BEHIND THE ARREST WARRANT FOR BURUNDI'S PIERRE BUYOYA
ETHNIC COMPOSITION
In Burundi the majority Hutu are 86% while the minority Tutsi are 14% and the Twa are less than 1%. The Tutsi ethnic class is subdivided into the Banyaruguru and the Bahima. Because Burundi lies along the western rift valley, some of its provinces including the capital Bujumbura are located in the lowlands while much of the rest of the country is in the highlands. The Tutsi from the highlands are known as the Banyaruguru while those from the lowlands especially in Bururi are the Bahima. During the monarchy, the King was obliged to choose a wife from the Banyaruguru Tutsi of Muramvya (the seat of the monarchy) and he was not supposed to pick a wife from among the Bahima.
In Burundi the majority Hutu are 86% while the minority Tutsi are 14% and the Twa are less than 1%. The Tutsi ethnic class is subdivided into the Banyaruguru and the Bahima. Because Burundi lies along the western rift valley, some of its provinces including the capital Bujumbura are located in the lowlands while much of the rest of the country is in the highlands. The Tutsi from the highlands are known as the Banyaruguru while those from the lowlands especially in Bururi are the Bahima. During the monarchy, the King was obliged to choose a wife from the Banyaruguru Tutsi of Muramvya (the seat of the monarchy) and he was not supposed to pick a wife from among the Bahima.
THE MONARCHY, BAHIMA AND COLONIALISM
The monarchy was headed by the royal Baganwa who are regarded as being neither Tutsi nor Hutus. That is how unlike Rwanda, in Burundi the kingdom was a uniting factor. The Bahima have a sub-class called the Basapfu who regard themselves as neither Hima nor Banyaruguru. Legend has it that at one time the King wanted to have all Bahima killed but one boy escaped and hid in the reeds (sapfu). When he was discovered, he was brought to the court and placed under the protection of the King who named him Musapfu thus his descendants came to be known as the Basapfu. The Basapfu allied with the German colonialists to tame the kingdom which was resisting colonialism. The German colonialists instigated a rebellion against the King and he had to give in. In return, the King and the other local Bahima leaders helped the colonialists to extract taxes and forced labour.
The monarchy was headed by the royal Baganwa who are regarded as being neither Tutsi nor Hutus. That is how unlike Rwanda, in Burundi the kingdom was a uniting factor. The Bahima have a sub-class called the Basapfu who regard themselves as neither Hima nor Banyaruguru. Legend has it that at one time the King wanted to have all Bahima killed but one boy escaped and hid in the reeds (sapfu). When he was discovered, he was brought to the court and placed under the protection of the King who named him Musapfu thus his descendants came to be known as the Basapfu. The Basapfu allied with the German colonialists to tame the kingdom which was resisting colonialism. The German colonialists instigated a rebellion against the King and he had to give in. In return, the King and the other local Bahima leaders helped the colonialists to extract taxes and forced labour.
IMPACT OF THE 1959 RWANDESE HUTU REVOLUTION ON BURUNDI
Following the revolution in Rwanda in 1959 in which the Hutu overthrew the Tutsi monarchy, many Rwandese Tutsi fled to Burundi. Once in Burundi, they made close alliances with the minority but politically dominant Burundi Tutsi. The Burundi Hutu wanted to get rid of Tutsi dominance the same way their Rwandese counterparts had done. The January 1965 assassination of Prime Minister Pierre Ngendàndumwe by suspected Tutsi extremists sparked off ethnic tensions. In October 1965, the Hutu dominated Police force under Antoine Serukwavu backed a Hutu politician Gervais Nyangoma in an attempted coup. Tutsi civilians were massacred but the coup was reversed by the predominantly Tutsi army led by Captain Michael Mucombero - a young Muhima army officer from Bururi who was the Minister of Defence.
