Monday, 22 July 2019

Nigeria's military 'Acholi' complaining against 'Langi' (PHOTOS)


CHANGE OF GUARDS - Col. Kinsgsley E. Elemele (pictured) who happened to be the Chief of Staff to 29 Task force Brigade lost his life in recent line of battle with Boko Haram in Borno state. Heavily armed fighters from the Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP) group on Wednesday, opened fire on a patrol vehicle of soldiers who were on their way to Maiduguri from Damaturu, the capital of neighbouring Yobe state, killing all the soldiers on board.

The attacks came hours after a military chief in the northeast warned "terrorists" in the region to disarm or be destroyed.
So many soldiers and civilians have been lost within the course of the war and the battle is beginning to seem like one which will end in a Pyrrhic victory for the nation.

However, the public reaction to the incident looks like what the situation was in Uganda in the early 1985 when Acholi dominated UNLA complained that they were dying at the frontline for President Obote's Langi soldiers. Consequently, the Acholi soldiers staged a couple and overthrow Obote before handing over power to Museveni who later paid them in their own currency. Herebelow, in Nigeria some sections of southerners are expressing similar sentiments against President Buhari and his northern soldiers.

FarahAideed :
4:59pm On Jul 20
Notice the pattern how both colonels are of Igbo stock ko?

Zikora1000 (f):
5:07pm On Jul 20
chimo! See beautiful sweet igbo family. Kai, this pain is unbearable! Why why why? Igbo soldiers are being used as sacrificial a animals to this terrorists. Igbo soldiers should resign and stop fighting a war that is already compromised with informants everywhere even within the army. Rip my brother. La n'udon'udo
54 Likes 2 Shares

Kingosytex (m ):
5:19pm On Jul 20
Their superiors are far away in Dubai enjoying their lives with women of easy virtues while these ones are killed in scores by the boko boys
R.I.P Colonel!! I for like make you help me tear Lie Mohammed beta slap. shebi the old man talk say dem don defeat boko boys technically
22 LikesLikes

Heffalump (m ):
5:28pm On Jul 20
Aw! Take a look at the beautiful family- wife and children combined.
However, Buhari should stop this antics of intentionally sending top military Officers of Southern Nigeria to BH territory for annihilation
9 LikesLikes

Gaetano: 5:42pm On Jul 20
There's this information I'm trying to process....
During military recruitment, Northerners are the mostly recruited. In fact they outnumber the south by like 20:1 in military recruitment, but when ever i read about Boko Haram casualties, it's mostly southern military forces. Why are the pampered northern forces not at the war front? Why are they scattered at road blocks all over the south? Are these people deliberately reducing the southern fighting forces
40 LikesLikes

5:43pm On Jul 20
A southerner I'm sure. The northern soldiers bribe to be sent down to the south where they engage in oil theft, extort motorists, and use their guns to terrorize and dehumanise civilians. They engage things as petty as killing husbands of women who refuse their advances (Akwa Ibom case and others).

Yakade (m ):
5:43pm On Jul 20
Sweet next level. I repent. Can't these soldiers stage a coup and overthrow that terrorist?

From the a foregoing, you now know why the militant group, Book Haram has thrived for such a long time.


Sunday, 21 July 2019

Museveni is driving Uganda into the communist mainfield (PHOTOS)


CHANGE OF GHARDS - Uganda as a nation was born in 1962 during the Cold War era between the Capitalist west and the Communist east blocks. Though most newly independent African nations hypocritically claimed to belong to the Non-aligned Movement (NAM), it is a fact that they owed their allegiance to the Communist Block. Earlier, the British colonial administration had expelled back to Rwanda a one John Kalekyezi (father of Gen. Kalekyezi) for his role in fomenting communist ideologies. In the same regard, the Catholic Church also excommunicated him. It is against this background, that in the late 1960s, then President Obote launched his communist manifesto dubbed Common Mans' Charter and Move to the Left during the infamous Nakivubo Pronouncement. The move was followed by the banning of the only opposition political party, the DP. Thus, Uganda came under the one-party rule. The communist Uganda took a center stage in the so-called liberation of southern African regional entities that had not gained independence.

Shortly after, in 1971 Obote was overthrown by the army led by Iddi Amin. Among the 18 points that were advanced by the coup plotters was the issue of turning Uganda into a communist state. Deposed President Obote with the aid of communist allies immediately embarked on a treacherous journey to dislodge Iddi Amin from power. The then young Marxist, Museveni was one such communist ally. Eight years later, in April 1979 Iddi Amin was overthrown with the aid of Tanzania. Some communist ideals were introduced during the post Iddi Amin administration.

