In 2000 Zimbabwe's Mugabe
abandoned the market led economy for a programme of state-led economic
transformation termed "the Third Chimurenga' that led to the seizure of
White owned commercial farms most of which were given to the Liberation War
veterans. He went ahead to 'Africanize
the economy' by seconding both serving and retired security officers into
managerial positions in state enterprises and parastatals. Security officers became managers, CEOs,
shareholders and labourers in these state entities. Such secondment provided opportunities for top
security officers to increase their personal wealth in return for loyalty.
At hand was the business arm of
the army, the Zimbabwe Defence Industries (ZDI) that had been established in
1984 to produce clothing, small arms and ammunitions and mechanical workshops
for military hardwares. Then came
another business arm, OSLEG that had been established in 1998, and it entered
into joint venture with Congolese companies for mineral exploitation in the
Congo. Another company Defence company,
SICEBO entered into joint venture with the Congolese government logging
concessions in DRC's Katanga region.
SINO Zimbabwe owned by top members of the military together with a Hong
Kong business tycoon, San Pa ventured into diamond mining, cotton, and property
sectors. ZDI and Zimbabwe Mining
Development Corporation also entered into a joint venture and have since the
early 2000 been dominating mining of diamonds in Marangwe.
As the opposition MDC threatened
to wrestle power from Mugabe's ZANU-PF by winning both the March 2008
Presidential and parliamentary elections, the army moved in and ordered a delay
in announcement of results. In the
process, doctoring of results denied MDC outright win (47% against ZANU-PF's
43%) in the presidential elections prompting a run off in June of that same
year. Between March and June, the
security forces embarked on a nationwide violence campaign aimed at destruction
of MDC structures. Arbitrary arrests,
detentions, torture, maiming, and destruction of property characterized the
Violent campaign. MDC pulled out of the
race leaving Mugabe and his ZANU-PF to hold into power. Since then the military openly asserted its
authority and assumed the role of managing the country. Obviously with no managerial skills,
Zimbabwe’s economy collapsed.
Therefore, the top security
officials became some kind of secucrats by controlling and managing a large
business empire thus increasing their leverage over various organs of the
state, the economy and ZANU-PF structures as well as the legislature. It is against this background that last month
these secucrats moved to reassert the status quo by pushing Robert Mugabe into
'early retirement'. See one of our
articles titled; "WHY ZANU-PF'S ARMED WING NEVER OVERTHREW MUGABE"
dated 22nd November 2017.
Similarly, Uganda's military
dictator, Museveni has for decades been systematically drawing the military
into the management of the economy.
First it was the establishment of the business arm of the army, National
Enterprises Corporation (NEC). It
ventured into military industries (NEC industries in Luwero), mining of lime in
Dura (NECLIME), mixed farming ranches in Kisozi and crop husbandry in
Kiryandongo, pharmaceutical production (NEC Pharmaceuticals), hospitality
(NECTARINE) and others. The venture was
rundown and swept clean whereby Museveni ran off with the Kisozi ranch. The NRM also attempted to manage DANZE but it
was also run down.
It was until around 2013 when
Gen. Ssejusa fled to exile and threatened to dislodge Museveni by military
means that Museveni moved very fast to mobilize former war veterans in the
Luwero Triangle. He assigned his brother
Gen. Saleh to oversee the operation who in turn demarcated the former Luwero
Triangle into 43 Zones where he deployed retired army officers for purposes of
'wealth creation' dubbed Operation Wealth Creation (OWC). Shortly after Museveni took over the National
Agriculture Advisory Service (NAADS) from the Ministry of Agriculture and
placed it in the hands of his brother's OWC.
He went ahead and seconded an initial batch of 300 active army officers
to the OWC. After these officers had
been taken through a two weeks agricultural seminar by Makerere University's
Faculty of Agriculture they were deployed in 238 constituencies to manage
agricultural extension services under OWC/NAADS. The scheme has been allocated more money and
facilities than the Ministry of Agriculture.
As a result, there is a general
outcry in the countryside over OWC's failure as evidenced by the recent
widespread food scarcity. For Museveni,
the scheme is a success story as army officers whom he fears to retire are
contained while at the same time the scheme opened the door for retiring of
others since OWC now acts as the reception for retiring army officers. Museveni is now planning to increase OWC's
annual budget to hit over one trillion shillings. It is against this background that a few days
ago Gen. Charles Angina, the Deputy Chairman of OWC disclosed that Museveni is
considering deploying the army to the mining sector.
He said; "OWC will not only
end at Agriculture, we shall also engage in other activities in mineral
exploitation to help kick out poverty from Uganda. We were entrusted to come from the military
to create wealth and with all those unexploited minerals, we shall deliver as
directed." In Zimbabwe, the army
failed the economy but kept Mugabe in power and in Uganda the army is
systematically killing the economy but it is succeeding as the custodian of
Museveni's life presidency scheme. It is
actively in agriculture, fisheries, forestry, tourism and conservation, revenue
collection, urban law enforcement, land grabbing, provision of health care,
criminal investigations, adjudication of civilian non-military matters, markets,
trade disputes resolution, public transport management construction, capital
investments etc.
INFORMATION IS POWER AND DEFIANCE
IS THE WAY TO GO

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