Following the revolution in Rwanda in 1959 in which the Hutu overthrew the Tutsi monarchy, many Rwandese Tutsi fled to Burundi. Once in Burundi, they made close alliances with the minority but politically dominant Burundi Tutsi. The Burundi Hutu wanted to get rid of Tutsi dominance the same way their Rwandese counterparts had done. The January 1965 assassination of Prime Minister Pierre Ngendàndumwe by suspected Tutsi extremists sparked off ethnic tensions. In October 1965, the Hutu dominated Police force under Antoine Serukwavu backed a Hutu politician Gervais Nyangoma in an attempted coup. Tutsi civilians were massacred but the coup was reversed by the predominantly Tutsi army led by Captain Michael Mucombero - a young Muhima army officer from Bururi who was the Minister of Defence.
BIRTH OF A REPUBLIC
In November 1966, the same Minister of Defence, Captain Mucombero took over government through a military coup. He abolished the monarchy, declared a republic and went on to build a Hima hegemony that was to run Burundi for the next three decades. A new military regime led by Tutsi officers established a policy of discrimination against Hutu and any attempt to rebel by Hutu resulted in widespread massacre of Hutu.
In November 1966, the same Minister of Defence, Captain Mucombero took over government through a military coup. He abolished the monarchy, declared a republic and went on to build a Hima hegemony that was to run Burundi for the next three decades. A new military regime led by Tutsi officers established a policy of discrimination against Hutu and any attempt to rebel by Hutu resulted in widespread massacre of Hutu.
BAHIMA RULE BURUNDI
During that period all the three successive presidents were Bahima from Bururi province, the military commanded by exclusively Hima from Bururi province took a central role in running the affairs of the state, all Hutu and to some extent moderate Tutsi of the Banyaruguru sub-class were excluded from the affairs of state more especially the military. Any form of dissent by the Hutu and moderate Tutsi was met with brutal force that left thousands dead while tens of thousands were displaced into exile.
During that period all the three successive presidents were Bahima from Bururi province, the military commanded by exclusively Hima from Bururi province took a central role in running the affairs of the state, all Hutu and to some extent moderate Tutsi of the Banyaruguru sub-class were excluded from the affairs of state more especially the military. Any form of dissent by the Hutu and moderate Tutsi was met with brutal force that left thousands dead while tens of thousands were displaced into exile.
ELIMINATION OF HUTU
In 1969, following a foiled coup attempt, over 50,000 Hutu were massacred and the entire cream of Hutu in leadership positions were executed. In 1971, there was a split within Burundi's military and the resultant attempted military coup. This prompted the Hima President Mucombero to convene a military court martial that tried and executed nine senior military officers and life imprisonment of eleven others - all from the Banyaruguru Tutsi sub-class. He appointed his Bahima ethnic group from Buruli region in military and government positions. Attacks against Hutu intensified and since then it became an OPEN secret that Hutu had no place in the security forces.
In 1969, following a foiled coup attempt, over 50,000 Hutu were massacred and the entire cream of Hutu in leadership positions were executed. In 1971, there was a split within Burundi's military and the resultant attempted military coup. This prompted the Hima President Mucombero to convene a military court martial that tried and executed nine senior military officers and life imprisonment of eleven others - all from the Banyaruguru Tutsi sub-class. He appointed his Bahima ethnic group from Buruli region in military and government positions. Attacks against Hutu intensified and since then it became an OPEN secret that Hutu had no place in the security forces.
HUTU REBEL
In April 1972 a group of Hutu rebels organised from Tanzania attacked the Bahima southern stronghold of Bururi along the 70 km stretch of Lake Tanganyika up the southern area of Nyanza Lake. They indiscriminately killed Tutsi and Hutu who did not join hands with them. These Hutu rebels declared the area as an independent Republic of Martyazo. The night before the attack, Muchombero had executed King Ntare V. Over one thousand Tutsi were massacred and the the Bahima dominated military regime exploited this development to make radical changes in governance. He appointed his most trusted Minister of Foreign Affairs, Artemon Simbananiye to the Minister of Internal affairs. In May, Simbananiye coordinated a systematic massacre of Hutu throughout the country. With the help of the extremist UPRONA militant youths under their umbrella organisation, Jeunesses Revolutionaires Rwagasore (JRR) they helped to provide information to the military of all Hutu students in schools and University and Hutu members of JRR for massacre. The rebellion was contained but Tutsi officers continued to be executed by their Hutu subordinates. Truckloads of Hutu students, soldiers, police officers, teachers and public servants would head for killing grounds.
