecution and reprisal attacks by the NRA. It is these self defense groups that pioneered the different armed rebel groups that evolved into the LRA under Joseph Kony. The LRA top leadership was indicted by the ICC and with the independence of South Sudan it lost its rear bases. Joseph Kony and some remnants of his LRA are hiding somewhere in CAR.

By diffusing their military prowess, Museveni had succeeded in subduing the Acholi. That is how the Madi are able to raise a regime backed militia with capacity to attack and displace the Acholi. If the Acholi dared to form a counter militia, the Museveni regime would obviously label it a rebel army and the consequences would be dire.

Would the situation be different for the Acholi if their own Joseph Kony and his LRA were still active in Acholiland???


Wednesday, 20 February 2019

AFRICA: When Museveni cried to USA for help over assassination plot by Gaddafi


CHANGE OF GUARDS - Here below is a US diplomatic communication leaked by the whistleblower website, Wikileaks and first published by the The Guardian newspaper.

Tue 7 Dec 2010 21.30 GMT
Wednesday, 18 June 2008, 22:26

S E C R E T STATE 065820
Classified By: Assistant Secretary Frazer for Reasons 1.4 (a) and (d)
1) (SBU) SUMMARY. On June 13, Assistant Secretary for African Affairs Jendayi Frazer met with Ugandan President Museveni in Fort Leavenworth, Kansas, where Museveni was attending his son's graduation from the U.S. Army Command and General Staff College. President Museveni and A/S Frazer discussed military action against the Lord's Resistance Army (LRA) in eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), Libyan involvement in sub-Saharan African politics, and the political stalemate in Zimbabwe. President Museveni, A/S Frazer, and the State Department Country Officer for Uganda were present. END SUMMARY.

6) (S) President Museveni said Libyan President Qadhafi "is a problem" for the continent and is pushing for the creation of a "United States of Africa" to be governed by one president. Museveni thought Qadhafi's plan is neither feasible nor desirable, given cultural and linguistic differences across the continent. Rather than the development of a unitary African state, Museveni said he is pushing Qadhafi and other African leaders to develop regional political federations and markets that support common objectives. Museveni indicated to A/S Frazer that Qadhafi continues to "intimidate" small African countries through bribes and other pressure. As a result of Libya's actions, small West African countries have been afraid to participate fully or speak out during international meetings at the United Nations, African Union, and other forums.

7) (S) Museveni noted that tensions with Qadhafi are growing and as a result, and he worries that Qadhafi will attack his plane while flying over international airspace. Museveni requested that the USG and GOU coordinate to provide additional air radar information when he flies over international waters.

Gaddafi had come to the aid of Iddi Amin when he was battling the Tanzanian army and its exiled Ugandan allies that included Museveni as leader of the briefcase organisation, FRONASA. Two years later after the fall of Iddi Amin, Museveni took to the bush to fight the Obote government. Other fighting groups like that of Moses Ali and Andrew Kayiira had already approached Gaddafi for help when Museveni also went to beg for the same. He was helped too on condition that he collaborates with the other said groups.

After take over, Museveni neutralized the two groups and their leadership thus remaining the only darling to Gaddafi. All sorts of help from Gaddafi continued to flow in until two decades later when the two fell out over whether Africa should have one government or regional blocks. Museveni accused Gaddafi of pushing an Arab agenda that he associated with terrorism thus the basis for crying to the USA.

When NATO militarily moved against Gaddafi, fearing that a dangerous precedent that could catch up with him too was being set, Museveni championed the AU coalition to save Gaddafi. He embarked on shuttle diplomacy flying from capital to capital to secure AU resolution stopping NATO's military action. Museveni's frustration hit the climax when he together with three other African heads of state were denied landing in Libya to initiate talks between Gaddafi and his insurgent citizens. Gaddafi was defeated and eventually killed.

Around the same time, Museveni cried to the UK for help against Rwanda's Kagame whom he accused of plotting to invade Uganda. The UK secured a deal that diffused the standoff. We are yet to see where he will run to in the face of the current standoff between him and Kagame. Maybe China because recent times have witnessed his attacking the west as a bunch of useless idiots.