However, in 1980 Obote assumed the presidency and since he had learnt enough lessons, he moved to shed off communism. He switched to the west by embracing the World Bank and IMF oriented economic policies. This bold decision did not go well with some of his close proponents of communism. The militant Marxist, Museveni took to the bush to fight the Obote II government. Owing to his communist/Marxist orientantion, Museveni's request for financial, diplomatic and material support from the west was blatantly denied. Instead, he got support from Libya's Gaddafi and other communist leaders.

When the Acholi dominated army, the UNLA overthrew Obote II, government handed over power to Museveni five months later who immediately embraced the implementation of the communist agenda. He found allies in the likes of Libya, North Korea, Cuba and other communist nations. He banned political pluralism, placed the military at the forefront of management of public affairs, embarked on deliberate impoverishment of the population, military aggression agenda against his neighbours, a reign of terror against the citizens, and other communist oriented measures. However, when the going became tougher, in the late 1990s he hypothetically switched to the western Capitalist ideologies.

He adopted the World Bank and IMF economic policies and conditions. He painfully embraced structural adjustment program (SAP) and allowed a cosmetic return to political pluralism. With the coming to the global economic and political scene of communist China and Russia, Museveni felt he can do away with the capitalist west. With China as Uganda's new colonial master, Museveni shed off all forms of pretence by declaring his communist life presidency. He embarked on propelling his son to inherit the presidency and unleashed a reign of terror against political dissent. His recent declaration that by 2021 there will not be political opposition in Uganda is in the same regard.

His state inspired violence designed to keep the population in fear as well as his land alienation and impending nationalisation are all reflections of communist ideals. The current state linked violent crime, gross abuse of human rights, militarisation of civilian institutions, suppression of political dissent, control of the means of production, deliberate impoverishment through economic mismanagement characterised by utopian ideas like OWC and licencing of coffee farmers and buyers, destruction of forest cover and the environment in general, creation of a surveillance/police state, fusion of the state with the ruling clique and usurping of legislative and judicial powers by the presidency is part and parcel of his communist agenda.

The situation will worsen with the production of oil when he will not have to heed the 'interference by western capitalists' over aid. Like was the case with Gaddafi's Libya, much of the oil revenues will be dedicated to destabilization of Uganda's neighbours in the quest to install client regimes.


Saturday, 20 July 2019

UK calls seizure of ship a 'hostile act'; Iran releases video of capture

GENEVA/LONDON (Reuters) - Britain denounced the Iranian seizure of a British-flagged oil tanker in the Gulf as a “hostile act” on Saturday, rejecting Tehran’s explanation that it had seized the vessel because it had been involved in an accident.

Iran’s Revolutionary Guards posted a video online showing speedboats pulling up alongside the Stena Impero tanker, its name clearly visible.

Troops wearing ski masks and carrying machine guns rappelled to its deck from a helicopter, the same tactics used by British Royal Marines to seize an Iranian tanker off the coast of Gibraltar two weeks ago.

Friday’s action in the global oil trade’s most important waterway has been viewed in the West as a major escalation after three months of confrontation that has already taken Iran and the United States to the brink of war.

It follows weeks of threats from Tehran to retaliate for Britain’s seizure of the Iranian tanker Grace 1, accused of violating sanctions on Syria.

British Defense Secretary Penny Mordaunt called the incident a “hostile act”. Foreign Secretary Jeremy Hunt said he had expressed “extreme disappointment” by phone to his Iranian counterpart, Mohammad Javad Zarif. Britain also summoned the Iranian charge d’affaires in London.

A spokesman for Iran’s Revolutionary Guards, Brigadier-General Ramezan Sharif, said Tehran had seized the ship in the Strait of Hormuz despite the “resistance and interference” of a British warship which had been escorting it. No British warship was visible in the video posted by the Guards.

Iran’s Fars news agency said the Guards had taken control of the Stena Impero on Friday after it collided with an Iranian fishing boat whose distress call it ignored.

The vessel, carrying no cargo, was taken to the Iranian port of Bandar Abbas. It would remain there with its 23 crew — 18 of them Indians — while the accident was investigated, Iranian news agencies quoted the head of Ports and Maritime Organization in southern Hormozgan province, Allahmorad Afifipour, as saying.

Zarif told Britain’s Hunt that the ship must go through a legal process before it could be released, Iran’s ISNA news agency reported.

Undated photograph shows the Mesdar, a British-operated oil tanker in Fawley, Britain obtained by Reuters on July 19, 2019. JOHN PITCHER/via REUTERS

The strait, between Iran and the Arabian peninsula, is the sole outlet for exports of most Middle Eastern oil, and the seizure sent oil prices sharply higher. The United States, which tightened sanctions against Iran in May with the aim of halting its oil exports altogether, has been warning for months of an Iranian threat to shipping in the strait.

Another oil tanker, the Mesdar, was also boarded by Iranian personnel on Friday and temporarily forced to divert toward Iran, but later was allowed to continue on its route through the strait. On Saturday Algeria’s APS news agency said the Mesdar was owned by Algeria’s state oil company Sonatrach.