By end of August, over 200,000 Hutus had been killed and tens of thousands had fled to neighbouring countries especially Congo and Tanzania. No elite/educated Hutu remained in Burundi thus paving the way for the next 20 years of minority Tutsi domination of every aspect of life.
In April 1972 a group of Hutu rebels organised from Tanzania attacked the Bahima southern stronghold of Bururi along the 70 km stretch of Lake Tanganyika up the southern area of Nyanza Lake. They indiscriminately killed Tutsi and Hutu who did not join hands with them. These Hutu rebels declared the area as an independent Republic of Martyazo. The night before the attack, Muchombero had executed King Ntare V. Over one thousand Tutsi were massacred and the the Bahima dominated military regime exploited this development to make radical changes in governance. He appointed his most trusted Minister of Foreign Affairs, Artemon Simbananiye to the Minister of Internal affairs. In May, Simbananiye coordinated a systematic massacre of Hutu throughout the country. With the help of the extremist UPRONA militant youths under their umbrella organisation, Jeunesses Revolutionaires Rwagasore (JRR) they helped to provide information to the military of all Hutu students in schools and University and Hutu members of JRR for massacre. The rebellion was contained but Tutsi officers continued to be executed by their Hutu subordinates. Truckloads of Hutu students, soldiers, police officers, teachers and public servants would head for killing grounds.
By end of August, over 200,000 Hutus had been killed and tens of thousands had fled to neighbouring countries especially Congo and Tanzania. No elite/educated Hutu remained in Burundi thus paving the way for the next 20 years of minority Tutsi domination of every aspect of life.
BAGAZA TAKES OVER
1976 Mucombero was deposed by his own relative Col. Bagaza who had been the army's Deputy Chief of Staff. Mucombero fled to Somalia from where he died in 1983. During his reign, Bagaza helped then rebel leader Museveni in Uganda. Museveni's Tutsi dominated NRA could not seek help from the then Hutu government in Rwanda under Habyarimana. In 1987, Bagaza was overthrown by Maj Pierre Buyoya - another Muhima from Bururi Province. Bagaza fled to Uganda where he stayed till he returned to Burundi a decade later.
1976 Mucombero was deposed by his own relative Col. Bagaza who had been the army's Deputy Chief of Staff. Mucombero fled to Somalia from where he died in 1983. During his reign, Bagaza helped then rebel leader Museveni in Uganda. Museveni's Tutsi dominated NRA could not seek help from the then Hutu government in Rwanda under Habyarimana. In 1987, Bagaza was overthrown by Maj Pierre Buyoya - another Muhima from Bururi Province. Bagaza fled to Uganda where he stayed till he returned to Burundi a decade later.
BUYOYA TAKES OVER
Buyoya ruled with an iron hand amidst growing Hutu political agitation that witnessed the massacre of over 20,000 Hutu in 1988 in the northern region bordering with Rwanda. The Hutu Habyarimana regime in Rwanda had been the sanctuary of the fleeing Hutu from Burundi. In 1990 the Rwandese Tutsi exiles from Uganda invaded Rwanda and the Tutsi dominated regime of Burundi was at hand to offer all forms of help. Under pressure, Buyoya spearheaded the making of a new constitution that gave way to power sharing arrangements through general elections.
Buyoya ruled with an iron hand amidst growing Hutu political agitation that witnessed the massacre of over 20,000 Hutu in 1988 in the northern region bordering with Rwanda. The Hutu Habyarimana regime in Rwanda had been the sanctuary of the fleeing Hutu from Burundi. In 1990 the Rwandese Tutsi exiles from Uganda invaded Rwanda and the Tutsi dominated regime of Burundi was at hand to offer all forms of help. Under pressure, Buyoya spearheaded the making of a new constitution that gave way to power sharing arrangements through general elections.