Tuesday, 19 February 2019

UGANDA: Opposition against Museveni hit by Kisangani syndrome


CHANGE OF GUARDS - Kisangani syndrome refers to a situation where supposed allies abandon pursuance of the common objective and instead resort to undermining and fighting each other.  It originates from the 2nd Congo War in the late 1990s when the Rwanda and Uganda troops fought three rounds of bloody battles in the city of Kisangani.  Four years earlier, their two armies had invaded Congo claiming to pursue their respective armed dissidents.  Their joint efforts succeeded in overthrowing Mobutu but when they attempted to overthrow his successors,  they got stuck after they turned their guns on each other.  Museveni's Army was overwhelmed by Kagame's army but the former has never accepted the defeat thus the ongoing diplomatic row. Eventually, they both withdrew from Congo without achieving their common objective.

Similarly, the opposition in Uganda has for decades been struggling against Museveni's 33 yeas old military dictatorship.  They have failed to come to terms with the plain fact that being an entrenched  military dictator, Museveni cannot be dislodged from power through the ballot.  In desperation, they have always been bickering over presentation of a single presidential candidate. In the run-up to the February 2016 polls, they came close to agreeing on a joint opposition candidate under TDA before the FDC made a last minute pull out.  The poll results gave a totally different picture; that the alliance would still be meaningless.

Now the new kid in the block is the youthful legislator, Kyagulanyi a.k.a Bobi Wine who has expressed interest in contesting for the presidency come 2021.  He has no political party affiliation but is appealing to the youth. There is also the four time presidential contender, Dr. Besigye of the FDC.  He is actively continuing with his agenda of calling upon Ugandans to get rid of the "Museveni Junta".  There are other political players in their respective groupings.  Within the DP, there are factions bickering against each other.  Within the biggest political party, the FDC there is a dissenting faction led by former Party President, Gen. Muntu.  Currently, the epicentre of the bickering is between the Bobi Wine and the Dr. Besigye camps. The former has been joined on the list of petitioners/plaintiffs/complainants that have for a long time accused the latter of overstaying in the position of 'Opposition Candidate'.  They argue that being a four time looser, he should give way to a new face preferably Bobi Wine.

True, Dr. Besigye has contested against Museveni four times without success.  His nomination is a matter of internal FDC arrangements. Those within FDC who felt dissatisfied left the party a few months ago and are in the process of registering and launching a new political party.  What is a bit puzzling is the call by those outside the FDC for Dr. Besigye to leave the stage. The danger here is the high possibility of portraying Dr. Besigye as having the capacity to overshadow any other opposition contender for the presidency.

Like had been the case during the 2nd Congo War, when the allied forces lost focus on  targeting the fall of Kinshasha but instead fought each other for the control of Kisangani, the opposition in Uganda is fighting each other over who is to be the main opposition face instead of focusing on how to dislodge Museveni from power.


Monday, 18 February 2019

UGANDA: Why Museveni's Gen. Elwelu will not be killed by "his girlfriend"


CHANGE OF GUARDS - Gen. James Kazini was Museveni's army chief who led the Congo expedition that was characterized by gross human rights abuses, bloody killings, forced displacement and plunder of natural resources.  The International Court of Justice (ICJ) found Uganda culpable and ruled that it should pay Congo a sum of US$ 10b.

It was also feared that other international judicial bodies could pursue the line of holding the individual key players culpable.  Obviously, such a line of inquiry would not spare Museveni as the Commander In Chief from whose orders Gen. Kazini was acting.  Although the Museveni government did not challenge the ICJ ruling, it has never paid a single coin to the government of DRC. Instead it is buying time with requests of the amount of US $ 10b to be revised.

Gen. Kazini shielded Museveni and his young brother's (Gen. Saleh) involvement in the atrocities and plunder in the Congo in return for protection against criminal proceedings.  Instead around the late 2009 he was allegedly murdered by his girl friend at her residence. His death closed the chapter of who was responsible for the Museveni army's evils in the Congo.  Any probe now or in future will be told that "it was Gen. Kazini who was responsible but unfortunately he died in 2009".

In November 2016, Museveni's army raided the Bakonjo King's palace in Kasese and indiscriminately took hostage men, women and children.  It stripped them naked tied their arms behind before indiscriminately killing more than one hundred and setting the dead bodies ablaze.  The naked women were driven over 400 kms to be detained in Jinja.  The operation was overseen by Museveni's son (Gen. Muhoozi) and commanded by the then regional Commander Peter Elwelu.  The then Army chief, Gen. Katumba Wamala vehemently disassociated himself from the incident.  It remained publicly unclear as to who gave directives to Elwelu to attack and gruesomely abuse, maim and kill.