France, Germany and the European Union joined Britain in condemning the seizure.

The three big European countries are signatories to a 2015 nuclear deal between Tehran and world powers that Washington undermined by quitting last year, setting Iran’s already fragile relations with the West on a downward spiral.

Under the pact, Iran agreed to restrict nuclear work in return for lifting sanctions. The European countries opposed the Trump administration’s decision to abandon the agreement last year, but have so far failed to fulfill promises to Iran of providing alternative means for it to access world trade.

“Just spoke to ... Zarif and expressed extreme disappointment that having assured me last Saturday Iran wanted to de-escalate situation, they have behaved in the opposite way,” tweeted British Foreign Secretary Hunt. “This has to be about actions not words if we are to find a way through.”

Earlier he said London’s reaction would be “considered but robust”, and it would ensure the safety of its shipping.

On Friday, Hunt said the solution would be found via diplomacy and London was “not looking at military options.” Britain’s government said it had advised British shipping to stay out of the Hormuz area for an interim period.

The past three months of escalation have seen the United States and Iran come as close as ever to direct armed conflict. In June, Tehran shot down a U.S. drone and Trump ordered retaliatory air strikes, only to call them off just minutes before impact.

In New Delhi, India’s foreign ministry said it was actively seeking the release of its nationals among the crew.

Operator Stena Bulk said on Friday the tanker had been “in full compliance with all navigation and international regulations”. On Saturday it said it was preparing a request to visit the crew.

The vessel had been heading to a port in Saudi Arabia and suddenly changed course after passing through the strait.

The United States has blamed Iran for a series of attacks on shipping around the Strait of Hormuz. Tehran rejects the allegations. Washington also said it had this week downed an Iranian drone near where the Stena Impero was seized.

The United States is sending military personnel and resources to Saudi Arabia for the first time since the U.S. invasion of Iraq in 2003.

Friday, 19 July 2019

UGANDA: Why Museveni is more troubled by 'incitement' than annoyance


CHANGE OF GUARDS - At least 10 people have either been arrested or arraigned in court and charged with annoying Museveni. Former Makerere University research fellow, Dr.Stella Nyanzi is currently waiting for judgment in a matter in which she is accused of annoying Museveni through a post she made on her Facebook page in which she refered to Museveni and his wife as a "pair of buttocks". The matter is due for Judgment on August 1, 2019 as Dr. Nyanzi continues to languish in prison.

In October 2018, 21-year-old Miss Namata allegedly recorded and circulated a video clip threatening to hit President Museveni with her genitals if he didn’t release Kyadondo East MP Robert Kyagulanyi from prison. She was charged with using her computer to make suggestions or proposals referring to President Museveni as “buttocks”, “feces” and threatened to use her private parts to hit his teeth.

The latest similar incident is of journalist turned Pastor, Joseph Kabuleta who was also arrested for annoying the President after he attacked Museveni's scheme to have his son inherit the presidency. However, this time round, Museveni has feared the potential damage that was gathering over the publicity of repeated charges of 'annoying the President'. Already, the opposition strongman, Dr. Besigye had voluntered to testify in defence of Kabuleta. Consequently, Museveni has come out to downplay the charges of 'annoying the President'.

Using the cover of briefing the nation on his so-called 'Wealth Creation' on Thursday, by a reporter on his take regarding the charge of “annoying the President”, Museveni said he has no problem with being annoyed.
“Annoying the President, I don’t mind being annoyed. I think that was a colonial law which I used to hear about. I think the issue is not annoying the President. It is those Police people who talk about small issues. Police should concentrate on the substance. Like telling lies, incitement and sedition. But a President can be annoyed. If he’s annoyed only, that’s not a big issue”.

To better understand why Museveni is more troubled by 'incitement' more than 'annoyances', here below we reproduce an article that this website posted three year ago.

Sunday, 24 July 2016 at 12:15

Incitement is was common law offence in England and Wales that consisted of persuading, encouraging, instigating, pressurizing, or threatening so as to cause another to commit a crime. In many legislations, the offence of Incitement could only be proved before courts of law if the following ingredients could be successfully brought:
Mensrea - the alleged inciter must have intended to the others to engage in the behavior constituting the offence.
Acteus reus - the inciter must have reached out and sought to influence the minds of another to commit a crime.

The Oxford dictionary defines incitement as the act of encouraging or stirring up violent or unlawful behavior.
Independent Uganda adopted, maintained and in some cases modified some of these laws because they suited the oppressive post independence oppressive leadership. Uganda's Penal Code Act S.83 (1) creates the offence of Incitement to Violence. It was abolished in 2008 and replaced with the new offence of encouraging and assisting crime. African dictatorships use different methods and laws to curtail their citizens' freedom of speech, assembly, expression and association. They enact different draconian legisilations and decrees aimed at suppressing political dissent.