HUTU WIN ELECTIONS
In 1990 a group of Hutu militants headed by Melchoir Ndadaye - a young bank employee who had returned three months earlier from exile in Rwanda, created the Front for Democracy in Burundi (FRODEBU). On 1st June 1993 over 97% of the 2,360,096 registered voters went to the polls for the first democratic presidential elections in Burundi. Ndadaye got 64.79% against the incumbent Tutsi President Maj. Buyoya's 32.47%. The majority Hutu had spoken loudly and for the first time in the history of Burundi, a Hutu had come to head the government. Tutsi students protested the results with a march through the streets chanting: "No to the victory of division! No to the victory of the unity charter". In the countryside, the Hutu peasantry took the FRODEBU victory as a personal victory over the "state" which was perceived by them as a Tutsi matter. In the Legislative elections that followed shortly after, FFRODEBU won with 76.40% against UPRONA's 21.86%. Eight of the 65 FRODEBU members were Tutsi while 12 of the 16 UPRONA members were Hutu. No doubt, the voting patterns clearly reflected a Hutu (FRDEBU) Vs Tutsi (UPRONA)
In 1990 a group of Hutu militants headed by Melchoir Ndadaye - a young bank employee who had returned three months earlier from exile in Rwanda, created the Front for Democracy in Burundi (FRODEBU). On 1st June 1993 over 97% of the 2,360,096 registered voters went to the polls for the first democratic presidential elections in Burundi. Ndadaye got 64.79% against the incumbent Tutsi President Maj. Buyoya's 32.47%. The majority Hutu had spoken loudly and for the first time in the history of Burundi, a Hutu had come to head the government. Tutsi students protested the results with a march through the streets chanting: "No to the victory of division! No to the victory of the unity charter". In the countryside, the Hutu peasantry took the FRODEBU victory as a personal victory over the "state" which was perceived by them as a Tutsi matter. In the Legislative elections that followed shortly after, FFRODEBU won with 76.40% against UPRONA's 21.86%. Eight of the 65 FRODEBU members were Tutsi while 12 of the 16 UPRONA members were Hutu. No doubt, the voting patterns clearly reflected a Hutu (FRDEBU) Vs Tutsi (UPRONA)
ATTEMPT AT RECONCILIATION
Immediately after elections, President Ndadaye embarked on a reconciliation and unity path. By July the country seemed to return to economic, administrative, and social reality in what seemed like a succcessful political transition. However, Ndadaye's victory had left a bitter after taste for the extremist ethnic factions. The first to act were the Tutsi extremist in the army. On 23rd July four days after legislative elections, elements of the 2nd Commando Battallion from Muha Barracks in Bujumbura tried to seize power by force. The plan was led by Lt. Col. Slyvester Ningaba who had been an ADC to defeated President Buyoya. The attempted coup was quickly stopped by another Officer Major Isaie Nibizi who managed to talk to the men out of joining the mutinous Officer. The reaction in the military circles was ambiguous. Many officers criticized Lt.Col Ningaba not for attempting a coup but for doing so with little serious planning. Many of the officer corps seemed to be paying only lip-service to democratic principles in spite of a clear verdict by the polls.
Immediately after elections, President Ndadaye embarked on a reconciliation and unity path. By July the country seemed to return to economic, administrative, and social reality in what seemed like a succcessful political transition. However, Ndadaye's victory had left a bitter after taste for the extremist ethnic factions. The first to act were the Tutsi extremist in the army. On 23rd July four days after legislative elections, elements of the 2nd Commando Battallion from Muha Barracks in Bujumbura tried to seize power by force. The plan was led by Lt. Col. Slyvester Ningaba who had been an ADC to defeated President Buyoya. The attempted coup was quickly stopped by another Officer Major Isaie Nibizi who managed to talk to the men out of joining the mutinous Officer. The reaction in the military circles was ambiguous. Many officers criticized Lt.Col Ningaba not for attempting a coup but for doing so with little serious planning. Many of the officer corps seemed to be paying only lip-service to democratic principles in spite of a clear verdict by the polls.