Gen. Katumba Wamala was consequently sacked, Peter Elwelu promoted to Maj. Gen. and elevated in terms of command responsibility.  Two years later he has been promoted again to the rank of Lt. Gen.  All this is in return for his shielding Museveni and his son as had been the case with Gen. Kazini.

However, in April 2017 Museveni was cornered in an interview with Aljazera TV when he lost his cool and let the cat out of the bag.  Here below, find the excerpts of that interview:

Vall : The man who led the assault on Kasese said, his name is Peter Elwelu; he was a brigadier in the army at the time and instead of him being now in the court, he was promoted to General and he is now the commander of the Land Forces.  If you have those people in the court, why don’t you also have those people who opened fire on your citizens alongside those people in the courts now to answer to the questions?

Museveni: That means he was doing his duty…

Vall: To kill more than 100 people…

Museveni: To deal with…

Vall: And now he was promoted

Museveni: Yes, I am the one who promoted him…

Vall: And two days ago, the US government refused…they blocked his going to Malawi to attend a conference on security because of that.

Museveni: I don’t know about the United States. Uganda is big enough for Maj Gen Elwelu to operate there; I don’t know why he is dying to go to the United States but…

Vall : He wasn’t going to the United States, he was going to Malawi and he was blocked by the Americans because they are supervising that conference; because of what he did in Kasese, so he is accused.

Museveni: Well, I am not a prefect about American actions, I am a leader of Uganda and I am telling you that Elwelu did his duty and there is now peace in that area.

Vall: So it was pacified because it was crashed?

Museveni: It was definitely justified but definitely, all this will come in the court.

From that interview, Museveni exonerated Gen. Elwelu.  Unlike in the matter of Congo atrocities where blame was heaped on Gen. Kazini, for the Kasese cold blooded murders and gross abuses of human rights,  Gen. Elwelu can't be solely found culpable as long as Museveni is still alive.

Therefore, it would be useless for the 'girlfriend' to kill Gen. Elwelu because Museveni's actions and more-so the self confession during the said TV interview are sufficiently incriminatory.


Saturday, 16 February 2019

UGANDA: Why Museveni's top most female Gen. Nalweyiso is a corporal (PHOTOS)


CHANGE OF GUARDS - Lt. Gen. Priscivia Nalweyiso was born in 1954 in Gombe. She is an illiterate who only knows how to write and read her name in capital letters. In 1974, she separated from her only marriage to a soldier which marriage had been blessed with four children. During the 1980 general elections she was a local DP mobliser in one of the villages in Gombe. In 1982 she joined Museveni's NRA Bush War in Lueero and became one of the few female combatants. Already, there had been other females in the bush notably Mrs. Gertrude Njuba and Oliver Zizinga who were Museveni's aides, Jovia Saleh, Dora Kuteesa and a few others. There was also a group of teenage girls who had been kidnapped from Masulita Secondary School with the aid of their headmaster now Col. Jacob Asiimwe who was an NRA collaborator.

NRA soldiers and more especially the top commanders prayed on these females for sexual satisfaction thus causing friction and conflicts. In 1983 it was decided to expell all the females out of the NRA bush camps save for Dora and Jovia who were wives to Pecos Kuteesa and Saleh. The development caused a lot of discontent with some if the top commanders accusing Museveni of discrimination and dictatorial tendencies. Leading the aggrieved party was now Gen. Ssejusa who was consequently reprimanded. Some of the expelled females left with babies fathered by top Commanders.

The non combatant females were facilitated to leave the Bush while the female combatants were quarantined under the watchful eye and supervision of now Gen. Nalweyiso. Female combatants would rarely engage in active combat but would help the sick in the sick bay. These few female combatants were part of the NRA group that moved to Rwenzori mountains in 1984/85. After the fall of Fort Portal and other parts of western region, the quarantine on these female combatants was lifted. They were dispersed in different units just to excite the public. That is how in a single battle for Mbarara barracks the NRA lost five female combatants before all females were pulled back from combat actions. Nonetheless, quite a good number of young girls from the Batooro, Bamba, Bakonjo and a few Kanyankole flocked the NRA. The sexually starving NRA soldiers pounced on them since there was no policy to protect them. They could not even be allowed to concentrate on training as many were being sexually abused with impunity. A few found some solace in being involved in the once infamous NRA Choir. Nalweyiso was at this time involved with the welfare of the sick and injured in different hospitals in Kilembe and Fort Portal.