Since coming to power 30 years ago, Uganda's military dictator has applied different legisilations to suppress the rights and freedoms of Ugandans. When he took over power in 1986, his much cherished Ten Point Program had Unity as the number three priority. Because he knew that he was to run a system based on sectarianism, nepotism, exclusiveness, patronage etc, he immediately enacted the Anti-sectarian law by amending section 41 (1) of the Penal Code Act. This law states thus:
"Any person who prints, publishes, makes or utters any statement or does any act which is likely to;
a) degrade, revile or expose to hatred or contempt;
b) create alienation or despondency of;
c) raise discontent or disaffection amongst or promote in any other way, feelings of ill will or hostility against any group or body of persons on account of religion, tribe, or ethnic or regional origin commits an offence and is liable on conviction to imprisonment for a term not exceeding five years.

The above law is good but the spirit in which it was brought is suspect because it was designed to silence anyone who dared to speak out against acts of sectarianism. Its for the same reasons that it is silent on those who practice broad daylight sectarianism but only criminalizes those who dare to point it out. No wonder, 30 years down the road, no one has ever been convicted of sectarianism save for Hon. Nsubuga Nsambu who was charged for referring to Museveni as a "Mujjananyina" (child who is already fathered by a different man at the time its mother enters a new marriage).

Instead the country is more divided along tribal, regional, religious, selective economic development to the extent that some regions are contemplating secession from Museveni's Uganda. If anybody dares to point out such injustices, he risks being accused of incitement. The same would apply to whoever dared to question if it was by coincidence that the Spokespersons of the Ministry of Defence and the Ministry of Internal Affairs are Paddy Ankunda and Pamella Ankunda respectively. Someone will argue that its what it means to defeat and replace the Okellos (Tito Okello and Bazilio Okello) of the past regimes.

Museveni's trademark suppression of political dissent right from the time he took over power against the traditional political parties, DP and UPC for over a decade and now the FDC, is out of the fear that these parties would tell the masses the truth about how he is manipulating and holding them hostage. His restrictions on traditional, religious and civil society institutions is also aimed at the same goal leave alone the suppression of the independent press. By imposing draconian laws to curtail their ctivities, he fears that they will enlighten the masses on rights and freedoms.

Therefore, the offence of Incitement that has been outlawed by civilized societies, is the darling of the Museveni regime just because it is the easiest criminal charge that the regime can prefer with ease to anyone deemed not towing their ideology of manipulating and holding the masses at ransom.
From the a foregoing, it can be concluded that the charges of 'annoying the President' and 'incitement' are Museveni's weapons of suppressing political dissent and freedom of expression. He very well understands that some of the bold obscene attacks on his personality are a reflection of the deep resentment that is brewing in the minds of oppressed citizens.


Thursday, 18 July 2019

Uganda Law Society asks lawyer to 'pull down' Facebook post - @ug_lawsociety

MARTHA LEAH NANGALAMA -  The Uganda Law Society (ULS) is an embarrassment.  Here they are telling one of their own to pull down a Facebook post which told truth.  Now, are we to think that ULS sanctions land grabbing and impunity?

Many Ugandans will remember that ULS has never fought for Human Rights or violations and arrests of lawyers. ULS has never fought against #LandGrabbing.  ULS has never fought against kidnaps, murders, torture and long incarcerations.

ULS has never fought against poverty and impoverishment of civil servants, security organisations, farmers, lawyers, etc..

ULS sits comfortably waiting to pounce on none issues.  Where have they been on the multitudes of Moslems who languish in jail and face daily persecution?

Has ULS fought against the POMB and banning of opposition in this government?

Has ULS fought against the ongoing #SlaveTrade?  What about the continued deprivation of native Ugandans for the benefit of refugees and other foreigners?

Has ULS ever acted on ensuring that the electoral reforms are put in place before the next election of 2021 or 2023 depending on the outcome of the recent State House meeting?

When the fake HepB vaccine was given to 3mln Ugandans, did ULS do anything about it?  Do you know what the implications of vaccinating 3mln people with a fake vaccine are?  Future deaths (likely) and major lawsuits.

When Makerere University was shut down for 2+ months, did ULS do anything about it?

One of the biggest problems in Uganda is highly educated people who are totally useless.

ULS has too many idiots.  They should fire themselves. We are used to their being useless so please spare us our time.  Twakoowa dda!  == You can take that to the bank.

July 18, 2019 Written by URN, THE OBSERVER

A human rights lawyer and activist, Eron Kiiza has come under fire for allegedly writing offensive Facebook posts against the Mubende resident judge, Joseph Murangira.
Uganda Law Society (ULS) a body charged with ensuring high levels of professionalism among lawyers, has asked him to ‘withdraw’ the posts. 