CAN A HUTU RULE?
The feeling was clearly racist in tone: Those people (meaning Hutu) were described as not being capable of actually governing the country.
Unfortunately the criticism was not entirely devoid of merit even if its basis had nothing to do with 'race'. FRODEBU cadres were largely inexperienced for the simple reason that firstly, there had always been a marked anti-Hutu bias in the civil service recruitment and secondly, the 1972 massacre had achieved its purpose by decimating the Hutu elite. The result was that many of the newly nominated FRODEBU administrators at the regional level, and many of their men now entering the central government administration were tragically incompetent. This was at the moment when the Hutu peasantry were expecting wonders from them and many in the Tutsi administration were discreetly doing their best to complicate their work in the hope of seeing them fail. Furthermore the FRODEBU were prompted to adopt to a quick changeover from the old personnel to the new by the feeling of having to deal with an enormous backlog of discrimination and the fear of disappointing their electorate (Hutu).
The feeling was clearly racist in tone: Those people (meaning Hutu) were described as not being capable of actually governing the country.
Unfortunately the criticism was not entirely devoid of merit even if its basis had nothing to do with 'race'. FRODEBU cadres were largely inexperienced for the simple reason that firstly, there had always been a marked anti-Hutu bias in the civil service recruitment and secondly, the 1972 massacre had achieved its purpose by decimating the Hutu elite. The result was that many of the newly nominated FRODEBU administrators at the regional level, and many of their men now entering the central government administration were tragically incompetent. This was at the moment when the Hutu peasantry were expecting wonders from them and many in the Tutsi administration were discreetly doing their best to complicate their work in the hope of seeing them fail. Furthermore the FRODEBU were prompted to adopt to a quick changeover from the old personnel to the new by the feeling of having to deal with an enormous backlog of discrimination and the fear of disappointing their electorate (Hutu).
GRABBING OF LAND AND PROPERTY OF EXILES
One of the main problems was the question of the refugees, most of whom had been living in Tanzania since the events of 1972 although smaller groups had fled in 1988 and 1991 to Rwanda, were watching the situation in the hope of being able to return home.. Ndadaye in his swearing in speech had appealed to those refugees to return home. This rang danger bells for the Tutsi minority who had taken over the land and property left behind by those returning refugees when they fled. A new cabinet had been announced on 10th July led by Slyvie Kinigi - a liberal female Tutsi UPRONA member. It was ethnically and politically balanced. It immediately drew fire from the Hutu extremists who had hoped for a "radical" Hutu cabinet and found the new government much too moderate for their taste. An extremist Hutu leader - Cossan Kabuura threatened an armed attack on the capital if the Hutu did not get more cabinet posts and his guerrilla troops were not allowed to join the national army.
One of the main problems was the question of the refugees, most of whom had been living in Tanzania since the events of 1972 although smaller groups had fled in 1988 and 1991 to Rwanda, were watching the situation in the hope of being able to return home.. Ndadaye in his swearing in speech had appealed to those refugees to return home. This rang danger bells for the Tutsi minority who had taken over the land and property left behind by those returning refugees when they fled. A new cabinet had been announced on 10th July led by Slyvie Kinigi - a liberal female Tutsi UPRONA member. It was ethnically and politically balanced. It immediately drew fire from the Hutu extremists who had hoped for a "radical" Hutu cabinet and found the new government much too moderate for their taste. An extremist Hutu leader - Cossan Kabuura threatened an armed attack on the capital if the Hutu did not get more cabinet posts and his guerrilla troops were not allowed to join the national army.
NDADAYE PLEDGES NOT TO INTERFERE WTH THE TUTSI ARMY
President Ndadaye was very anxious to reassure the Tutsi army and declared that no officer would be dismissed from the force. The Tutsi extremist remained unconvinced; they knew there were plans to 'open up' the army to Hutu recruitment and that President Ndadaye was discreetly arranging for his own (Hutu) presidential guards to be formed. Government was functioning according to the principle of shared power but this really worked only at the highest government levels. The expectations of the Hutu electorates were too great and in order to try to satisfy them, all the lower and regional administration were being solidly 'FRODEBU-sed' with uneven results. The question of return of refugees gave public debate a rather heated tone. In late August, the Refugee Commission admitted the principle according to which land illegally acquired during the last 20 years could be open to legal proceedings to ensure restitution to its rightful owners.