Upon the capture of Kampala in January 1986, the presence of female combatants and kids within the NRA ranks was the most attractive. Consequently, girls from all parts of the country enlisted to join the NRA. Still there was not in place a clear policy on ensuring protection of these female teenagers from sexual abuse. The NRM Vice Chairman, Moses Kigondo had been mandated to grant permission to any male combatant who wished to marry a female combatant. The frictions amongst the combatants over relationships with these females continued. A number of civilians also admired and made advances on some of these female combatants. Because of poor welfare, the female combatants also found it more paying to enter into relationships with civilian men.

A few much younger female combatants were taken to Mbarara as pioneers of the Kadogoo School. For the rest, a fresh quarantine was put in place that saw about 800 female combatants hoarded into Bombo barracks under the supervision of now Gen. Nalweyiso in what came to be known as the Women's Wing.

Around 1987 the NRA registered its first university graduate, Agnes Kasami. Upon completion of her basic training, Gen. Tumwine who was the Army Chief took her up as his Aide but only to end up fathering a kid with her. Consequently, Agnes disappeared without trace from the military scene. The Women's Wing at Bombo simply faded away as many such female combatants simply deserted, married off, died of AIDS and redeployed in different units. For Nalweyiso, she could not get any serious assignment/posting. She would only be made a member of different administrative committees and court Martial.

She was not afforded any kind of formal military training either locally or overseas. Instead, she kept rising in ranks without holding a single administrative or command position. By 2000, Nalweyiso,  like many other Bush War fighters on Katebe (rendered redundant) ran out of patience and requested to leave the army. As usual, her request was turned down but Museveni realised her source of anger and hunger. Museveni made her a Senior Presidential Advisor on Defence and security around 2001. Her role has been changing over time; from Museveni's Private Secretary In-charge of classified expenditures to Principal Secretary In-charge of the welfare of Veterans and serving soldiers.

As for the "classified expenditures", State House has a Comptroller who is In-charge of Finance. However, given that the source of much of Museveni's huge amounts of money that he randomly dishes out is the army and security sector in general, Nalweyiso is well suited to coordinate the flow of cash. For quite some time now, Museveni has been claiming to promote the professionalisation of the army. Among other measures in this regard is the recruitment and placement of more educated men and women into administrative command positions. Nalweyiso has never had any substantial military training. She has never been exposed to administrative or command positions. She can't effectively command any field military formation - Section (11 soldiers) to a Division (10,000+ soldiers). She can't represent the army in parliament because she is an illiterate. She can't lead a peace keeping operation in a foreign country. She can't be a Military Attache at any of Uganda's Embassies abroad. She has been appearing on local Luganda language radio programmes mobilising for Museveni but she can't appear on any English program to articulate national issues.

Nalweyiso is simply a General in the army just because she participated in Museveni's sectarian Bush War. The best package for Nalweyiso after capturing power should have been to award her with a rank of a Corporal and a retirement package into civilian life. Otherwise continuing parading her as a rare female General from Uganda just because she only knows how to fire a gun, salute Museveni and handle his secret finances is a big shame. What if top world academies start inviting her to deliver lectures!!! Will she be delivering papers in Luganda language or Kiswahili which she doesn't know but above all whose contents she doesn't comprehend.

The good news is that the Baganda have a top General in the army.


Tuesday, 12 February 2019

Why African Leaders can't dare redraw the "Bad Colonial Boundaries" (PHOTOS)


CHANGE OF GUARDS - From Nov 15, 1884 - Feb 2, 1885, European imperial powers converged in Berlin to define their spheres of influence in Africa. This conference that has been dubbed The Partition of Africa by historians, paved the way for the founding of protectorates and colonies in Africa. This colonial division was concluded with the annexation of Egypt in 1914. This partition ignored the ethnic composition of Africa. As a consequence, a significant portion of the population belong to groups split by colonial partition. Closely related ethnic groups found themselves in different colonial regions/spheres.

With the attainment of independence from the late 1950s through the 1960s, independent African states were born out of fragmented colonial boundaries. Selfish and greedy African leaders have only stopped at lamenting over how the colonialists had divided Africans. No leader has ever dared to suggest a mechanism to correct the "wrong colonial boundaries".  As a consequence, these borderland communities have been the major victims of discrimination and economic deprivation from their respective central governments.