Simon Peter Kinobe, the ULS president, says his attention has been drawn to a sustained social media campaign accusing and attacking the person of justice Murangira and the manner in, which he handled a land matter before him in Mubende. 

The said posts are in respect to an on matter registered as miscellaneous cause number 11 of 2019 Ssematimba John and 23 others Vs Kaweesi George and others at Mubende High court.

“In the said posts, you expressly and by innuendo refer to the presiding judge; Justice Joseph Murangira as a “Mafia” a member of “the troublesome trio” and also attach multifarious photos of the learned judge clad in judicial robes. You accuse him of “mishandling the case”, playing games and being “in bed with tormentors” and “biased’’ among others,” Kinobe states in his July 17 letter to Kiiza.   

According to Kinobe, advocates, by the virtue of their appointment are officials of the court and should espouse, protect and uphold the principle of fair hearing enshrined under Article 28 of the Constitution of Uganda, which requires that a person shouldn’t be condemned unheard.         

“By using social media to attack a judicial officer, you violate this rule and deny the judge an opportunity to be heard,” Kinobe says. Adding that; “Comments in the media by an advocate in personal conduct are of a matter contrary to the advocates (professional) conduct regulations and in this particular case border criminality.” 

Justice Joseph Murangira
Kinobe notes that there are alternative avenues to handle errant judges in case they are found to have bias and or unbecoming conduct. The avenues, according to Kinobe, include raising complaints through the principal judge, chief justice or the Judicial Service Commission, the body that is legally mandated to deal with errant officers. 
In his July 18 response to Kinobe, Kiiza denies posting any innuendos, saying that he is a human rights lawyer who has advocated for it for a long time.   

“Social media is not inconsistent with Article 28 of the 1995 Uganda Constitution. If it were so, you would certainly not have judicial officers with social media accounts,” Kiiza says. 
Adding that; “Social media gives life and meaning to freedom. …I am sure that contrary to your suggestions, I committed no crime in using social media to give voice to the problems of the people of Mubende evicted from five villages.” 

In his three-page response coloured with poetic language, Kiiza notes that while lawyers “must water the gardens of judicial independence”, that must not blind them into shielding themselves and the public from the necessity of a war on judicial impunity.

“A burning house of advocates. The greatest house of an advocate is freedom. More so, the freedom of one’s mouth. When padlocks, however disguised, hail from the person or the office of the ULS president, danger lurks,” Kiiza notes. 

According to Kiiza, the ULS president did not, in his letter specify any rules he had violated, but seemed to move to silence him. 

“I had hoped, that the weight of your office and the spirit of your letter would give voice, even in one word, to the plight, pain and puzzle of the thousands of evictees whose unfathomable pain and violation have left me with no choice but to ventilate it through my Facebook account besides other for a,” Kiiza states. 
Adding that; “Are you similarly irked by people who praise judges on social media or it is those who criticize them on social media that rub you the wrong way? Social media hymns of praise for our judges must accommodate interludes of criticism. Love poems should be juxtaposed with freedom songs in our digital interactions with the bench.” 

Earlier this month, the chief justice Bart Katureebe tasked justice Murangira to respond to allegations of bias leveled against him in a July 4 petition by more than 3000 people evicted from their homes in Mubende district.

The evictees from Kambuye, Kyabaana, Kikoono, Lwensanga and Kanseera villages in Mubende district asked Katureebe to remove Murangira from their matter. 

Tuesday, 16 July 2019

UGANDA: Why Museveni is craving to win over Tanzania (PHOTOS)


CHANGE OF GUARDS - Having had his childhood presidential ambition shaped by Tanzania's overthrow of the Iddi Amin regime, Museveni has always endeavoured to win over Tanzania. Mindful of how much Tanzanians value their founding President, Mwalimu Nyerere, Museveni has always pretended to have more love for Nyerere than do the Tanzanians themselves. He has been at the forefront having Nyerere declared a Saint by the Catholic Church. However, when Museveni launched his sectarian war on February 6, 2019, it was a Tanzanian soldier who was on guard that took the first bullet at Kabamba when now Gen. Tumwine shot him dead in cold blood.

It was another Tanzanian soldier who was guarding the armoury who failed the Museveni invaders from accessing the armoury. Subsequent deliberate attacks on the Tanzanian soldiers by Museveni's NRA guerrillas coupled by Museveni's repeated pleas to Nyerere to withdraw his troops saved the NRA from being neutralized at infancy. The new post Amin army, UNLA was still too young to neutralize the rebellion led by its former Minister of Defence, Museveni.

Since Museveni came to power 33 years ago, he has antagonized with all his neighbours except Tanzania for fear of a repeat of what befell the Iddi Amin regime. He also considers Tanzania as not only his reserve force but an exit route in the event of his reign being challenged by military action. He has also been buying time in the hope that with Tanzania's backing he may become the first President of a federated East African Community (EAC). It is in the same regard that his main interest in the EAC is nothing but securing a military alliance.