President Ndadaye was very anxious to reassure the Tutsi army and declared that no officer would be dismissed from the force. The Tutsi extremist remained unconvinced; they knew there were plans to 'open up' the army to Hutu recruitment and that President Ndadaye was discreetly arranging for his own (Hutu) presidential guards to be formed. Government was functioning according to the principle of shared power but this really worked only at the highest government levels. The expectations of the Hutu electorates were too great and in order to try to satisfy them, all the lower and regional administration were being solidly 'FRODEBU-sed' with uneven results. The question of return of refugees gave public debate a rather heated tone. In late August, the Refugee Commission admitted the principle according to which land illegally acquired during the last 20 years could be open to legal proceedings to ensure restitution to its rightful owners.
TUTSI WORRIED ABOUT CHANGES
Thus the political situation was tense, but not overly so. This kind of debate seemed unavoidable with the advent of such great and radical social changes. Former President Buyoya's moderation coupled by President Ndadaye's obvious goodwill seemed to guarantee a basic framework of political reason in which the experiment had its own chance of developing peacefully. This is why when on the evening of 20th October President Ndadaye was warned by his Defense Minister Lt.Col Charles Nditije of the possibility of a coup during the night, he didn't seem worried. Major Isaie Nibizi the officer who had foiled the 3rd July attempted coup and who had been made the head of the Presidential Security, only took minimal precautions.
Thus the political situation was tense, but not overly so. This kind of debate seemed unavoidable with the advent of such great and radical social changes. Former President Buyoya's moderation coupled by President Ndadaye's obvious goodwill seemed to guarantee a basic framework of political reason in which the experiment had its own chance of developing peacefully. This is why when on the evening of 20th October President Ndadaye was warned by his Defense Minister Lt.Col Charles Nditije of the possibility of a coup during the night, he didn't seem worried. Major Isaie Nibizi the officer who had foiled the 3rd July attempted coup and who had been made the head of the Presidential Security, only took minimal precautions.
NDADAYE TAKEN HOSTAGE
At midnight, elements of the 11th Armored Battalion came out of their barracks and moved towards the Presidential Palace. When Major Nibizi ordered his troops to take defensive positions in order to stop the advancing mutineers from penetrating the Presidential Palace, they obeyed reluctantly. Elsewhere in town, elements of the 11th Battalion and Gendarmes all under the command of a low ranking officer Lt. Jean Paul Kamana were firing in the air. At 1.30 a.m Lt. Col Nditije who was not present in the palace, advised the President by telephone to climb into an Armored Personnel Carrier (APC). He complied and the APC remained parked in the palace compound with the President inside. Finally at 6.00 a.m the APC driver was ordered by an unknown officer to drive to Muha barracks 'where the President would be safe'.
NDADAYE IS SLAUGGTERED
Army Chief of Staff Col John Bikomagu was present at Muha barracks. He briefly talked with the President as he emerged from the APC and assured him everything would be alright. The puchists had by this time arrested the President of the National Assembly Pontien Karibwami and taken him to Muha Barracks. Col John Bikomagu then walked away from the barracks, apparently without leaving any orders. At 10.00 a.m Lt Jean Paul Kamana ordered the killing of President Ndadaye and Minister Karibwami and they were biyonated to death.
Army Chief of Staff Col John Bikomagu was present at Muha barracks. He briefly talked with the President as he emerged from the APC and assured him everything would be alright. The puchists had by this time arrested the President of the National Assembly Pontien Karibwami and taken him to Muha Barracks. Col John Bikomagu then walked away from the barracks, apparently without leaving any orders. At 10.00 a.m Lt Jean Paul Kamana ordered the killing of President Ndadaye and Minister Karibwami and they were biyonated to death.