Co-ethnic groups across the border have been used in aggression against neighboring countries. Imagine if the area occupied by the so-called Banyamulenge in eastern DRC had been geographically located in Rwanda!! Africa has witnessed the highest number of calls for secession by certain communities. Similarly, the existence of separatist movements and rise in Jihadism and Islamic State insurgents as well as such borderland communities being prone to violence and civil strife must be taken in context of history. The latest incident is the cold blooded massacre of hundreds of ethnic Bakonjo of Uganda by Museveni's army on accusation of harbouring a secessionist agenda.

With 825 different ethnic communities, almost 28% of these communities are cut by national boundaries. Just take a look at these few examples;
- The Tuaregs and Libya's civil war.
- The Banyarwanda of Congo, Uganda and Tanzania.
- The Somalis of Kenya and Ethiopia.
- The Acholi of Uganda and South Sudan.
- The Senufu of Mali, Ivory Coast and Burkinafaso.
- The Alur of Congo and Uganda.
- The English and French Speaking Cameroonians.
- Afar people of Ethiopia, Eritrea and Djibouti.
- The Makonde of Mozambique and Tanzania.
- The Luo-Nuer of South Sudan and the Jikany Nuer of Ethiopia.

What about Iddi Amin's attempted annexation of Kagera from Tanzania, the Nigeria-Cameroon conflict over Bakasi Peninsular, the secession of Western Sahara, the bloody Biafra conflict in Nigeria and many more examples.

Here below, we examine why post independence African leaders don't want to tackle the issue:-

History has proven that most of the leaders who were at the forefront of ending colonialism were simply self-seekers. They had only been envious of the powers of colonial administrators. Once the African leaders assumed those powers, they proved to be worse than the colonialists that they had replaced. The so-called liberators retained all the colonial laws and in some cases strengthened them to suit their situation. They retained and still exercise unlimited powers in suppressing all forms of rights and freedoms, kill, maim, detain without trial, banish, and exile their citizens. They rebuke any external forces that try to come to the aid of the oppressed Africans by branding them Western Imperialists /neocolonialists.

These African leaders truly enjoy their positions, powers and privileges. They enjoy titles like Head of State, President, Prime Minister, Commander in Chief, etc. They enjoy being above the law thus immunity from both civil and criminal proceedings. They enjoy the powers to appoint and fire different government officials. They enjoy unlimited control of state resources, signing Death Warrants and pardoning of convicts, usurping of both legislative and judicial powers, 21 Gun Salute and inspection of Guard of Honours and owning a Presidential Jet and attending the annual UN General Assembly in New York and AU in Addis Ababa.

3. MILITARY SCARE CROWS They enjoy building of armies under the guise of defending their territorial integrity but in actual sense such armies are just mere scarecrows meant to scare their own citizens and neighbouring countries. Their militaries take a big chunk of the national budget and are,  in most cases, used as a conduit for swindling of national resources. Their armies have never targeted attacking the so-called imperialists but instead are used in aggression against each other that accounts for civil wars and huge refugee influx. Even when they ganged up against the white minority rule of South Africa, they couldn't assemble a continental force to confront the South African Defence Force.

They spend a huge chunk of their budgets on sustaining intelligence services that claim to spy on fellow African countries who have nothing worthy calling secrets other than schemes to undermine each other. These secrets services are instead preoccupied with suppressing internal dissent by their own citizens. Related to the role of the security forces, there is the equally disgusting Immigration Services who find a lot of pride in rounding up fellow Africans whom they label as aliens.

Though many of these African leaders pronounce their respective territories to be republics, they enjoy a monarchical status. They rule together with their families and cronies who enjoy immense economic benefits at the expense of the impoverished citizens. They impose heavy taxes on citizens so as to get what to steal and to sustain their luxurious lifestyles. Not forgetting the brutality associated with curbing smuggling by mostly these borderland communities.

It is against the above background that all past attempts at having a political confederation of African states was failed and continues to be failed by the same selfish African leaders.

In 1961, seven African states (Ghana, Libya, Egypt, Algeria, Mali, Guinea and Morocco) met in Casablanca. They pushed for a political unification of African states through a transfer of power from national governments to a supernatural Pan African authority. They even suggested formation of one army. They were branded Radicalist Casablanca Group by the rest of the leaders who favoured retention of their sovereign states. Those leaders who opposed the Casablanca Group also met in Monrovia in May 1961 to push for economic cooperation and harmonious coexistence but without political federation. The two camps of Casablanca and Monrovia got entangled into the Cold War between the USA and Russia.