However, he ran out of patience when he plotted to isolate Tanzania by forming the Coalition of the Willing (COWI) that included Kenya, Uganda and Rwanda. This was after Tanzania had deployed its troops to defeat the M23 rebels in eastern DRC before they fled to Uganda. Tanzania stuck to its guns and threatened to ally with Rwanda and DRC. When former President Kikwete was succeeded by President Magufuli, Museveni felt some relief. During an interview with NBS Television at State House in December 2015 Museveni was asked for a comment on the progress of the newly elected Tanzanian President John Pombe Mgufuli whose cost cutting policies had taken the continent by storm.

Museveni however, summed up the neighboring colleague’s actions as ‘symbolism’
“It’s good that Magufuli has got that approach. That is symbolism. I see him doing push-ups to show people that he is strong. I wish him good luck,” said Museveni.

Amidst his bickering with Rwanda's Kagame over his support for Rwandan dissidents, Magufuli's first foreign visit to Kigali sent Museveni panicking. Museveni opportunistically abandoned the COWI scheme. He also went ahead to reroute his earlier planned oil pipeline project through Kenya to Tanzania. Since then he has been on a diplomatic offensive trying to win over Tanzania. He has been pushing for the establishment of a central corridor trade route from Dar EsSalaam to Mwanza across Lake Victoria to Kampala for Uganda's goods.

However, Tanzania's persistent rejection of his smuggled and repackaged sugar and edible oil continues to give him headache. The various measures that were initiated have not solved the problem as Tanzania continues to adamantly reject the two products. On the other hand, Tanzania's diplomatic and bilateral relations with Kigali continue to blossom. The anticipated SGR line from Isaka to Kigali that will link Rwanda and DRC to DarEsSalaam Port coupled by their Rusumo border post that has taken up most of the trade that used to go through Katuna, Museveni has cause to worry. Kampala has admitted that its exports to Rwanda have fallen by 23%. Consequently, he is hiding desperation behind the Private Sector Foundation Uganda (PSFU) which has petitioned the East African Community Court over the border closure.

However, in the same regard, three years later, in March 2019 while addressing the Africa Now conference in Kampala he hailed Magufuli's initiative.

“We need to learn from President Magufuli. He has stopped wastage of money in things such as travel abroad. That’s why you hear that he’s able to build the standard gauge railway without borrowing. He’s now going to build a new dam without borrowing.”
With recent Rwanda's successes against its Uganda backed armed dissidents and more so, its blossoming diplomatic relations with DRC, Museveni feels more vulnerable. Having overan dissident military camps in South Kivu, Rwanda forces are said to be heading to north Kivu which borders with Uganda. Since, the Tanzanian Peacekeeping force under the UN Brigade are active in North Kivu and Museveni needs their cooperation if he is to check Rwanda's advance.

During his recent one day trip to Angola for the Great Lakes region Quadripartite summit, Museveni realized that both Angola and DRC were in deep alliance with Kigali. He immediately called President Magufuli and requested to make a stopover on his way back. Museveni landed in Mwanza region for a meeting with President Magufuli. In Mwanza, the tribalist Museveni who strongly feels Tanzania's Lake Region's ethnic groups are alien to the rest of the coastal Swahili people, greeted the citizens of Chato in Runyankole:

“Nimumanya Orunyankole? Nimurara muta? [do you understand Runyankole? How are you?”
Speaking in Swahili, Museveni told them he had gone to Tanzania to pay pilgrimage. “While Christians go to Rome, Muslims to Mecca, I come to Tanzania as my pilgrimage. It is like a home to me,” Museveni told Magufuli.
On his part, President Magufuli thanked Museveni for the visit.
“We are brothers. President Museveni has a great attachment to this place historically. Our nations also have a long history. Most recently when president Nyererere helped Uganda to overthrow Amin’s regime,” said the Tanzanian leader.
President Magufuli also thanked his counterpart for rendering ‘so much’ help to Tanzania from time to time, including most recently when he helped treat Mama Miria Nyerere in Uganda, and also chartering an aircraft for her back home.

The ever determined and resilient Kigali has reacted by replacing its civilian Ambassador to Tanzania with Gen. Karamba who has been the Chief Of Staff of the RDF. The appointment is in regard to the militarily strategic diplomatic relations with Tanzania in the face of its ongoing standoff with both Uganda and Burundi. Tanzania is enjoying and reaping big from increased traffic on the Kigali-Rusumo-DarEsSalaam trade troute following the closure of the Uganda-Rwanda border. Even if Tanzania does not dance to his tune, Museveni can't take the oil pipeline back to Kenya. Otherwise, by continuing to defy Museveni's desperate attempts at manipulation, Tanzania has nothing to loose.


Friday, 12 July 2019

UGANDA: But why Banyankole and not Karamojong!!!