THE ARMY ON RANPAGE
Meanwhile the rebellious soldiers rampaged the city killing the Minister of Territorial Administration Juvenal Ndayikeze, Gilles Bimazobute the Vice President of the National Assembly, and Richard Ndukumwami the head of the Secret Service. They missed the Foreign Affairs Minister Slyvester Ntibatubganya but killed his wife and a female visitor. The rebels had freed Lt Col Slyvester Ningaba the leader of the aborted July 2nd-3rd attempted coup. Public buildings had been occupied by mutineers and telephone lines cut off. Remnants of government took refuge in the French Embassy.
Meanwhile the rebellious soldiers rampaged the city killing the Minister of Territorial Administration Juvenal Ndayikeze, Gilles Bimazobute the Vice President of the National Assembly, and Richard Ndukumwami the head of the Secret Service. They missed the Foreign Affairs Minister Slyvester Ntibatubganya but killed his wife and a female visitor. The rebels had freed Lt Col Slyvester Ningaba the leader of the aborted July 2nd-3rd attempted coup. Public buildings had been occupied by mutineers and telephone lines cut off. Remnants of government took refuge in the French Embassy.
FAILED MILITARY COUP
A political Crisis Committee was put in place. It was headed by a UPRONA Hutu civilian Francois Ngeze who had been former President Buyoya's Minister of the Interior and assisted by 4 UPRONA members as Advisers ( Charles Mukasi, Jean Baptist Manwangari, Andre Kadege and Libere Bararunyeretse) but its usefulness remained vague. Instead, a military Crisis Committee headed by Chief of Staff Col John Bikomagu assisted by Lt Col Jean Bosco Darandagwe and Lt Col. Pascal Sibanduku operated separately from the Ngeze political committee. The USA, Germany, Belgium, France and the EU suspended economic aid while political parties and civil society condemned the coup.
A political Crisis Committee was put in place. It was headed by a UPRONA Hutu civilian Francois Ngeze who had been former President Buyoya's Minister of the Interior and assisted by 4 UPRONA members as Advisers ( Charles Mukasi, Jean Baptist Manwangari, Andre Kadege and Libere Bararunyeretse) but its usefulness remained vague. Instead, a military Crisis Committee headed by Chief of Staff Col John Bikomagu assisted by Lt Col Jean Bosco Darandagwe and Lt Col. Pascal Sibanduku operated separately from the Ngeze political committee. The USA, Germany, Belgium, France and the EU suspended economic aid while political parties and civil society condemned the coup.
On 23rd October Col John Bikomagu went on national radio and condemned the coup.
The coup collapsed but the mass killing of Tutsi had started as early as October 21st. Two days later when the army moved in to stop the killing, it immediately started its own indiscriminate killings of Hutu. The army regrouped Tutsi in towns, schools, and other public places and ensured their security. During electoral campaigns, Tutsi extremists had kept repeating that "a Hutu was not fit to rule Burundi". After the failed coup of 2nd - 3rd July, the Hutu extremists had started to prepare on their side and to arm the population in case something would be done against their President. The country descended into anarchy with both ethnic groups killing each other indiscriminately before over a million Hutu fled the country and started armed rebellion that lasted over a decade.
The coup collapsed but the mass killing of Tutsi had started as early as October 21st. Two days later when the army moved in to stop the killing, it immediately started its own indiscriminate killings of Hutu. The army regrouped Tutsi in towns, schools, and other public places and ensured their security. During electoral campaigns, Tutsi extremists had kept repeating that "a Hutu was not fit to rule Burundi". After the failed coup of 2nd - 3rd July, the Hutu extremists had started to prepare on their side and to arm the population in case something would be done against their President. The country descended into anarchy with both ethnic groups killing each other indiscriminately before over a million Hutu fled the country and started armed rebellion that lasted over a decade.
WHO KILLED NDADAYE?