It was only Ethiopia's Emperor Haille Selassie who saved the situation when he brought together the two groups to give birth to the Organisation of African Unity in 1963 (OAU). Since 1963, other than the leaders meeting annually to issue anti-imperialist rhetorics and passing of empty resolutions, the ordinary Africans benefited nothing from the OAU. They were only preoccupied with assurances of non aggression through the entrenched principle of 'non interference and national sovereignty', hence why it was called the "Club of Dictators".

They focused on the so called 'liberation of South Africa' from the White minority rule while their respective governments were worse than the the Apartheid South Africa. The so called OAU Liberation Committee and the Front-line States that championed the independence of Mozambique, Zimbabwe, Namibia, South Africa and Angola did more damage to their own citizens. They closed African harbours to South African ships, closed their airspace to South African Aircrafts and pressed the UN to expel South Africa from the WHO. It is now the same leaders who are flocking to South Africa to access first class medical facilities and tap into its economic boom.

After the death of Nkurumah in 1972, it was Libya's Gadafi who took up the mantle of championing the African unity. In 1974, the OAU founding leader, Emperor Hailed Selassie was assassinated and buried in a pit latrine by Col. Mengstu Hails Meriam. That same year, Col. Mengistu hosted all the African leaders for the OAU and the they praised him for the warm and generous hospitality.

Without shame, last week the same African leaders unveiled a statue of Emperor Haile Selassie in Addis Ababa. By the time Gaddafi died recently, he was being resisted by some fellow African leaders. Uganda's military dictator, Museveni took the lead by accusing Gaddafi of pushing for an Arab/Islamic agenda on the African continent. No wonder the OAU was disbanded giving rise to the AU in 2002.

Even where some selfish leaders have advocated for regional blocks, political federation is impossible because none is willing to relinquish his 'kingdom'. Instead, they are motivated by the need to secure their grip on power by having friendly neighbourhood under the cover of a regional grouping. It is a mechanism to enforce the OAU/AU principle of non interference and non intervention in the so called 'internal affairs' of a member state. The EAC political federation is a dream never come true.

Therefore, the so-called struggle for independence was just a way of replacing the colonial rulers with the black monarchical rule. That is why after the departure of the colonial administration, the continent suffered political, economic and social degeneration. Africa will never unite owing to greed and selfishness of some of its leaders.


Saturday, 9 February 2019

UGANDA: Gen. Kasirye Gwanga arrested by @MugishaMuntu and freed by @KagutaMuseveni


CHANGE OF GUARDS - Maj.Gen.Mugisha Muntu said that if he was the CDF, Maj Gen.Ggwanga would have been behind the bars by now for pulling out the gun in public and shoot.

Gen. Muntu's tenure as Museveni's Army chief (1989 - 1998) was marked by the Katebe syndrome. Katebe referred to the practice of army authorities rendering some of its personnel more especially Senior Officers redundant. Such a development would be a consequence of administraive misconduct, abuse of office (theft of resources), and in some cases it implied disloyalty to the institution and Museveni in particular.

The affected officer would be suspended pending investigations. Unlike in the traditional public service where such a suspension would go with half pay, in the army the officer would retain his full salary, privileges and fringe benefits. H/She would only miss the opportunity to use his office/position to access public resources for stealing. Accumulation of wealth by way of stealing public resources gained prominence from around the early 1990s.

Being a strict disciplinarian, Gen. Muntu attempted to fight theft and general indiscipline by suspending such officers pending investigations. However, Museveni would shield them from prosecution. In most cases, Katebe lasts for years but after undergoing what is termed as rehabilitation, Museveni redeploys and promote them. Such a move leaves the army chief unpopular among the undisciplined senior officers. For Museveni, this was very healthy because past regimes' popular army chiefs have rallied soldiers to overthrow Presidents.

It is this frustration that led Gen. Muntu to reject Museveni's offer of Minister of Defence and eventual early retirement from military service. Reminiscing this frustration at a public rally in Kamuli in August 2012, Gen. Muntu broke down in tears;

"When I recall the times I was forced to arrest my relatives and friends . . .” Muntu started, breaking down mid-sentence.

He cried before the audience, prompting FDC vice president (Eastern region), Salam Musumba, to walk to the front of the room to comfort him. The meeting resumed five minutes later, after Muntu had composed himself.

Therefore, even if Gen. Muntu would have arrested Gen. Kasirye Gwanga, Museveni would have shield him from prosecution, redeploy and promote him.