CHANGE OF GUARDS - The issue of Banyankole has dominated Uganda's social, economic and political stage for three decades now without fading.  Its origin can be traced from the new political order that was established in 1986 under Museveni.  Initially it was referred to as Banyarwanda but when the RPF left for Rwanda, it became a question of Westerners.  It has now been narrowed down to the Banyankole and is threatening to reach its boiling point.  From the historical domination of the security forces and government departments/agencies to control of the economy, some Ugandans have continued to raise questions without getting answers save for accusations of promoting sectarianism.  The new trend of complaints is focused on violent crime that is also taking a tribal route.  But do the majority of Ugandans understand who are these Banyankole?  Ugandans from West Nile, Northern and Eastern regions identify Banyankole as light skinned people from Western Uganda.  They derogatorily pronounce them as Nyankole while the Baganda call them Banyankole or derogatorily, Basheshe.

Almost three years ago, following the Akena shooting saga by Kanyamunyu, we analysed Banyankole issue as below: 

Thursday, 8 December 2016
at 11:21
Ever since Museveni took over power there has been talk of his Banyankole ethnic group dominating government and its accompanying economic benefits.  Initially it was talk about westerners’ domination but of recent it has been zoomed and focused on particularly the
Banyankole.  The magnitude of the problem was clearly manifested in the Akena shooting when the matter took ethnic dimensions. It is worth noting that even the Newspaper that ran a headline; MUNYANKOLE TYCOON SHOOTS DEAD AN ACHOLI was not reprimanded.  Because of the growing animosity towards the Banyankole, the incident that followed whereby the bodyguard of Maj. Juma Seiko shot dead two people did not attract much public attention the same way the Akena one was treated.

The Banyankole is an ethnic group in western Uganda that occupy a vast area that stretches from Kazinga Channel at the border with Kasese downwards to the border with Tanzania and Rwanda. This is the area for the former Ankole Kingdom that was comprised of the counties of Bunyaruguru, Igara, Buhweju, Shema, Ibanda, Kashari, Nyabushozi,
Rwampara, Ruhaama, Rushenyi, and Isingiro. It is these counties that have evolved into the current districts of Rubirizi, Bushenyi, Mitooma, Buhweju, Ntungamo, Mbarara, Isingiro and Kiruhura.  The Banyankole are comprised of the Bahima cattle keepers and the Biru cultivators. The majority Biru who are about 75% have remained in their traditional strongholds within Ankole with the nucleus in Bushenyi. On their part, the Bahima have strayed from their stronghold in Nyabushozi and the patches in Ntungamo, Kashari and Ibanda and strayed into areas of Sembabule, Mubende, Rakai, Kiboga and Luweero in Buganda and parts of Bunyoro and even crossed the Nile in search of pasture.

During the kingdom era, the institution was owned by the Bahima and their Bahinda clan. The majority Biru were treated as a socially inferior class and dominated by the superior Bahima. As the term suggests, Biru were some kind of slaves with slavery roles in the kingdom. Intermarriage was and still is considered a social disgrace by the Bahima and if at all it ever takes place, it is treated as socially invalid. To maintain their military superiority and avert rebellion, the Biru were restricted from enlisting into the Kingdom's army.  It is only during attacks from the neighboring Kingdom of Rwanda that at a local level local chiefs would enlist the services of Biru into the army. With the advent of colonialism and modern religion, the Bahima exclusively embraced the Anglican faith while the Biru embraced both Catholic and Anglican faiths with a small number converting to the Islamic faith. Ankole absorbed quite a number of Rwandese immigrants during the last century who mainly got assimilated with their cousins, the Bahima.

It is alleged that the Ankole Kingdom administration would deny bursaries to the Biru and Catholics but they benefitted from the free education provided by the Catholic church. During the struggle for independence, both the Biru and Bahima predominantly embraced the Uganda Peoples' Congress (UPC). When Kingdoms were abolished in 1966, the Biru embraced modern farming and higher education while the Bahima got stuck in nomadism. When Obote was overthrown by Iddi Amin in 1971, a number of Biru politicians embraced the struggle against the Iddi Amin regime.  That is why upon return from exile in 1980, former President Obote landed in the Bairu stronghold of Bushenyi and the venue became the venue for the National Heroes Day. As Minister of Defence of the post Amin, UNLF government, Museveni had a hard time in
establishing his personal army owing to the discouragement of Biru young men from joining him by prominent UPC Biru politicians like Chris Rwakasisi and Rurangaranga.

When Museveni contested for the presidency in 1980 under his UPM, he suffered a terrible defeat by DP even his own Bahima rejected him in preference for DP's Sam Kutesa for the parliamentary seat. The so called Obote army, UNLA had a sizable number of Biru soldiers at the time Museveni took to the bush in 1981.  Museveni took with him a number of Biru soldiers and politicians.  The likes of Otafiire, Mushega, Sam Katabarwa, Kategaya, Muntu, Fred Bamwesigye, Chihandae, Aine, Kanyankole, and many others participated in his bush war.