It was widely believed that the coup attempt and assassination of Ndadaye had been masterminded by Buyoya and his Bahima Tutsi army officers under the command of Col Bikomagu. The assassin junior officers (including Lt Kamana) fled to Uganda and were sheltered by Museveni. Cyprien Ntaryamira was made the President but shortly after he died in a plane crash together with Rwanda's Habyarimana. The following year the rebel Tutsi RPF took over power in Rwanda sending millions of Hutu into Congo and Tanzania. For obvious reasons, they could not flee to the hostile Uganda and Rwanda.
It was widely believed that the coup attempt and assassination of Ndadaye had been masterminded by Buyoya and his Bahima Tutsi army officers under the command of Col Bikomagu. The assassin junior officers (including Lt Kamana) fled to Uganda and were sheltered by Museveni. Cyprien Ntaryamira was made the President but shortly after he died in a plane crash together with Rwanda's Habyarimana. The following year the rebel Tutsi RPF took over power in Rwanda sending millions of Hutu into Congo and Tanzania. For obvious reasons, they could not flee to the hostile Uganda and Rwanda.
HUTU TAKE OVER POWER
The exiled Hutu militants in Tanzania and to a lesser extent the Congo intensified their attacks against the Tutsi regime in Burundi. Internal civil strife continued unabetted. In July 1996, Major Pierre Buyoya with support from the Tutsi army seized power again from the interim President Sylvester Ntibatunganya amidst protests by Tutsi that the latter had failed to halt Hutu attacks against Tutsi. Mediated by regional leaders, in 2003 a peace deal was reached where current President Nkurunziza's rebel group CNDD-FDD took power in 2005.
The exiled Hutu militants in Tanzania and to a lesser extent the Congo intensified their attacks against the Tutsi regime in Burundi. Internal civil strife continued unabetted. In July 1996, Major Pierre Buyoya with support from the Tutsi army seized power again from the interim President Sylvester Ntibatunganya amidst protests by Tutsi that the latter had failed to halt Hutu attacks against Tutsi. Mediated by regional leaders, in 2003 a peace deal was reached where current President Nkurunziza's rebel group CNDD-FDD took power in 2005.
TIMING
It was and still is a belief that their own Ndadaye was killed on the orders of Buyoya and Bikomagu. It was and is still the wish of every Burundian Hutu, dead or alive that Buyoya be prosecuted.
It was and still is a belief that their own Ndadaye was killed on the orders of Buyoya and Bikomagu. It was and is still the wish of every Burundian Hutu, dead or alive that Buyoya be prosecuted.
President Nkurunziza and his colleagues have always been duty bound to bring justice to the majority Hutu. Since 2005, they could not make any move against Buyoya because he still had a bigger following in the national army. Fifteen years down the road, his traditionally loyal Tutsi officers have been phased out of the army thus Nkurunziza feels he can move against Buyoya without any serious repercussions.
In early August 2015 Nkurunziza's right hand man, Gen. Adolphe was assassinated and two weeks later former Army chief under Buyoya, Col. Bikomagu was also assassinated in what looked like revenge.
In early August 2015 Nkurunziza's right hand man, Gen. Adolphe was assassinated and two weeks later former Army chief under Buyoya, Col. Bikomagu was also assassinated in what looked like revenge.
Otherwise, the move is 100% popular among the majority Hutu thus Nkurunziza has scored.
However, to a lesser extent, there is a possibility that Nkurunziza got intelligence that Rwanda was conniving with Buyoya to cause regime change thus the preemptive move.
CONSEQUENCES
The minority Tutsi in Burundi more especially those who committed crimes or offended Hutu feel isolated and vulnerable. This situation draws them closer to the Tutsi regime of Rwanda thus further escalation of the already sour relations between Rwanda and Burundi.
The minority Tutsi in Burundi more especially those who committed crimes or offended Hutu feel isolated and vulnerable. This situation draws them closer to the Tutsi regime of Rwanda thus further escalation of the already sour relations between Rwanda and Burundi.
There isn't much Buyoya can do other than issuing of blackmail statements. However, the matter will likely split some of the EAC governments - Rwanda, Uganda and Tanzania.
INFORMATION IS POWER AND THE PROBLEM OF UGANDA IS MUSEVENISM
change of guards
change of guards
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