However, on top of being discriminated, Museveni, like has been the case with the Ankole Kingdom, systematically curtailed Biru domination and influence. Because of the western front, by the time he captured power in January 1986, the number of Biru in the NRA by far exceeded that of the Bahima in the lower echelons.  This swell in strength of the Biru was the cause of problems for Brig. Tadeo Kanyankole.  Soon after, the purge of Biru senior officers saw the like of Brig. Bamwesigye, Gen. Maruru, Col. Kashilingi, Col. Besigye, Col. Chihandae, Col. Aine fall victim. The two top commanders who persisted, Gen. Muntu and Gen. Ivan Koreta were also to have their dose much later.

Also, upon taking over power in 1986 a number of Biru politicians were incorporated into the political wing and the intelligence services.  Several have since time in memorial dominated the positions of District Commissioners, cabinet and parastatal heads.  A good number of them have sustained the mid cadre army command positions and intelligence services (CMI and ISO). However, there are some no go areas for the Biru i.e. State House and the elite SFC.  Among the top torturers at CMI that is headed by another top Mwiru officer, Brig. Charles Bakahumura, are Biru officers like Col. Mwesigwa, Capt. Joseph Kamusiime, Caleb Kamugisha, Eriphaz Katenesi, Byamukama and a few others.
Museveni refused to reinstate the Ankole Kingdom for fear that his being a commoner would lose influence among the Bahima but also to appease the politically strategic majority Biru. Among the Biru prominent politicians and eminent people associated with Museveni are Kategaya,
Kanyomozi, Bonny Katatumba, Col. Shaban Batariza, Prof. Baryamureba, Kamuntu, Mushega, Otafiire, Basajjabalaba, Rurangaranga, Tiberondwa, Rwakasisi, Matembe, Rukutana, Bitature, Guma Gumisiriza, Bart Katurebe, Kabwegyere, Karoro, Okurut and a few others.

Despite his appeasement policy, the divisions between Biru and Bahima keep deepening.  The Biru who settled into Bahima strongholds in Nyabushozi, Kashari, Ntungamo and Ibanda still face the old discriminatory treatment from their hosts. Much as they voluntarily help the Bahima with domestic chores for pay, grow crops that they sell to the Bahima and carry out trade in commercial centres, they are still treated as a socially inferior lot.  It is worse during general elections where the Biru in predominantly Hima territories tend to be supporting the opposition and they are brutally disfranchised. During the last election campaigns, they were caught on camera lamenting to the opposition thus "...... Immediately you leave, they are going to resume beating us". The situation is further confusing whereby a significant number of police commanders that are brutally defending the regime are Biru officers.

Just yesterday, the former DPC of Old Kampala, Joram Mwesigye who is undergoing a sham trial for brutally breaking the spine of a Journalist, told court thus: ".... others turned it tribal, with some people attacking me for being a Munyankole and that we take ourselves to be a superior tribe". He went ahead to lament that despite his distinguished service to the nation 'they' had paid him through turning against him and prosecuting him.  Asuman Mugyenyi who led the recent massacre of more that 100 Bakonjo people in Kasese is a Mwiru from Shema.

Of recent Museveni is trying to counter balance the number of Biru in the police by bringing in Bahima and Tutsi from Kisoro.
Like other Ugandans, many majority Biru and the minority Bahima have suffered Museveni's mismanagement. A few elite Biru and Bahima have sustained the regime though Museveni tends to align more with the later. A number of Biru have directly borne the brunt of the regime for their support for the opposition.  Museveni has tended to align more with the Bahororo from Kebisoni and Buyanja in Rukungiri, most recent the Bafumbira courtesy of Gen. Kayihura and until recently some Bakiga from Kabale.  The current resurgence of Bafumbira is brewing friction with the Bahima over positions in the regime.

In April 2012, while addressing a regional symposium in Kampala, Museveni dismissed talk of an inherent conflict between Biru and Bahima in Ankole and the existence of a conspiracy for the creation of a Tutsi/Hima empire. For a Muhima, anyone who is not a Muhima, Tutsi, Musongora or Mutuku, is a Mwiru. This is what the rest of the country view collectively as
the Banyankole. Therefore, the biggest concentration of political power by Museveni has been around his family, friends, in-laws and a few associates.
From the aforegoing, it can be authoritatively argued that the issue is not Banyankole but the armed oppressors who are bent on brutally suppressing the helpless oppressed.  Admittedly, though by design most of them come from Ankole region.  In the same regard, it won't be surprising to learn that the Banyankole are among the top victims of the armed oppressor. 
Therefore, its the chief oppressor who is playing mind games on Ugandans so that they shift the blame to the Banyankole as an ethnic entity.